September 2024 Fiscal Deficit Highlights the "Marcos-nomics Stimulus"; How Deficit Spending Drives a WEAKER Philippine Peso

 

A failure to correct unsustainable fiscal trajectories poses major risks to growth, inflation and financial stability—Agustín Carstens, General Manager, Bank for International Settlements 

In this issue

September 2024 Fiscal Deficit Highlights the "Marcos-nomics Stimulus"; How Deficit Spending Drives a WEAKER Philippine Peso

I. September Deficit Highlights Three of the Five Phases of Marcos-nomics Stimulus

II. Untold Aspects of Fiscal Health: How the Shift in Monthly Revenue Reports Impact Quarterly Performance

III. Revealing Hidden Dynamics: How Quarterly Expenditures Shape Fiscal Outcomes

IV. September Debt-Servicing Costs Hits an All-Time High Relative to Historical Annualized Data!

V. How Deficit Spending Drives a WEAKER Philippine Peso; the USD-PHP V-Shape Recovery!

VI. All Time High in Interest Payment as Share of Expenditures Soar to 2009 High!

VII. Pre-Election Spending? All Time High in 9-Month Government Disbursements, Second Highest LGU spending

VIII. The Inflation Tax: BSP and Banking System’s QE

IX. Conclusion: Big Government Comes at The Expense of a Healthy Market Economy

September 2024 Fiscal Deficit Highlights the "Marcos-nomics Stimulus"; How Deficit Spending Drives a WEAKER Philippine Peso

There seems to be little recognition that September's deficit was a milestone of a kind; it actually highlights "Marcos-nomics" in action. With a quarter to go, debt servicing costs hit an all-time high as the USD-Peso mounts a ferocious recovery.

I. September Deficit Highlights Three of the Five Phases of Marcos-nomics Stimulus

Everyone has been conditioned to believe that current economic conditions are "normal."

To reinforce this notion, media narratives often highlight selective aspects of growth while ignoring other salient parts and related data.

That’s right: when the public’s dependence on "political interventions"—referred to as ‘stimulus’—becomes entrenched, this deepening addiction becomes the norm.

As the great Nobel Laureate Milton Friedman presciently stated, "Nothing is so permanent as a temporary government program."

But have you heard any expert mention this? You might read piecemeal allusions; for example, the BSP's rate-cutting cycle is expected to boost household spending and business activity.

Nonetheless, the public hardly understands the interconnectedness of what are sold as disparate policies.

As previously discussed, we identify the five phases of the "Marcos-nomics stimulus," subtly operating under the Pandemic Bailout Template (PBT).

The first phase involves record-setting public spending, contributing to a significant deficit.

The second phase highlights the BSP’s monetary policy, characterized by the latest round of interest rate cuts.

The third phase signifies the BSP and bank injections, partially fulfilled by the recent reduction in the banking system’s Reserve Requirement Ratio.

The fourth and fifth phases encompass various subsidies, such as the current credit card interest rate ceiling, along with pandemic relief measures.

The National Government and the BSP have yet to expand their coverage in this area, but it is expected to happen soon.

This step-by-step approach underlines the structure of the stimulus, which subtly mirrors the Pandemic Bailout Template.

September’s deficit highlights its first phase.

II. Untold Aspects of Fiscal Health: How the Shift in Monthly Revenue Reports Impact Quarterly Performance

Inquirer.net, October 25, 2024: The country’s budget deficit widened by 8.9 percent to P273.3 billion in September from P250.9 billion in the same month last year, as the increase in revenues was not enough to cover the hike in expenses, the Bureau of the Treasury reported on Thursday. Revenue collections increased by 17.32 percent to P299.7 billion last month, from P255.4 billion last year, while state expenditures also grew by 13.15 percent to P572.9 billion. But for the first nine months, the budget deficit narrowed by 1.35 percent to P970.2 billion from the P983.5-billion budget gap a year ago.

While the Bureau of the Treasury (BuTr) issues a monthly report, recent changes in tax revenue reporting and end-of-quarter budget compliance targets make quarterly reports far more significant.

In fact, monthly reports can be considered largely meaningless without considering the quarterly performance.

