Showing posts with label principal agent problem. Show all posts
Showing posts with label principal agent problem. Show all posts

Monday, November 20, 2023

Escalating Systemic Risk: As Cash Reserves Plummeted, San Miguel’s 9M Debt Zoomed to an Astonishing Php 1.405 TRILLION!

 

In economics, things take longer to happen than you think they will, and then they happen faster than you thought they could― Rudiger Dornbusch 


In this issue 

 

Escalating Systemic Risk: As Cash Reserves Plummeted, San Miguel’s 9M Debt Zoomed to an Astonishing Php 1.405 TRILLION! 

I. The Public’s Blind Spot: San Miguel’s 9M Debt Zoomed to an Astonishing Php 1.405 TRILLION!  

II. San Miguel’s Worsening Liquidity Crunch! 

III. SMC’s Debt-in, Debt-out Dynamics: Mounting Signs of Hyman Minsky’s Ponzi Finance Dynamic in Motion 

IV. SMC’s Escalating Fragility: Intensifying Concentration and Counterparty Risks 

 

Escalating Systemic Risk: As Cash Reserves Plummeted, San Miguel’s 9M Debt Zoomed to an Astonishing Php 1.405 TRILLION! 

 

The public seems unaware that the published debt of one of the Philippines' largest listed firms, San Miguel, has skyrocketed into the stratosphere! Why this represents a systemic risk.

 

I. The Public’s Blind Spot: San Miguel’s 9M Debt Zoomed to an Astonishing Php 1.405 TRILLION!


Figure 1 


It was a surprise that this tweet on San Miguel's [PSE: SMC] debt had an explosive reach, interactions, and responses, given my tiny X (formerly Twitter) account (few followers).  

 

Except for comparing its nominal growth with SMC's free float market capitalization and my conclusion, "This won't end well," the tweet was mainly about facts and barely an analysis.   The Fintweet world seems astounded by the "new" information.   If my conjectures are accurate, this only exposed the public's blind spots on the escalating systemic fragilities.    

 

Why has the public been sucker punched?

 

SMC has openly published their debt conditions not only in their 17Q and 17As but, more importantly, in their "analyst briefing presentations."  


Yet, there have been barely any mentions of these in social media or discussions of the consensus experts.   Mainstream news has signified an echo chamber of corporate press releases fixating on the top and bottom lines (in percentages).   

 

Other than these, a deafening silence. Possible reasons: Selective attention? The Principal-Agent Problem? Shaping the Overton Window? 

 

II. San Miguel’s Worsening Liquidity Crunch! 

 

San Miguel reported a Php 31.187 billion net income in the three quarters of 2023.  That's 141% or Php 18.242 billion improvement from a year ago.   

 

Compared to the PSEi 30 peers, SMC generated the most income in % and pesos in Q3 2023, resulting in the second-best income growth in the last three quarters after JGS.  

Figure 2 


Interestingly, despite the so-called profit boom, SMC borrowed a whopping Php 68.2 billion in Q3 to send its debt level to a mind-boggling Php 1.405 TRILLION!  T-R-I-L-L-I-O-N!  (Figure 1, upper window) Of course, this hasn't been a strange dynamic to us

 

SMC has increased the pace of its quarterly borrowing growth in pesos.  It has borrowed over Php 50 billion in the last 5 of the six quarters!  

 

And yes, the 9M aggregate debt growth of Php 153.02 billion represents around 62% of SMC's free market float as of November 17th. 

 

Strikingly, Q3 borrowing exceeded the firm's 9M GROSS profits of Php 62.875 billion!  

 

And despite the profits and the borrowing, SMC's cash reserves plummeted by 18.7% or by Php 60.984 billion! 

 

As a result, current liabilities of Php 450 billion soared past cash reserves of Php 265 billion, which extrapolates to the widest deficit (Php 184.9 billion) ever!  (Figure 1, lower graph)

 

In short, like Metro Pacific, underneath the consensus talking points, SMC has been plagued by a developing liquidity crunch.   

 

III. SMC’s Debt-in, Debt-out Dynamics: Mounting Signs of Hyman Minsky’s Ponzi Finance Dynamic in Motion 

Figure 3 

 

SMC's interest expenses have recently soared, even as it dipped in Q3. 

