Sunday, June 29, 2025

A Rescue, Not a Stimulus: BSP’s June Cut and the Banking System’s Liquidity Crunch

 

The ultimate cause, therefore, of the phenomenon of wave after wave of economic ups and downs is ideological in character. The cycles will not disappear so long as people believe that the rate of interest may be reduced, not through the accumulation of capital, but by banking policy—Ludwig von Mises 

In this issue

A Rescue, Not a Stimulus: BSP’s June Cut and the Banking System’s Liquidity Crunch

I. Policy Easing in Question: Credit Concentration and Economic Disparity

II. Elite Concentration: The Moody's Warning and Its Missing Pieces

III. Why the Elite Bias? Financial Regulation, Market Concentration and Underlying Incentives

IV. Market Rebellion: When Reality Defies Policy

V. The Banking System Under Stress: Evidence of a Rescue Operation

A. Liquidity Deterioration Despite RRR Cuts

B. Cash Crunch Intensifies

C. Deposit Growth Slowdown

D. Loan Portfolio Dynamics: Warning Signs Emerge

E. Investment Portfolio Under Pressure

F. The Liquidity Drain: Government's Role

G. Monetary Aggregates: Emerging Disconnection

H. Banking Sector Adjustments: Borrowings and Repos

I.  The NPL Question: Are We Seeing the Full Picture?

J. The Crowding Out Effect

VI. Conclusion: The Inevitable Reckoning 

A Rescue, Not a Stimulus: BSP’s June Cut and the Banking System’s Liquidity Crunch 

Despite easing measures, liquidity has tightened, markets have diverged, and systemic risks have deepened across the Philippine banking system. 

I. Policy Easing in Question: Credit Concentration and Economic Disparity 

The BSP implemented the next phase of its ‘easing cycle’—now comprising four policy rate cuts and two reductions in the reserve requirement ratio (RRR)—complemented by the doubling of deposit insurance coverage. 

The question is: to whose benefit? 

Is it the general economy? 

Bank loans to MSMEs, which are supposedly a target of inclusive growth, require a lending mandate and still accounted for only 4.9% of the banking system’s total loan portfolio as of Q4 2024. This is despite the fact that, according to the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI), MSMEs represented 99.6% of total enterprises and employed 66.97% of the workforce in 2023. 

In contrast, loans to PSEi 30 non-financial corporations reached Php 5.87 trillion in Q1 2025—equivalent to 17% of the country’s total financial resources. 

Public borrowing has also surged to an all-time high of Php 16.752 trillion as of April. 

Taken together, total systemic leverage—defined as the sum of bank loans and government debt—reached a record Php 30.825 trillion, or approximately 116% of nominal 2024 GDP. 

While bank operations have expanded, fueled by consumer debt, only a minority of Filipinos—those classified as “banked” in the BSP’s financial inclusion survey—reap the benefits. The majority remain excluded from the financial system, limiting the broader economic impact of the BSP’s policies. 

The reliance on consumer debt to drive bank growth further concentrates financial resources among a privileged few. 

II. Elite Concentration: The Moody's Warning and Its Missing Pieces 

On June 21, 2025, Inquirer.net cited Moody’s Ratings: 

"In a commentary, Moody’s Ratings said that while conglomerate shareholders have helped boost the balance sheet and loan portfolio of banks by providing capital and corporate lending opportunities, such a tight relationship also increases related-party risks. The global debt watcher also noted how Philippine companies remain highly dependent on banks for funding in the absence of a deep capital market. This, Moody’s said, could become a problem for lenders if corporate borrowers were to struggle to pay their debts during moments of economic downturn." (bold added) 

Moody’s commentary touches on contagion risks in a downturn but fails to elaborate on an equally pressing issue: the structural instability caused by deepening credit dependency and growing concentration risks. These may not only emerge during a downturn—they may be the very triggers of one. 

The creditor-borrower interdependence between banks and elite-owned corporations reflects a tightly coupled system where benefits, risks, and vulnerabilities are shared. It’s a fallacy to assume one side enjoys the gains while the other bears the risks. 

As J. Paul Getty aptly put it: 

"If you owe the bank $100, that's your problem. If you owe the bank $100 million, that's the bank's problem." 

In practice, this means banks are more likely to continue lending to credit-stressed conglomerates than force defaults, further entrenching financial fragility. 

What’s missing in most mainstream commentary is the causal question: Why have lending ties deepened so disproportionately between banks and elite-owned firms, rather than being broadly distributed across the economy?

The answer lies in institutional incentives rooted in the political regime. 

As discussed in 2019, the BSP’s trickle-down easy money regime played a key role in enabling Jollibee’s “Pacman strategy”—a debt-financed spree of horizontal expansion through competitor acquisitions. 

III. Why the Elite Bias? Financial Regulation, Market Concentration and Underlying Incentives 

Moreover, regulatory actions appear to favor elite interests. 