For instance, the latest BuTr report sheds light on the reasons behind recent revenue surges.

The increase in VAT collections in 2024 is partly due to the impact of the change in payment schedule introduced by the TRAIN law provision which allows the tax filers to shift from monthly to quarterly filing of VAT return [bold mine] (Bureau of Treasury, October 2024) 

Distortions brought about by changes in the BuTr’s reporting methods pose a crucial factor in analyzing the fiscal health of the Philippines. 

This brings us to September’s performance. 

Indeed, public revenue in September grew by 17.3%, but this increase is primarily due to base effects. 

Additionally, administrative policy changes and one-off charges contributed to the month’s revenue growth.         

This is attributed to higher personal income tax (PIT) particularly on withholding on wages due to the release of salary differentials of civilian government personnel pursuant to Executive Order No. 64, series of 20242 , which updated from the Salary Standardization Law (SSL) of 2019… 

Non-tax revenues surged to P46.2 billion in September, more than twice the level attained a year ago primarily due to the one-off windfall from the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) concession agreement…the higher outturn for the period was attributed to the P30.0 billion remittance from the Manila International Airport Authority (MIAA), representing the upfront payment for the MIAA-Ninoy Aquino International Airport (NAIA) PPP Project [bold added] (Bureau of Treasury, October 2024) 

Importantly, aside from the factors mentioned above, as noted by the BuTr, the shift in VAT payment timing played a crucial role in boosting 2024 revenues.

Figure 1

That is to say, since VAT payments are made at the end of each quarter but recorded in the first month of the following quarter, this quarterly revenue cycle inflates reported revenues for January, April, July and October, often resulting in a narrowed deficit or even a surplus for these months. (Figure 1, topmost chart) 

Therefore, we should anticipate either a surplus or a narrower deficit this October.

In any case, Q3 2024 revenues increased by 16.95%—the highest growth rate since Q3 2022, which was a record in nominal terms for Q3 historically. However, this was also the second-highest quarterly revenue in pesos after Q2 2024. (Figure 1, middle image)

What might collections look like if we consider only “core” operations? Would deficits be larger without these reporting distortions? Or could the government be “padding” its revenue reports? 

III. Revealing Hidden Dynamics: How Quarterly Expenditures Shape Fiscal Outcomes 

The mainstream media and their expert cohorts rarely mention the most critical segment: historic public (deficit) spending. 

Although public spending rose by only 13.2% in September due to a high base effect, it marked the largest non-December outlay on record. It was also the third-largest overall, trailing only the year-end budget expenditures of December 2023 and December 2022. (Figure 1, lowest graph) 

Notably, 2024 has already seen three months of spending exceeding Php 500 billion—even before the year-end budget allocations. This pattern isn’t an anomaly but rather a path-dependent trajectory of political decisions. 

Figure 2

In the context of quarterly performance, Q3 spending grew by 6.4% year-over-year, also constrained by high base effects. Still, this represents the third-highest quarterly outlay on record, following Q2 2024 and Q4 2023, and a milestone high when compared with previous Q3 performances. (Figure 2, topmost diagram)

Similarly, the monthly deficit resulting from September’s historic expenditure constituted the second largest non-December monthly deficit, following the pandemic recession in April 2020, which saw a deficit of Php 273.9 billion. This was the sixth largest deficit when including the year-end closing budget.

Furthermore, the pressure to meet quarterly compliance targets push the burden of expenditures to the closing month of each period; thus, the largest deficits occur at the end of each quarter (March, June, September, and December). (Figure 2, middle pane) 

Simply put, this new schedule has introduced significant distortions in the Bureau of Treasury’s (BuTr) fiscal balance reporting. 

Revenues at the start of each quarter are likely to close the gap with expenditures in October, potentially leading to a surplus or a narrowed deficit. In contrast, end-of-month spending for each quarter should boost expenditures and consequently increase deficits. 

However, for now, the alteration in BuTr reporting has artificially inflated the government’s fiscal health. 

Still, it goes without saying that the year-end expenditure target will likely push December 2024’s fiscal deficit to a fresh milestone! 