 

Its quarterly share of gross margins has been on an uptrend since 2016. (Figure 3, topmost pane)

  

To be sure, BSP's recent rate hikes have worsened SMC's onus exhibited by the rising interest expense.  

 

But it isn't interest rates alone.  Rising debt levels are the biggest contributor to SMC's mounting debt burden. (Figure 3, middle and lower charts)

Figure 4 

 

SMC's FX exposure represents about half of its debt liabilities. (Figure 4, upper chart)

 

From SMC's Q3 17Q: "The increase in interest expense and other financing charges was mainly due to higher average loan balance of SMC and Petron coupled with higher interest rates."  

 

Though the net income (before interest and tax) bounce has lifted SMC's Interest Coverage Ratio (ICR) above the 1.5% threshold, the above numbers show why "EBIT" could be erroneous, and thus, the dubiety of the higher ICR. (Figure 4, lower graph)

 

Remember, Php 450 billion of 9M SMC's debt is due for payment within a year (current), while "net cash flows provided by operating activities accounted" for Php 142.450 billion during this "profit boom."  Aside from the current borrowing to bridge the current gap, if cash flows sink further, wouldn't this require even more borrowing? 

 

To be more precise, to survive, SMC requires continuous borrowings to fund this ever-widening gap, or it may eventually be required to sell its assets soon!  

 

And this dynamic, as we have repeatedly been pointing out, represents Hyman Minsky's "Ponzi finance." 

 

For Ponzi units, the cash flows from operations are not sufficient to fulfill either the repayment of principle or the interest due on outstanding debts by their cash flows from operations. Such units can sell assets or borrow. Borrowing to pay interest or selling assets to pay interest (and even dividends) on common stock lowers the equity of a unit, even as it increases liabilities and the prior commitment of future incomes. A unit that Ponzi finances lowers the margin of safety that it offers the holders of its debts. (Minsky, 1992) 

 

That is to say, the prospect of the BSP's lowering of interest rates will do little to ease or mitigate SMC's intensifying cash-flow stream predicament.  

 

IV. SMC’s Escalating Fragility: Intensifying Concentration and Counterparty Risks

 

And that's not all. 

 

It's also about escalating CONCENTRATION and CONTAGION risks. 

 

SMC accounted for 24% and 25% of the PSEi 30's 9M and Q3 gross revenues, 19.3% of 9M cash reserve, and 26.8% gross debt.   

 

SMC's 9M net debt growth of Php 153.019 billion signified the dominant majority or 71.82% of the PSEi 30's Php 213.07 trillion net debt growth!  Amazing.  

 

Figure 5


Here’s the kicker: SMC's Php 1.405 TRILLION debt represents a stunning 4.71% share of the BSP's Total Financial Resources at Php 29.855 trillion—which is at an ALL-TIME HIGH! (Figure 5)

 

Expressly, aside from the government, the financial system has vastly increased its exposure to SMC, which comes at the expense of more productive firms and which translates to savings/capital consumption. 

 

And the financial system's record exposure to SMC also raises systemic fragility.  That is to say, it is not only a problem of SMC but also a COUNTERPARTY risk.   

 

So, in addition to the expanded risks to SMC’s equity and bondholders, as Hyman Minsky theorized, other creditors, suppliers, employees, and the daisy chain or lattice network of firms doing business with SMC (directly and indirectly) may suffer from a creditor's "sudden stop."  

 

That being said, the buildup of SMC’s risks represents a non-linear, non-proportional, and asymmetrical feedback loop.  

 

Aside from political entrepreneurship, the BSP's easy money regime has fostered and nurtured SMC's privileged financial status, which increasingly depended on the expansion and recycling of credit.  As such, SMC has transformed into a "too big to fail" firm.   

 

When crunch time arrives, will the BSP (and) or Bureau of Treasury bailout SMC?  Or, will these agencies finance a bailout of it by a consortium of firms? 

 

How will these impact the economy and the capital markets? 


Stay tuned. 