On June 17, 2025, ABS-CBN reported: 

"In a statement, the SEC said the licenses [of over 400 lending companies] were revoked for failing to file their audited financial statements, general information sheet, director or trustee compensation report, and director or trustee appraisal or performance report and the standards or criteria for the assessment." 

Could this reflect regulatory overreach aimed at eliminating competition favoring elite-controlled financial institutions? Is the SEC becoming a tacit ‘hatchet man’ serving oligopolistic interests via arbitrary technicalities? 

Philippine banks—particularly Universal Commercial banks—now control a staggering 82.64% of the financial system’s total resources and 77.08% of all financial assets (as of April 2025). 

Aside from BSP liquidity and bureaucratic advantages, political factors such as regulatory captureand the revolving door’ politics further entrench elite power. 

Many senior officials at the BSP and across the government are former bank executives, billionaires and their appointees, or close associates. Thus, instead of striving for the Benthamite utilitarian principle of “greatest good for the greatest number,” agencies may instead pursue policies aligned with powerful vested interests. 

This brings us back to the rate cuts: while framed as pro-growth, they largely serve to ease the cost of servicing a mountain of debt owed by government, conglomerates, and elite-controlled banks. 


Figure 1 

However, its impact on average Filipinos remains negligible, with official statistics increasingly revealing the diminishing returns of these policies. 

The BSP’s rate and RRR cuts, coming amid a surge in UC bank lending, risk undermining GDP momentum (Figure 1) 

IV. Market Rebellion: When Reality Defies Policy 

Even markets appear to be revolting against the BSP's policies!


Figure 2

Despite plunging Consumer Price Index (CPI) figures, Treasury bill rates, which should reflect the BSP's actions, have barely followed the easing cycle. (Figure 2, topmost window) 

Yields of Philippine bonds (10, 20, and 25 years) have been rising since October 2024 reinforcing the 2020 uptrend! (Figure 2, middle image) 

Inflation risks continue to be manifested by the bearish steepening slope of the Philippine Treasury yield curve. (Figure 2, lower graph)


Figure 3

Additionally, the USD/PHP exchange rate sharply rebounded even before the BSP announcement. (Figure 3, topmost diagram) 

Treasury yields and the USD/PHP have fundamentally ignored the government's CPI data and the BSP's easing policies. 

Importantly, elevated T-bill rates likely reflect liquidity pressures, while rising bond yields signal mounting fiscal concerns combined with rising inflation risks. 

Strikingly, because Treasury bond yields remain elevated despite declining CPI, the average monthly bank lending rates remain close to recent highs despite the BSP's easing measures! (Figure 3, middle chart) 

While this developing divergence has been ignored or glossed over by the consensus, it highlights a worrisome imbalance that authorities seem to be masking through various forms of interventions or "benchmark-ism" channeled through market manipulation, price controls, and statistical inflation. 

V. The Banking System Under Stress: Evidence of a Rescue Operation 

We have been constantly monitoring the banking system and can only conclude that the BSP easing cycle appears to be a dramatic effort to rescue the banking system. 

A. Liquidity Deterioration Despite RRR Cuts 

Astonishingly, within a month after the RRR cuts, bank liquidity conditions deteriorated further: 

·         Cash and Due Banks-to-Deposit Ratio dropped from 10.37% in March to 9.68% in April—a milestone low

·         Liquid Assets-to-Deposit Ratio plunged from 49.5% in March to 48.3% in April—its lowest level since March 2020 

Liquid assets consist of the sum of cash and due banks plus Net Financial assets (net of equity investments). Fundamentally, both indicators show the extinguishment of the BSP's historic pandemic recession stimulus. (Figure 3, lowest window) 

B. Cash Crunch Intensifies


Figure 4

Year-over-year change of Cash and Due Banks crashed by 24.75% to Php 1.914 trillion—its lowest level since at least 2014. Despite the Php 429.4 billion of bank funds released to the banking system from the October 2024 and March 2025 RRR cuts, bank liquidity has been draining rapidly. (Figure 4, topmost visual) 

C. Deposit Growth Slowdown 

The liquidity crunch in the banking system appears to be spreading. 

The sharp slowdown has been manifested through deposit liabilities, where year-over-year growth decelerated from 5.42% in March to 4.04% in April due to materially slowing peso and foreign exchange deposits, which grew by 5.9% and 3.23% in March to 4.6% and 1.6% in April respectively. (Figure 4, middle image) 

D. Loan Portfolio Dynamics: Warning Signs Emerge 

Led by Universal-Commercial banks, growth of the banking system's total loan portfolio slowed from 12.6% in March to 12.2% in April. UC banks posted a deceleration from 12.36% year-over-year growth in March to 11.85% in April. 

However, the banking system's balance sheet revealed a unmistakable divergence: the rapid deceleration  of loan growth. Growth of the Total Loan Portfolio (TLP), inclusive of interbank lending (IBL) and Reverse Repurchase (RRP) agreements, plunged from 14.5% in March to 10.21% in April, reaching Php 14.845 trillion. (Figure 4, lowest graph) 

This dramatic drop in TLP growth contributed significantly to the steep decline in deposit growth. 