From a quarterly perspective, revenues remain above their polynomial trendline, while spending hovers slightly below it, reflecting revenue outperformance in comparison to trend-aligned spending. (Figure 2, lower graph) 

Meanwhile, the widening gap between the deficit and its trendline may signal increased volatility ahead. 

IV. September Debt-Servicing Costs Hits an All-Time High Relative to Historical Annualized Data!

Despite the potential embellishment of budget statistics through inflated revenues or understated deficits, it remains essential to recognize that this spending requires funding. 

Some mainstream experts have attributed the recent decline in Bureau of Treasury (BuTr) financing to prudent “rationalization” by budget overseers. 

However, we have consistently argued that this perspective is grotesquely misguided; it is the government’s default action to indulge in a spending binge. 

This behavior serves not only to advance its political agenda of centralizing the economy and promoting its interests in the upcoming elections but also because such fiscal transfers create a temporary illusion of economic boom. 

For a spending-based GDP, ramping up expenditures is necessary to increase tax revenue and, more importantly, to depress interest rates, which allows the government to access public savings cheaply to fund its expenditures. 

True, revenue expansion in August reduced that month’s deficit, which led to an improvement in the 9-month deficit, dropping from last year’s level. However, we suspect this improvement may be short-lived, as December 2024’s massive spending is likely to push the deficit above last year’s figures. 

Still, it is noteworthy that the 9-month deficit for 2024 remains the fourth largest since the pandemic bailout template (PBT) measures began in 2020. 

Any improvement in the deficit has been inconsequential, as the post-PBT deficits have remained in an “emergency” mode. 

It only takes a substantial downturn in GDP for this deficit to set a new high—which is likely what its polynomial trendline suggests.

Figure 3

Despite improvements in the 9-month deficit, financing reversed its downward trend, rising 12.6% year-over-year to Php 1.875 trillion. (Figure 3, topmost chart)

This trend reversal means not only an increase in the public debt stock—recently improved due to the peso’s substantial gains against the USD—but also higher costs of servicing public debt.

The BuTr will report on September’s public debt figures next week, but with the substantial V-shaped recovery of the USD, October is expected to yield interesting data.

Nevertheless, the 9-month cost of servicing public debt has reached an ALL-TIME HIGH relative to annual historical data, with a full quarter left to go! (Figure 3, middle graph)

Interestingly, amortizations have exceeded the annual 2023 data by 8.7%, while interest payments remain just 7.2% below this benchmark.

Signs of normal times?

V. How Deficit Spending Drives a WEAKER Philippine Peso; the USD-PHP V-Shape Recovery!

Although the 9-month growth rate for debt servicing slowed to 17.4% due to base effects, it set a record in peso terms.

More importantly, the share of external financing has been increasing, which not only indicates rising credit levels in the local currency but also amplifies external borrowing, effectively exacerbating "USD shorts" (implied short positions on the USD). (Figure 3, lowest window)

Borrowings ultimately need repayment. However, if organic USD revenue sources prove insufficient to meet debt obligations and refinance existing loans, the government will need to take on more debt to cover existing obligations—essentially, a recycling of debt, or what is known as Ponzi finance.

Figure 4 

Compounding these challenges, debt-financed government spending, a preference for easy-money conditions, and domestic banks’ bias toward consumer lending all contribute to a widening savings-investment gap, fueling the country’s "twin deficits." This combination of factors will likely increase reliance on external financing, leading to a structural depreciation of the peso. 

The crux of the matter is this: the widening fiscal deficit results in a weaker Philippine peso, raising external credit risks. (Figure 4, upper image) 

Oddly enough, some media outlets and pseudo-experts have recently attributed the recent V-shape recovery of the USDPHP exchange rate to a “Trump presidency!” 

Huh? Are they suggesting that a Harris administration would result in a strong peso? 

As I recently posted on x.com: During the Trump 1.0 presidency 1/20/17 (49.92) -1/20/21 (48.054), the USDPHP fell by 3.74%! How about Biden? So far, at 58.32, the USDPHP is up 21.4% (as of October 25, 2024)! 

Certainly, the recent strength of the dollar has played a role, contributing to a broad-based rebound of Asian currencies this week. While the USD Index (DXY) rose by 0.8%, the Philippine peso fell by 1.39%. 