 

____ 

References 

 

San Miguel Corporation, SEC Form 17Q, Management Discussion and Analysis; Edge.PSE.com.ph, P.8, Table p.18; November 15, 2023 

 

Hyman P. Minsky The Financial Instability Hypothesis The Jerome Levy Economics Institute of Bard College May 1992 

 

Sunday, August 13, 2023

"Shocking" Philippine Q2 GDP 4.3%: Don’t Fight the Trend! Public Spending Soared in Pesos! Consumers Slowdown as Big Government Becomes "Bigger"


A ‘sound’ banker, alas, is not one who sees danger and avoids it, but one who, when he is ruined, is ruined in a conventional and orthodox way along with his fellows, so that no one can really blame himJohn Maynard Keynes 

 

In this issue 


"Shocking" Philippine Q2 GDP 4.3%: Don’t Fight the Trend! Public Spending Soared in Pesos! Consumers Slowdown as Big Government Becomes "Bigger" 

I. The "Shocking" Q2 GDP 4.3% Affirmed Our Growth Path Projections 

II. 7 Reasons Behind the "Pin the Tail on The Donkey" Economics Prediction Fiasco 

III. Lessons from the Nominal and Real GDP Trendlines: Don’t Fight the Trend! 

IV. Q2 4.3% GDP: Broad-based Slowdown, Goods Export Recession and Mounting Stagflation 

V. Obscured by Base Effects, Public Spending Peso GDP Hit Second Highest Level in Q2 2023! 

VI. Slow Spending Caused the Q2 GDP "Shock?": Government Promises More Deficit Spending! 

VII. The Corrosive Effects of Public Spending on the GDP 

VIII. Critical: Household GDP Trend also on a Fragile Secondary Trendline; Affirmed by Top Line Financial Standings of Listed Firms  

IX. Epilogue: Let The Series Of Downgrades Begin! 

 

"Shocking" Philippine Q2 GDP 4.3%: Don’t Fight the Trend! Public Spending Soared in Pesos! Consumers Slowdown as Big Government Becomes "Bigger" 

 

The Philippine Q2 GDP slumped to 4.3% but "shock" was in the mainstream's prediction flop. Spending slowdown? Public spending GDP raced to its 2nd highest level! Trendlines affirm slower GDPs ahead.


I. The "Shocking" Q2 GDP 4.3% Affirmed Our Growth Path Projections 

 

Bloomberg, August 10: That’s below all 24 estimates in a Bloomberg survey with a median forecast for 6% growth and compares with 6.4% expansion in the first quarter. Barring the pandemic years of 2020 and 2021, the April-June annual expansion was the slowest since 2011, according to data compiled by Bloomberg. The economy fell 0.9% quarter-on-quarter, against a median estimate of 0.6% gain. 

 

Businessworld, August 11: Gross domestic product (GDP) expanded by an annual 4.3% in April to June, the slowest in over two years, the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) reported on Thursday. It was weaker than the 6.4% growth in the first quarter and 7.5% a year ago. It was well below the estimates of 21 economists in a BusinessWorld poll with a median forecast of 6% last week. 

 

To begin with, let us start with an excerpt from my inquiry on the 1Q 2023 GDP.   The anchor for my analysis was the peso trend levels of the nominal and headline GDP. 

 

But here is the thing.  Despite the mainstream's din over the GDP, their trendline reveals a different angle.   

 

Following the Q2 2020 plunge, the series of "high trajectory" numbers of 2022 failed to regain the primary trend of the NGDP and real GDP.  Instead, Q1 2023's GDP reinforced the secondary trendline, which indicates a slower pace of GDPs ahead.  That's even in the assumption that this trendline holds.    

 

Worst, if 2022's high-octane GDP had been a product of the "low" base effects, the same "high" base effects could provide tenuous support for the secondary trendline.   

 

In a way, the above demonstrates statistics and their supposed stories, which ironically contravene interpretations of the consensus.  (Prudent Investor May, 2023) 

 

Didn't this scenario materialize in Q2? 

 

We shall revert to this later. 

 

II. 7 Reasons Behind the "Pin the Tail on The Donkey" Economics Prediction Fiasco 

 

Next, the "shock!"  

 

No, not the GDP, but the consensus estimates 

 

Not only did any expert hit the mark, but the numbers provided signified a constellation away from the official figures. 

Figure 1  


A journalist tweeted it was “one of the biggest misses on record.” With no recession and crisis on the immediate horizon, that was an understatement. (Figure 1, topmost graph) 

 

Why? 