E. Investment Portfolio Under Pressure


Figure 5

Banks' total investments have likewise materially slowed, easing from 11.95% in March to 8.84% in April. While Held-to-Maturity (HTM) securities growth slowed 0.58% month-over-month, they were up 0.98% year-over-year. 

Held-for-Trading (HFT) assets posted the largest growth drop, from 79% in March to 25% in April. 

Meanwhile, accumulated market losses eased from Php 21 billion in March to Php 19.6 billion in May. (Figure 5, topmost graph) 

Rising bond yields should continue to pressure bank trading assets, with emphasis on HTMs, which accounted for 52.7% of Gross Financial Assets in May. 

A widening fiscal deficit will likely prompt banks to increase support for government treasury issuances—creating a feedback loop that should contribute to rising bond yields. 

F. The Liquidity Drain: Government's Role 

Part of the liquidity pressures stem from the BSP's reduction in its net claims on the central government (NCoCG) as it wound down pandemic-era financing. 

Simultaneously, the recent buildup in government deposits at the BSP—reflecting the Treasury's record borrowing—has further absorbed liquidity from the banking system. (Figure 5, middle image) 

G. Monetary Aggregates: Emerging Disconnection 

Despite the BSP's easing measures, emerging pressures on bank lending and investment assets, manifested through a cash drain and slowing deposits, have resulted in a sharp decrease in the net asset growth of the Philippine banking system. Year-over-year growth of net assets slackened from 7.8% in April to 5.5% in May. (Figure 5, lowest chart) 


Figure 6

Interestingly, despite the cash-in-circulation boost related to May's midterm election spending—which hit a growth rate of 15.4% in April (an all-time high in peso terms), just slightly off the 15.5% recorded during the 2022 Presidential elections—M3 growth sharply slowed from 6.2% in March to 5.8% in April and has diverged from cash growth since December 2024. (Figure 6, topmost window) 

The sharp decline in M2 growth—from 6.6% in April to 6.0% in May—reflecting the drastic slowdown in savings and time deposits from 5.5% and 7.6% in April to 4.5% and 5.8% in May respectively, demonstrates the spillover effects of the liquidity crunch experienced by the Philippine banking system. 

H. Banking Sector Adjustments: Borrowings and Repos 

Nonetheless, probably because of the RRR cuts, aggregate year-over-year growth of bank borrowings decreased steeply from 40.3% to 16.93% over the same period. (Figure 6, middle graph) 

Likely drawing from cash reserves and the infusion from RRR cuts, bills payable fell from Php 1.328 trillion to Php 941.6 billion, while bonds rose from Php 578.8 billion to Php 616.744 billion. (Figure 6, lowest diagram) 

Banks' reverse repo transactions with the BSP plunged by 51.22% while increasing 30.8% with other banks. 

As we recently tweeted, banks appear to have resumed their flurry of borrowing activity in the capital markets this June. 

I.  The NPL Question: Are We Seeing the Full Picture? 

While credit delinquencies expressed via Non-Performing Loans (NPLs) have recently been marginally higher in May, the ongoing liquidity crunch cannot be directly attributed to them—unless the BSP and banks have been massively understating these figures, which we suspect they are. 

J. The Crowding Out Effect 

Bank borrowings from capital markets amplify the "crowding-out effect" amid growing competition between government debt and elite conglomerates' credit needs. 

The government’s significant role in the financial system further complicates this dynamic, as it absorbs liquidity through record borrowing. 

Or, it would be incomplete to examine banks' relationships with elite-owned corporations without acknowledging the government's significant role in the financial system. 

VI. Conclusion: The Inevitable Reckoning 

The deepening divergent performance between markets and government policies highlights not only the tension between markets and statistics but, more importantly, the progressing friction between economic and financial policies and the underlying economy. 

Is the consensus bereft of understanding, or are they attempting to bury the logical precept that greater concentration of credit activities leads to higher counterparty and contagion risks? Will this Overton Window prevent the inevitable reckoning? 

The evidence suggests that the BSP's easing cycle, rather than supporting broad-based economic growth, primarily serves to maintain the stability of an increasingly fragile financial system that disproportionately benefits elite interests. 

With authorities reporting May’s fiscal conditions last week (to be discussed in the next issue), we may soon witness how this divergence could trigger significant volatility or even systemic instability 

The question is not whether this system is sustainable—the data clearly indicates it is not—but rather how long political and regulatory interventions can delay the inevitable correction, and at what cost to the broader Philippine economy.

