Saturday, October 09, 2004

The Economist: Pump Priming-Dear oil and subsidised petrol are hurting Asia's economies

Pump priming
Sep 30th 2004 BANGKOK AND JAKARTA
From The Economist print edition
Dear oil and subsidised petrol are hurting Asia's economies

THE high price of oil is taking a serious toll on Asia, in more ways than you might think. Inflation is already ticking up, from Mumbai to Manila. Interest rates are beginning to follow. Increased energy costs, the United Nations reckons, will shave a percentage point off the region's economic growth this year. The Asian Development Bank has just cut its growth forecasts for next year too. In some cases, the prognosis is truly dire: prices of $50 a barrel, if sustained throughout next year, will slash four percentage points off Thailand's growth rate, according to the bank's projections. Yet many Asian governments, including Thailand's, are making a bad situation worse by subsidising fuel prices.

The economies of Asia, like those of most developing countries, are oil-intensive. In other words, Asians consume more oil per unit of output than Europeans or even gas-guzzling Americans. Thailand and China, for example, use more than twice the rich-country average, while India burns through almost three times as much, according to the International Energy Agency. So they naturally suffer more when the oil price rises.

One reason Asian countries get through so much oil is that many of them subsidise it in one way or another. Since the beginning of the year, the Thai government has fixed the retail price of diesel at below market rates, at its own expense. Indonesia has long done the same for all types of petrol. In August, the Indian government cut excise and import taxes on oil, to add to the direct subsidies it already pays on liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) and kerosene. Malaysia, too, keeps petrol prices low through direct subsidies and tax breaks. The government of China sets discounted prices, but leaves it to refiners and distributors, which are largely state-owned, to absorb the shortfall.

Needless to say, all this costs a fortune. The Indonesian government originally planned to spend 14 trillion rupiah ($1.5 billion) on fuel subsidies this year. But as the oil price has risen, the bill has more than quadrupled, to 63 trillion rupiah. That is almost as much as Indonesia's total budget for development. In Malaysia, fuel subsidies and forgone taxes account for roughly half this year's budget deficit of 20 billion ringgit ($5.3 billion). Rating agencies have been muttering about the government's persistent deficits, yet it left the fuel subsidy intact in next year's budget too. India, another compulsive borrower, is spending $1.4 billion this year to subsidise kerosene and LPG alone. The government is also forgoing $540m in tax revenues on various fuels, while state-owned refiners and distributors must also have absorbed considerable costs that do not feature on the government's balance sheet.

Taxpayers, of course, will eventually foot all these bills. Meanwhile, growing public debt puts upward pressure on interest rates and reduces the capital available to more productive borrowers. In the long run, that could cause far more damage than high oil prices.

To make matters worse, artificially low prices encourage waste, along with all the concomitant costs in terms of pollution, traffic congestion and misallocated capital. Thaksin Shinawatra, Thailand's prime minister, claims he is determined to reduce his country's energy bills. To save electricity, he has asked shops to close early and that big buildings should switch off their flood-lights. Yet since January, he has capped the price of diesel—on which most Thai vehicles run—at about three-quarters of the market rate. Motorists, naturally enough, are buying more. Thailand's oil imports have duly surged in volume, as well as just price.

Higher import bills, in turn, have sent Thailand's trade balance into the red. That has depressed the baht, making imported fuel more expensive still, and feeding the inflation the subsidies are supposed to curb. Most Asian nations import at least some of their oil; of all the countries mentioned, only Malaysia is a net exporter. Indeed, Asia as a whole (excluding the Middle East, but including Central Asia) produces only 11% of the world's oil, but consumes about 21%. Oil alone accounts for almost a third of India's imports, for example. Admittedly, a healthy balance of payments and huge foreign-exchange reserves will allow most Asian countries to finance expensive oil imports for a long time to come. But there is no sense in increasing the burden unnecessarily.

Furthermore, most oil subsidies do not go to the people in whose name they are paid: the poor. Cheap petrol, for example, benefits most those who drive the biggest, most inefficient cars, namely the rich. The poorest have no motor vehicles at all. Indonesia effectively subsidises its richer neighbours, thanks to a roaring trade in smuggled petrol. Singapore does not allow locally registered vehicles to leave the country with less than three-quarters of a tank of gas, to prevent them from taking undue advantage of the subsidised stuff across the border in Malaysia. Even targeted subsidies can end up in the wrong hands. Many countries subsidise kerosene, since the poor often cook with it. But so do lots of well-to-do restaurateurs.

The biggest beneficiaries of oil subsidies are the politicians who use them as a crude vote-buying technique. Mr Thaksin has declared that diesel subsidies will remain in place until February, which also happens to be the month by which an election must be held. The previous Indian government did not allow any fuel price rises for five months prior to elections in April. The outgoing Indonesian government, too, put off planned price hikes this year. How unlucky, then, that a record year for oil prices also happened to be a record year for elections in Asia.

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