 

First, this episode shows the problem with “pin the tail on the donkey” estimates. Fundamentally, the expert polls on GDP (or CPI) represent a “guess on a guess.”  

 

The computation of the GDP & CPI estimates involves a network of political agencies that conducts surveys to produce inputs, which then are distilled into and calculated by econometric models constructed from diverse assumptions that churn out the politically sensitive figures. 

 

Unable to mimic the comprehensive network of agencies, the consensus experts provide—not a guess on the economy—but rather a “guess” on the official numbers.  

 

As such, the numerical guesses by the mainstream experts published in polls have been moored on the output or “guess” of authorities that are announced as official numbers.   

 

For example, the BSP releases its forecast on the CPI at the end of the month or a week before the announcement. Not only that, it provides a range for its projection. The BSP’s CPI estimates ranged from 4.1% to 4.8% last July Yet, the BSP has the luxury of coordinating with the Philippine Statistical Authorities (PSA) to obtain preliminary numbers, so in most instances, they capture the CPI precisely. 

 

That’s a privilege unavailable to the institutions of the private sector. 

 

In gist, the “pin the tail on the donkey” discourse gives “legitimacy” to the GDP (or the CPI). 

 

That’s all it is. 

 

Second, "Pin the tail on the donkey" operates on the premise of normal distribution, which is the reason the consensus gets it right only when the numbers fall (usually) within this ambit. They miss when statistical "tails" emerge, like the 2020 recession and the Great Financial Crisis (2007-2008) or Q2 2023.  

 

As an aside, the biggest flop was during the onset of the pandemic in 1Q 2020. That was when the consensus initially denied the recession. Well, that was until it became apparent.   

 

But, against that crowd, we rightly said that a recession was in the offing, "Because the war on people translates to the disruption to the global division of labor, shocks to the demand and supply chains will occur."  (Prudent Investor, February 2020) [bold original] 

 

Please don't forget the present inflation crisis represents the other crucial predicting fiasco by the consensus, many of whom, until the present, stubbornly insist on its "transitory" (supply-side) nature. 

 

Third, another aspect of the monumental blunder is the principal-agent problem 

 

The consensus is inherently there to sell services. Their economic discourses/literature are mostly grounded to limn an ambiance conducive to generating sales/revenues. That being the case, as copyrighters with economic backgrounds, they are biased or slanted towards optimism. Or, one doesn't solicit deposits by telling prospective clients that the economy is at high-risk levels! 

 

Fourth, there is the social desirability bias, which operates under the setting of the Overtone window.  Many like to blend around the circles of the political and politically connected elites for personal advancement.  In this case, it is taboo to even whisper about "bubbles" or politically sensitive current events, considered by the elites as unorthodox opinions.  

 

Fifth, ideology is a contributor to such gaffes too.  Trained and oriented to see "economics" through the prism of math and government interventions than through human actions and spontaneous orders—despite efforts by authorities to curtail it—magnifies their risk of misreading reality. 

 

The lack of skin in the game represents the sixth factor.  Ideas have consequences, which is especially important for entrepreneurs who put their faith in the mainstream for guidance.   

 

Misreading the GDP translates to possible capital consumption for investors but not the government and establishment forecasters, who instinctively will blame eternal forces for it.  It's why I'd prefer to read the actions of the reserved treasury traders (Demonstrated preference). 

 

Lastly, the prevailing view that the GDP functions in the same fashion as a factory, in which welfare developments emanate from measuring and controlling input and output, doesn't hold water.  

  

Even the developer of the GDP, Simon Kuznet, admitted, 

 

The valuable capacity of the human mind to simplify a complex situation in a compact characterization becomes dangerous when not controlled in terms of definitely stated criteria. With quantitative measurements especially, the definiteness of the result suggests, often misleadingly, a precision and simplicity in the outlines of the object measured. Measurements of national income are subject to this type of illusion and resulting abuse, especially since they deal with matters that are the center of conflict of opposing social groups where the effectiveness of an argument is often contingent upon oversimplification 

 

And…

 

All these qualifications upon estimates of national income as an index of productivity are just as important when income measurements are interpreted from the point of view of economic welfare. But in the latter case additional difficulties will be suggested to anyone who wants to penetrate below the surface of total figures and market values. Economic welfare cannot be adequately measured unless the personal distribution of income is known. And no income measurement undertakes to estimate the reverse side of income, that is, the intensity and unpleasantness of effort going into the earning of income. The welfare of a nation can, therefore, scarcely be inferred from a measurement of national income as defined above (Kuznet, 1934) 

 

Those engaged in a massive Friday dump seemed to have accurately anticipated the GDP. (Prudent Investor, August 2023)  

 

They either might have had ears on the right ground or on some of the agencies involved in its calculation.  