 

Sunday, June 22, 2025

Behind the Retail Surge: Dissecting the PSE’s 2024 Investor Profile Amid Heightened Volatility and Economic Strain

  

The world has never been so awash in speculative finance, ensuring aberrant market behavior. Never has the global leveraged speculating community been as colossal and powerful. Egregious Treasury “basis trade” leveraging drives unprecedented overall hedge fund leverage. Household (loving dip buying) market participation is unparalleled, with the proliferation of online accounts, options trading, and herd-like speculation creating extraordinary market-moving power—Doug Noland 

In this issue

Behind the Retail Surge: Dissecting the PSE’s 2024 Investor Profile Amid Heightened Volatility and Economic Strain

I. Introduction: A Record-Breaking Year for Retail Accounts

II. The Retail Activity Paradox; The Real Drivers Behind the Surge: A PSEi 30 Bull Market?

III. Institutional Dominance, Trading Concentration and Market Manipulation

IV. Concentration Risks: National Team, Other Financial Corporations and Total Financial Resources

V. 2024’s Economic Operating Conditions, Financial Distress and Unintended Consequences

VI. The Savings Illusion and the Generational Shifts: Herding Among Youth, Decline Among Seniors

VII. The Digital Divide in Brokerage: Traditional Brokers Under Pressure

VIII. Conclusion: A Mirage of Growth 

Behind the Retail Surge: Dissecting the PSE’s 2024 Investor Profile Amid Heightened Volatility and Economic Strain 

What’s really driving the surge in Philippine retail investors? A closer look reveals economic desperation, distortion, and deepening divides beneath the surface of stock market optimism 

I. Introduction: A Record-Breaking Year for Retail Accounts 

The PSE reported on June 9, 2025: "The number of stock market accounts in the Philippine Stock Exchange reached 2.86 million in 2024, up by 50.1 percent from 1.91 million in 2023. This was fueled by a 62.0 percent surge in online accounts to 2.47 million from 1.53 million. “This 50 percent jump in number of accounts is the highest we have recorded since we started tracking the investor count and profile in 2008. This substantial growth was made possible by the enabling of digital platforms to connect to PSE”s trading engine, thereby facilitating the trading by investors in the market. PSE is committed to being true to its advocacy of promoting financial inclusion,” said PSE President and CEO Ramon S. Monzon. “More than the numbers, what is important is that retail investors are equipped with investment know-how to avoid investing pitfalls. We address this need for investor education through our various investing literacy initiatives. We also actively work with trading participants and government and private entities to spread the word about personal finance and stock market investing,” Mr. Monzon added." (bold added)


Figure 1

The PSE seems exhilarated by this unprecedented surge. Yet beneath the celebratory tone lies a paradox: they appear unsure why this spike occurred. Their attribution to the "enabling of digital platforms" seems insufficient, especially since such infrastructure has been in place since 2013. (Figure 1, topmost graph) 

This inability to explain the surge becomes more apparent when considering their bewilderment over the depressed number of active accounts. 

As the PSE acknowledged: "While growth in retail accounts has been remarkable, the real challenge is getting retail investors to participate more actively in our market as they only contribute 16 percent to total value turnover. We are optimistic that the upcoming reduction in stock transaction tax (STT) to 0.1 percent from 0.6 percent, along with the various investor education programs and upcoming pipeline of products of the Exchange, will encourage greater investor activity for the remainder of 2025," Mr. Monzon noted. (bold added) 

The low contribution of retail investors to market turnover—underscores the PSE’s challenge: Understanding the essence and the development of the capital markets in line with economic freedom, rather than using it as a covert political redistribution, which drives malinvestments and inequality.

II. The Retail Activity Paradox; The Real Drivers Behind the Surge: A PSEi 30 Bull Market?

Three critical questions emerge from this phenomenon: 

One, is the PSE experiencing a bull market, fueling frenzied retail participation? 

Two, could the torrent of enrollment reflect symptoms of economic desperation—people seeking to plug income gaps amid stagnant living standards?  Or, is this a case of instant gratification through asset speculation? 

Three, has a sudden boom in savings driven retail investors into stocks? 

"Is the PSE experiencing a bull market driving frenzied retail participation?" 

With the PSEi 30 returning just 1.22% in 2024, the surge in new participants seems disconnected from its performance. (Figure 1, middle window) 

However, breaking down this performance by quarters reveals important insights. 

While Q1 2024's 7.03% increase may have been a contributing factor, Q3's phenomenal 13.4% returns likely lured the bulk of these newcomers into stocks. (Figure 1, lowest chart) 

Of course, they were also likely swayed by the constant "propagandizing" or the bombardment by media and establishment "talking heads" of a "return of a bull market!" 

Even more, one critical aspect highlighted by the PSE deserves attention: retail investors "contribute 16 percent to total value turnover." This means retail trades represent a significant minority in the PSE’s turnover.


Figure 2

According to PSE infographics, retail active accounts represented 23.1% of total accounts and 24.5% of online accounts, totaling 660,714 retail accounts. The massive influx of new participants helped boost the active account ratio from an all-time low of 17.5% in 2023 to 23.1% in 2024. (Figure 2, topmost and middle images) 

Our underlying assumption is that the data reflects the ratio of active to total accounts, rather than the proportion of active accounts relative to total market turnover. 