 

III. Lessons from the Nominal and Real GDP Trendlines: Don’t Fight the Trend! 

 

Government produces its statistics, but they pick on different aspects when explaining to the public. 

 

2Q data affirmed or validated our observation that the GDP will substantially slow, using the nominal and real trendline. (Figure 1, lower chart) 

 

Such trendlines reduce or eliminate the "noise" from the base effects.  

 

Q2 GDP reinforced the secondary pathway created by the 2020 recession.  Again, the secondary trendline translates to lower GDP ahead, despite occasional spikes.  

 

There have been attempts to get beyond the exponential line, which acts as its quasi-resistance level.  Though the spikes of Q4 2021 and Q4 2022 have pierced it, succeeding GDPs fell back to the secondary route.  

 

As an aside, sustained spikes in Q4 represent seasonal forces at work, which should protrude or breach the exponential curve.  But it is the marginal quarters that determine the trend. 

 

It was the same routine for Q2 GDP, which regressed and nestled close to its support. 

 

The clear and present danger is when further deceleration violates the 2nd pathway to the downside, which amplifies the risk of recession and intensifies the stagflation scenario. 

 

The fun part is that the consensus entertains themselves with all sorts of Panglossian scenarios, but ironically, their GDP trendline says otherwise. 

 

In a nutshell, the lesson from the GDP trendline is "Don't fight the trend!" 

 

There is another critical trendline, which we will discuss below. 

 

IV. Q2 4.3% GDP: Broad-based Slowdown, Goods Export Recession and Mounting Stagflation 

 

In the meantime, seen from the expenditure perspective, it was a broad downturn for the Q2 GDP.  

 

Figure 2  

 

Except for exports, which grew by 4.1% in Q2, an improvement from Q1's .1%, all other aspects were down from the previous quarter. (Figure 2, top and second to the highest charts) 

 

Household consumption slowed by 90 bps from 6.4% in Q1 to 5.5% in Q2.  Government consumption and gross capital formation GDP shrunk by 7.1% and .4, respectively.  The import GDP plunged from 4.7% in Q1 to .4%. 

 

And though exports GDP was positive, primarily from services, which grew by 9.6%, good exports suffered two successive quarterly contractions of 14.9% and .9%—a technical recession! (Figure 2, second to the lowest window) 

 

So, stagflation has enveloped the goods export sector.  The shedding of 4,100 workers in the Mactan Export Processing zone last July (for Q3) and this S&P Global PMI July report, "Filipino goods producers were able to pair back staffing levels for the second successive month. There were some reports of resignations as well, which also partly underpinned the latest reduction in payroll numbers," could be another testament to the rise of unemployment despite official data.   

 

Reduced output, high inflation, and lower employment rates are hallmarks of stagflation. 

 

V. Obscured by Base Effects, Public Spending Peso GDP Hit Second Highest Level in Q2 2023! 

 

Statistically, the faster decline in the Nominal/current GDP rate relative to the implied (deflator) index (-4.5%) resulted in the unexpected plunge in Q2 GDP to 4.3%. (Figure 2, lowest diagram) 

 

This data bolsters the general impression that a spending slowdown amidst higher prices signified its cause.  Stagflation again! 

 

But the spending slowdown reflected a phenomenon for most sectors but not public spending—which has been distorted by the base effects. 

 

Based on nominal peso trends, yes, while public spending % YoY sharply contracted in Q2, that's because its comparative base was at a record high in the same period a year ago!  

Figure 3 

 

Public spending hit its second milestone high in Q2 2023 at peso levels.  As it is, this solidified the uptrend of the share of government contribution to the GDP. (Figure 3, topmost chart) 

 

The diametric relationship between the rising share of the government spending GDP and the falling share of household consumption represents a symptom of the structural changes in the political economy, where household consumption represents an opportunity cost to the surge in public spending. (Figure 3, middle pane) 

 

The essence is that government consumption has been crowding out productive economic engagements, which has decreased productivity levels, therefore, in a slow-mo/incremental fashion, diminishing household consumption. 