As further proof of the PSE's lackadaisical activities, gross volume turnover rose by just 1.37% in 2024—the second lowest peso level since at least 2014. (Figure 2, lowest diagram) 

III. Institutional Dominance, Trading Concentration and Market Manipulation


Figure 3 

This raises a striking question about the remaining 84% share of total turnover. The answer lies with institutional investors—both local and foreign. Foreign money accounted for 48.8% of gross turnover, with foreigners selling local equities worth Php 25.253 billion in 2024. (Figure 3, topmost chart) 

Foreign investors represented 36% of active online activities, though the distribution between retail and institutional foreign activities remains unspecified. 

The data reveals a staggering concentration of trading activities in 2024:

  • The top 10 brokers accounted for a daily average of 58.9% of mainboard turnover. (Figure 3, middle window)
  • The top 10 and 20 most actively traded issues averaged 64% and 83% respectively, and
  • The Sy Group (among the top 3 of the five biggest market capitalizations) averaged 21.19% of market activity.

The scale of concentrated activities also elucidates evidence of "coordinated price actions," such as the post-lunch recess "afternoon delight" and the 5-minute pre-closing "float pumps-and-dumps"—as demonstrated by some of the major activities in 2025. (Figure 3, lowest charts) 

Basically, the PSEi 30 has been "propped up" or "cushioned" by local institutional investors.


Figure 4

As a result, the share of the top five free-float heavyweights reached its highest level at 52% in December and averaged 50.3% in 2024—meaning their free-float share accounted for more than half of the index. SM, ICT, BDO, BPI, and SMPH delivered returns of 3.01%, 56.04%, 10.34%, 17.54%, and -23.6%, respectively, resulting in an average return of 12.76% in 2024—a clear sign of divergence from the rest of the PSEi 30. (Figure 4, upper pane) 

Furthermore, given that the aggregate advance-decline spread was generally negative, albeit better than in 2023, this shows why novice "traders" morphed into "investors." Or, the negative spread signifies that losses dominated the overall performance of listed firms at the PSE—a continuing trend since 2013. (Figure 4, lower visual) 

With the PSEi returning 1.22% in 2024, the asymmetric performance reinforces the massive divergence between the PSEi 30 and the broader PSE universe. 

Put simply, the synchronized and mostly coordinated pumps and dumps of the top five—or even the top ten—have fundamentally kept the PSEi 30 from a free fall. 

IV. Concentration Risks: National Team, Other Financial Corporations and Total Financial Resources


Figure 5

It is no coincidence that the ebbs and flows of the domestic private sector claims of Other Financial Corporations (OFCs) have dovetailed with the PSEi 30 level. (Figure 5, upper graph) 

In short, OFCs appear to have played a very substantial role in propping up the PSEi 30. 

Could they be part of the local version of the "national team" aimed at supporting price levels of the PSEi 30? 

It is also not a coincidence that banks have been deepening their hold on the nation’s total financial resources (assets), a trend that further reveals the depth of systemic concentration risks. 

Although the growth of Total Financial Resources has been slowing from its July 2024 peak of 11.23% to 5.06% in April 2025, the share of Philippine banks and universal banks in the total has been drifting at all-time highs of 82.64% and 77.08%, respectively. (Figure 5, middle diagram) 

Could all these actions have been designed to keep asset prices or "collateral values" afloat to stave off risks of credit deflation, which would imperil the banking system? 

V. 2024’s Economic Operating Conditions, Financial Distress and Unintended Consequences 

"Could the torrent of enrollment reflect symptoms of economic desperation?" 

Let us also not forget the operating conditions in 2024. The BSP initiated its easing cycle in the second half of 2024 (rate cuts and RRR cut), while public spending rose to a record high. 

The unintended consequences of the PSEi 30's 'Potemkin village' effect extend beyond price distortionsovervaluing capital goods and fostering spillover effects through excess capacity and malinvestments. More importantly, it redistributes wealth through zero-sum transactions, where institutions sell holdings at elevated prices while naive retail participants are 'left holding the bag.' 

Once again, downside volatility has 'emasculated' these neophytes, transforming their initial short-term trading positions into long-term or 'buy-and-hold investments.' More precisely, their failed attempts to generate short-term income resulted in a 'trading freeze.' 

That is to say, many novice traders were drawn in by the pursuit of short-term yield—whether to compensate for insufficient income, recover lost purchasing power, or escape excessive debt—by engaging in stocks, a true 'Hail Mary Pass!' 

It is no surprise that this period aligned with milestone highs in sentiment-driven surveys on self-rated poverty and hunger incidences. 

In essence, many newcomers likely perceived the PSE not as a structured investment market but as a high-stakes gamble—a 'lottery ticket' or a 'casino' offering a chance to escape financial hardship. 

VI. The Savings Illusion and the Generational Shifts: Herding Among Youth, Decline Among Seniors

"Has a sudden boom in savings driven retail investors into stocks?" 