 

To emphasize, such dynamics haven't been an aberration but a deepening trend.  

 

Entrepreneurs, please do take note. 

 

The delayed release of the BSP's depository survey limits our perspective on the relationship between bank credit conditions and the GDP. 

 

VI. Slow Spending Caused the Q2 GDP "Shock?": Government Promises More Deficit Spending! 

 

So what was the response by the government to the shocking Q2 GDP data? 

 

Inquirer.net, August 10: The Marcos government will accelerate spending in the coming quarters to recover the momentum following the 4.3 percent economic expansion of the country’s economy in the second quarter of this year,” said the Palace in a statement. 


Of course, as expected, take the spending measures into their hands! 

 

Behold, deficit spending could mount an incredible comeback! 

 

The historic deficit spending, financed by the BSP and banks, provided temporary "automatic stabilizers" to the GDP during the 2020 recession.  The BSP has partly funded a significant portion of deficits.  (Figure 3, lowest window)  


Figure 4 

 

The stimulative effects of record spending and historic deficits to GDP are visible on the charts. (Figure 4, top and second highest charts) 

 

But like all other policies, it has been plagued by diminishing returns.  

 

The inflationary financing of such an unprecedented scale of deficit spending, ultimately, was reflected in the headline and the core CPI, which authorities continue to blame on the supply side. (Figure 4, second to the lowest and lowest graphs) 

Figure 5 

 

Though authorities have put a brake on this, which has been slowing, it remains at emergency levels compared to the pre-pandemic era.  

 

The flawed deficit to GDP metric was 4.77% in Q2, slightly down from 4.84% in Q1. (Figure 5, topmost chart) 

 

But as the news shows, the tendency is for authorities to ramp up on it.  This response is called "path-dependent" politics. 

 

VII. The Corrosive Effects of Public Spending on the GDP 

 

The crowding out effect isn't the only corrosive force from historic deficit spending.  Worst, it functions as an invisible channel for redistribution in favor of the politically connected elites and the bureaucracy.  Yes, a reverse Robin Hood. 

 

Via the "Cantillion effect," the initial phase of monetary expansion to fund these projects flows into these groups, who can buy goods and services at this earlier phase, pushing up prices.   

 

And as money spent filters into the broader economy, price pressures spread, leaving the latter recipients bearing the brunt of inflation.  An example would be the hunger surveys of the SWS 

 

Yes, this applies to the stock market too, e.g., with BSP's unparalleled Php 2.3 trillion injections, the PSEi rallied 56% from March 2020 crash lows to the highs of December 2020, benefiting bank stocks, the primary beneficiary of the bailout.   

 

The BSP bailout of banks in 2020 has accelerated its share of GDP, representing the "financialization" of the economy. (Figure 5, middle diagram) 


Aside from the BSP, the biggest financiers of the government have been the banking and non-bank financial industry!  

 

Yet such redistribution penalizes enterprises with little or no political connections, SMEs, and general consumers.  

 

But it is a boom for the government and their affiliates or political enterprises. 

 

Further, in theory, expectations of substantial increases in deficit spending prompt the consumer to save. 

 

Improved modeling on the effects of fiscal multipliers shows that firm and household decisions to spend, produce, and invest are largely influenced by their expectations of the future. If households anticipate that increased government spending and resulting deficits will be financed by higher future taxation, then they will consume less, not more. Reviewing a survey of this new literature, the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco found that "in contrast to theoretical predictions from the simple Keynesian framework, the analyses found that government spending had less bang for the buck than tax cuts. For instance, one year after the increase in spending, the impact on the level of real GDP is less than one-for-one, partly reflecting a decline in investment." (de Rugy & Salmon, August 2023) 

 

But in the current setting, consumers have been confronting inflation with a build-up of their balance sheets.  They've been borrowing from banks like drunken sailors! 

 

Unfortunately, for mysterious reasons, it's been a two-week delay in the publication of the BSP's depository surveys, showing bank lending distribution of June.  So this limits our perspective of how consumers utilized banks to adapt to (and contribute to) inflation. 

 

Finally, it is not just about redistribution, but credit monetary-financed deficit spending represents an implicit debt default. 

 

The resulting inflation lowers the ''real'' value of the remaining debt, so that although bond-holders receive the dollars promised on the face of the bond, the dollars do not command the resources they commanded at the time the bond was purchased. In effect, though no one has to come right out and say so, the Government has defaulted on part of its debt. (Lucas, 1981) 

 

So there you have it.  The promise and likely move to amplify deficit spending should lead to higher inflation, wealth, income, and political inequality, reduced consumption, and implicit debt default via financial repression or the inflation tax.  Further, it should magnify the age of inflation 2.0. 

 

These unintended consequences will induce a lower GDP that should strengthen the secondary GDP trendlines at the risk of their downside violation.  

 

VIII. Critical: Household GDP Trend also on a Fragile Secondary Trendline; Affirmed by Top Line Financial Standings of Listed Firms  

 

Aside from the GDP trendlines, the second most critical trend is the Household Consumption per capita trendline, which of course, as the primary contributor, mirrors the GDP per capita. (Figure 5, lowest chart) 

 

That said, because the GDP drifts at the secondary path, so have consumers. 

 

And as time goes by, validated by the trendline, the attenuation of the power of consumers will reflect on the general economy, such as in the retail and real estate industry. 

 

The sliding share of the retail GDP has followed the household consumption GDP. (Figure 6, topmost chart)  

 

Figure 6 

 

It is then not a surprise that sales of SM Retail flowed in congruence with nominal household spending GDP. (Figure 6, middle window)  

 

SM retail sales growth nearly halved from 16% in Q1 to 8.23% in Q2, while nominal Household GDP slipped from 14.7% to 11.6%. 

 

Diminishing returns have been taking hold. 

 

In this plane, the slowdown of consumers should also reflect in the real estate industry, which provides the venues for the retail trade and housing requirements—aside from office, tourism, and industry property requirements.   

 

The total revenues of the top 4 developers—SM Prime, Ayala Land, Megaworld, and Robinsons Land—have dovetailed with the slowing Real Estate GDP. (Figure 6, lowest window)   

 

Nominal Real Estate GDP slipped from 10.5% in Q1 to 9.1% in Q2, while aggregate revenue growth crashed from 23.9% to 7.5% over the same period. 

 

The micro and macro perspectives provided by the GDP and Financial standings of listed companies share the same narratives: reduced power for the much-ballyhooed consumption-led GDP as the big government becomes "bigger." 

 

IX. Epilogue: Let The Series Of Downgrades Begin! 

 

ABS-CBN News August 11: A subsidiary of Fitch Solutions on Friday said it is slashing its growth outlook for the Philippines. BMI revised its full year growth forecast for the Philippines to 5.3 percent after the gross domestic product expanded by 4.3 percent in the second quarter of 2023, below its expectations. Consensus estimate for Philippine economic growth for the second quarter was 6 percent.  

 

Because the consensus has predicated their annual GDP forecasts from an elevated standpoint, the Q2 4.3% GDP "shock" translates to massive downside adjustments to these.  

 

The takeaway: Let the series of downgrades begin! 

 

___ 

References: 

 

Prudent Investor, The Fundamental Story Behind the 6.4% Q1 2023 Philippine GDP: Public Spending Cushioned a Slowing Consumer, May 14 2023, SubstackBlogger (Chart reference excluded) 

 

Prudent Investor, Batten Down the Hatches! Global Recession Ahead: The New Coronavirus Pushes China’s Economy to a Freefall! February 16, 2020 

 

Simon Kuznets, 1934. “National Income, 1929–1932”. 73rd US Congress, 2d session, Senate document no. 124, page 7. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org/title/971  

 

Prudent Investor, Pre-Closing "Dumps" Sent the Philippine PSEi 30 Tumbling Below the 6,500 Level August 7, 2023: SubstackBlogger 

 

Veronique de Rugy Jack Salmon The Keynesian case for open-ended government spending doesn’t square with the facts, August 10,2023 Mercatus Center 

 

Robert E. Lucas Jr. Economic Scene; Deficit Finance And Inflation, August 26, 1981, New York Times