Using the Philippine banking system's deposit liabilities and cash balances as proxies, the answer is definitively no. In 2024, despite record-high bank credit expansion, bank deposit liabilities reported their lowest growth rate of 7.04% since 2012, while PSE volume increased by only 1.4%. (Figure 5, lowest chart)


Figure 6

Next, bank cash and due balances fell to their lowest level since 2018, wiping out the historic liquidity injections by the BSP during the pandemic recession in 2020. (Figure 6, topmost pane) 

Circling back to retail accounts, distributed by generations, the accounts with the biggest gains emerged from Gen Y and Gen Z, posting 48.8% and 26.5% growth in 2024, respectively. (Figure 6, middle image) 

This category hints that with likely insufficient income, these age groups could have fallen prey to the ‘herding effects’ of the PSEi 30's Q1 and Q3 upside volatility. 

In contrast, seniors' growth fell sharply from 14.8% in 2023 to 7.3% in 2024. Seniors, likely with the most savings, topped in 2023, but they accounted for the least growth (3.7%) in online accounts in 2024. 

VII. The Digital Divide in Brokerage: Traditional Brokers Under Pressure 

The surge in online accounts, representing 86.42% of total accounts, has reduced traditional brick-and-mortar accounts to just 13.58%. However, non-online brokers still represent the vast majority of trading participants. 

According to PSE's 2024 infographics, there were 121 active trading participants, but only 37 offered online accounts—meaning 30% of brokers accounted for the bulk of total turnover. (Figure 6, lowest graph) 

This implies that brick-and-mortar brokers are fighting for a rapidly dwindling share of PSE volume, making many vulnerable to sustained low-volume conditions and an extension of the prevailing bear market. 

VIII. Conclusion: A Mirage of Growth 

The Philippine Stock Exchange's reported surge in new accounts in 2024, while seemingly a triumph of financial inclusion and capital market deepening, masks a more complex and potentially troubling reality. 

Our analysis suggests that this growth isn't primarily a result of a robust bull market or a sudden boom in savings. Instead, it reflects heightened volatility, a concentrated market, and a populace grappling with economic hardship

The significant disconnect between the dramatic increase in accounts and the persistently low level of active participation—coupled with the overwhelming dominance of institutional investors—paints a picture of a market, where retail investors, particularly younger generations, may be making a "Hail Mary Pass" amid limited economic opportunities. 

The “Potemkin village” nature of the PSEi 30’s performance—propped up by institutional activities and circumstantial signs of coordinated activity—raises deeper concerns: price distortions, misallocated capital, and the quiet transfer of wealth from uninformed and gullible retail players to more sophisticated institutions. 

Moving forward, it’s no longer enough for the PSE to simply lower transaction taxes, launch new products, or expand investor education programs. 

What’s truly needed is a political economy that fosters real economic freedom—grounded in long-term thinking or lower time preference—so savers can build genuine wealth by channeling their capital into productive enterprise and transparent capital markets. 

Above all, capital markets must operate with integrity: free from manipulation, insulated from rigged dynamics, and designed to protect—not exploit—retail investors from becoming cannon fodder in a system tilted toward institutional dominance. 

___

References 

Doug Noland, Uncertainty Squared, June 7, 2025, Credit Bubble Bulletin 

Philippine Stock Exchange, Stock market accounts breach 2M mark, June 9, 2025 pse.com.ph

 

Sunday, June 15, 2025

Is the Philippine Peso’s Rise a Secret Bargaining Chip in Trump’s Trade War?

Devaluation is not a tool for exports. It is a tool for cronyism and always ends with the demise of the currency as a valuable reserve—Daniel Lacalle

In this issue 

Is the Philippine Peso’s Rise a Secret Bargaining Chip in Trump’s Trade War?

I. BSP Denies Currency Manipulation Amid Trade Talks

II The Mar-a-Lago Framework: Dollar Devaluation as Trade Strategy

III. Asian Geopolitical Allies Lead Currency Appreciation Against USD

IV. Market Signals Point to Implicit Bilateral Deals

V. Taiwan’s Hedging Frenzy: Collateral Damage of FX Realignment?

VI Gross International Reserves Tell a Different Story

VII. Breaking Historical Patterns: GIR Decline Amid Peso Strength

VIII. Yield Spreads and Market Disruptions Signal Intervention

IX. Conclusion: The Hidden Costs of Currency Leverage; Intertemporal Risks and Economic Feedback Loops 

Is the Philippine Peso’s Rise a Secret Bargaining Chip in Trump’s Trade War? 

How the BSP's currency interventions may be hiding an implicit trade deal with Washington

I. BSP Denies Currency Manipulation Amid Trade Talks 

From a syndicated Reuters news, the Interaksyon reported May 20: "The Philippine central bank said there is no indication that its management of the peso’s exchange rate is part of trade negotiations with the U.S. government, as it signalled a preference for non-interest rate tools to manage capital inflows. The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas said while it expected to further ease monetary policy because of a favourable inflation outlook, it favoured a more nuanced approach to managing liquidity and exchange rate volatility. “The BSP does not normally respond to capital flow surges or outflows, or even volatility, using policy interest rate action,” the BSP said in an emailed response to questions from Reuters. Philippine officials met U.S. authorities on May 2 to discuss trade. Although not directly involved in the talks, the BSP said there was no indication foreign exchange considerations were explicitly part of the negotiations. The Philippines has not been spared from President Trump’s tariffs, although it faces a comparatively modest 17% tariff, lower than regional neighbours Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, and Vietnam. “The BSP adopts a pragmatic approach in managing capital flow volatility, combining FX interventions when necessary, the strategic use of the country’s foreign exchange reserve buffer, and macroprudential measures,” it said." (bold added)

II The Mar-a-Lago Framework: Dollar Devaluation as Trade Strategy 

Though the Mar-a-Lago Accord, coined by analysts like Zoltan Pozsar and popularized by Stephen Miran, is a speculative framework, it draws inspiration from the 1985 Plaza Accord, where G5 nations coordinated to depreciate the U.S. dollar to boost American exports. Stephen Miran, now Chairman of the White House Council of Economic Advisers, published a paper in November 2024 titled ‘A User’s Guide to Restructuring the Global Trading System.’ 

It argues that the U.S. dollar’s persistent overvaluation harms American manufacturing by making exports less competitive and imports cheaper, contributing to a $1.2 trillion trade deficit in 2024.

To address this, Miran proposed devaluing the dollar by encouraging foreign central banks to sell dollar assets or adjust monetary policies, while using tariffs as a ‘stick’ to pressure trading partners into currency adjustments or trade concessions.

While dedollarization—reducing reliance on the dollar in global trade and reserves—is often cited as the cause of recent dollar weakness, this may apply to countries with geopolitical tensions with the U.S., such as China or Russia or other members of the BRICs.

However, it doesn’t explain the currency strength among staunch U.S. allies like the Philippines, Japan, and South Korea, suggesting a different motive: implicit negotiations with the Trump administration.

III. Asian Geopolitical Allies Lead Currency Appreciation Against USD


Figure 1 

Year to June 13, 2025, the USD dropped against 8 of 10 Bloomberg-quoted Asian currencies, led by USDTWD (Taiwan dollar) -9.9%, USDKRW (Korean won) -7.8%, and USDJPY (Japanese yen) -8.35%. (Figure 1, topmost and middle charts) 

These countries, staunch U.S. allies that host American military bases, are the most likely to accommodate Washington’s demands. 

In ASEAN, major currencies appreciated more modestly: USDMYR (Malaysian ringgit) fell 5.05%, USDTHB (Thai baht) 5.49%, and USDPHP (Philippine peso) 2.8%. 

In contrast, USDIDR (Indonesian rupiah) rose 1.06%, indicating rupiah weakening—likely due to Indonesia's neutral stance, persistent fiscal concerns, and weaker ties to the U.S.

IV. Market Signals Point to Implicit Bilateral Deals 

On May 23, MUFG commented: "Markets have seemingly perceived that President Trump is looking for a weaker US dollar versus several Asian currencies as part of bilateral trade negotiations. Bloomberg News recently reported that the Taiwanese authorities had allowed the TWD to appreciate sharply earlier this month. The deputy governor of CBC has said that this strategic move is to allow market expectations for TWD gains to play out. But this is apparently at odds with the Taiwan central bank’s past preference to intervene in the FX market to smooth out volatility. The Korean won has also advanced sharply on the news that the US-South Korea finished the second technical discussions on 22 May." (bold added) (Figure 1, lowest graph) 

This MUFG insight—"A weaker US dollar versus several Asian currencies as part of bilateral trade negotiations"—suggests an implicit bilateral Mar-a-Lago deal.

V. Taiwan’s Hedging Frenzy: Collateral Damage of FX Realignment? 

Notably, Taiwan’s insurers recently suffered massive losses during the USD selloff and may have even contributed to it. Taiwan’s Financial Supervisory Commission (FSC) summoned insurers for reportedly “rushing to hedge their US bond holdings.” This could reflect unintended effects of TWD appreciation, potentially tied to an implicit Mar-a-Lago deal. 

In a nutshell, it’s likely no coincidence that currency appreciation aligns with the U.S.’s closest allies, suggesting implicit bilateral Mar-a-Lago deals driven by Trump’s tariff leverage, despite official denials. 

VI Gross International Reserves Tell a Different Story 

"Never believe anything in politics until it is officially denied"—Ottoman Bismark 

Taiwan’s central bank’s denial of involvement closely mirrors that of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP). 

The BSP has washed its hands from using the peso as a tool for negotiation, despite the Philippines status as a client state in ASEAN, bound by the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty and hosting U.S. military bases

Given the Mar-a-Lago framework of coupling dollar devaluation with tariffs, trade negotiations with the U.S. would likely involve the BSP, making its denial implausible

While no official agreement exists, the BSP noted it could use a combination of “FX interventions when necessary” and “the strategic use of the country’s foreign exchange reserve buffer” for capital flows management. 

This rhetoric suggests using the Philippine peso as strategic leverage for trade negotiations, aligning with the Mar-a-Lago goal of weakening the dollar to reduce the U.S.$1.2 trillion trade deficit, including the Philippines’ $5 billion surplus from $14.2 billion in exports.

VII. Breaking Historical Patterns: GIR Decline Amid Peso Strength


Figure 2 

Consider the evidence: When the USDPHP fell in 2012 and 2018, the increase BSP’s Gross International Reserves (GIR) accelerated, evidenced by aggregated monthly inflows. 

As a side note, May’s GIR saw a marginal increase, supported ironically by gold, which has served as an anchor. (Figure 2, topmost and middle images) 

Recall that last February, the BSP dismissed gold’s role, citing the "dead asset" logic: Gold prices can be volatile, earn little interest, and incur storage costs, so central banks prefer not to hold excessive amounts." Divine justice? 

Yet ironically, unlike past trends, the current USDPHP decline has led to a reduction in the GIR. (Figure 2, lowest visual) 

The BSP’s template, repeated in January, March, and April, states: "The month-on-month decrease in the GIR level reflected mainly the (1) national government’s (NG) drawdowns on its foreign currency deposits with the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) to meet its external debt obligations and pay for its various expenditures, and (2) BSP’s net foreign exchange operations." 

The USDPHP remains far from the BSP’s ‘Maginot Line’ of Php 59—the upper band of its informal ‘soft-peg’ range—so why is its GIR eroding? 

While part of the decline may be due to ‘revaluation effects’ from rising long-term U.S. Treasury yields (falling bond prices) and a softer dollar, this insufficiently explains the GIR’s decline amid an appreciating peso, contrary to historical patterns.


Figure 3

BSP data shows its net foreign assets contracted year-on-year in April 2025, the first decline since July 2023. (Figure 3, topmost diagram) 

This partly reflects changes in the FX assets of Other Deposit Corporations (ODCs), but the primary driver has been the BSP’s dollar-denominated assets. (Figure 3, second to the highest pane) 

Either we are seeing 'revaluation effects' from a GIR heavily weighted in USD assets—given that the BSP was the largest central bank gold seller in 2024, reducing its gold holdings to bolster reserves—or the BSP has been offloading some of its FX holdings to weaken the USD, thereby supporting the peso’s rise. It could be both, distinguished by scale.

VIII. Yield Spreads and Market Disruptions Signal Intervention 

The spread between 10-year Philippine and U.S. Treasury yields has drifted to its widest since 2019, when BVAL rates replaced PDST in October 2018 as the benchmark for Philippine bonds. (Figure 3, second to the lowest and lowest graphs) 

Historically, this was linked to deeper USDPHP declines, but since the BSP adopted its ‘soft-peg’ regime in 2022, its interventions have significantly reshaped this correlation—altering market signals and shifting currency allocations within the financial system


Figure 4

Weak organic FX revenues—contracting FDIs (-45.24% YoY Jan-Mar 2025), tourism (-0.82% Jan-Apr, including overseas Filipino visitors), March 2025 remittances at a 9-month low, and volatile portfolio flows ($923 million Jan-Apr)—don’t support the peso’s strength, except for services exports (+7.2% Q1 GDP). (Figure 4) 

Insufficient FX flows explain the surge in external debt, as the Philippines borrows heavily to bridge the gap, with external debt increasing to support trade, fiscal needs, and the defense of the USDPHP soft peg.


Figure 5 

Philippine external debt surged by a staggering 14% in Q1 2025, driven by a 17.4% rise in public FX debt, which now accounts for approximately 59% of the total! 

The BSP calls a sustained spike in FX debt 'manageable'—color us amazed!

IX. Conclusion: The Hidden Costs of Currency Leverage; Intertemporal Risks and Economic Feedback Loops 

These factors strengthen the case that the BSP is using the peso as leverage for trade negotiations—an implicit bilateral Mar-a-Lago deal. 

These interventions have intertemporal effects—or unintended consequences from pursuing short-term goals—that will likely surface over time. 

The USD’s decline will likely accelerate FX-denominated borrowings, becoming more evident once the peso weakens—similar to the 2018 and 2022 episodes—amplifying currency, interest rate, and other risks through mismatches that could exacerbate market disruptions. 

This poses risks of dislocations in sectors reliant on merchandise trade, remittances, or FX or USD fund flows, potentially triggering feedback loops that could negatively impact the broader economy or lead to economic and financial instability. 

And with escalating risks of a fiscal shock—one that could trigger and amplify unforeseen ramifications—that would translate into a perfect storm, wouldn’t it?