In the context of the USD-Philippine USDPHP reclaiming its old trendline, this represents a "signal," while the peso’s recent bounce signifies "noise" or an anomaly. (Figure 4, lower chart) 

On the other hand, the DXY remains below its immediate broken trendline. 

So, is the USDPHP market suggesting a retest of 59 soon? 

This partially illustrates the "exorbitant privilege" of the US dollar standard, where global central banks rely on building up their USD reserves, to "back" or "anchor" their domestic monetary or currency operations that fund their economies and imports. 

In any case, over the long term, the relative performance of a currency against regional peers vis-à-vis the USD might signal developing vulnerabilities within that currency.

This inability to recognize causality represents the heuristic of attribution bias— giving credit to endogenous activities while attributing deficiencies to exogenous forces.

VI. All Time High in Interest Payment as Share of Expenditures Soar to 2009 High!

Circling back to debt servicing, it's important to note that amortizations are not included in the published budget. As the government defines it, this represents "a financing transaction rather than an expenditure" (Ombudsman, 2012). 

Consequently, this aspect has barely been addressed by the headlines or the experts.

Figure 5

Despite attempts to downplay discussions around interest payments, the nine-month interest payments have surged to an all-time high, with their share of disbursements climbing to 13.7%—the highest level since 2009! (Figure 5, topmost diagram)

The growing debt burden from deficit spending, amid elevated rates, translates into an even larger cost of servicing, impacting both the budget’s allocated expenditures and its mandatory cash flows.

How’s that for "prudential" debt management or "rationalizing" the budget?

VII. Pre-Election Spending? All Time High in 9-Month Government Disbursements, Second Highest LGU spending

Aside from interest payments, what might be the other major spending items? 

The nine-month central government’s disbursement growth surged by 11.64% to an all-time high of Php 2.78 trillion, which, according to the Bureau of the Treasury (BuTr), signifies "the implementation of capital outlay projects by the Department of Public Works and Highways and larger personnel services expenditures due to the implementation of the first tranche of salary adjustments." (Figure 5, middle window)

It is worth noting that, aside from aiming for GDP targets, this spending appears to be tactically timed for pre-election purposes.

Meanwhile, local government spending growth rebounded sharply from a 16.6% contraction in 2023 to 8.8% this year, reaching the second highest level in 2024. (Figure 5, lowest image)

A crucial segment of this substantial recovery may involve direct and indirect financing of local pre-election campaign activities.

The nine-month share of national disbursement was 65.24%, slightly higher than 2023’s 65.2%, while the share of local government unit (LGU) spending declined from 18.2% in 2023 to 17.72% in 2024.

In any event, given the embedded accelerated trajectory in deficit spending for socio-political (pre-elections, war economy, infrastructure-led GDP) and financing goals in the face of volatile economically sensitive revenues or collections, what could go wrong?

VIII. The Inflation Tax: BSP and Banking System’s QE

Direct taxation and debt have not only served as the primary sources of financing for the increasing scale of spending and deficits; the inflation tax has also taken on a more significant role in funding deficit spending.

It's important to remember that the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) operates under an "inflation targeting" regime.

The unstated objective is not to "eliminate" inflation—since that is never the goal—but rather to contain the inflation "genie" within manageable limits.

The BSP aims to utilize the inflation tax alongside direct taxes and borrowing, while carefully controlling it to prevent social discord.

Consequently, attributing the current inflationary episode solely to supply-side factors has proven to be a convenient way to deflect blame from the BSP to the broader market economy, often framing it as “greedflation.”

Given this context, it’s hardly surprising that none of the establishment experts anticipated the surge in inflation, despite our repeated warnings about the inflation cycle.

Figure 6

When authorities began ramping up spending even before the pandemic in 2019, the BSP’s net claims on the central government (NCoCG)—essentially a local version of quantitative easing—started to escalate and has remained on an upward trajectory ever since. (Figure 6, topmost chart)

Even as mainstream narratives tout the aspiration of achieving "upper middle-income status," little has changed in the BSP’s NCoCG since their historic Php 2.3 trillion bailout of the banking system during 2020-2021.

The same holds true for the Philippine banking system’s NCoCG, which continues to be a vital source of financing for public debt. (Figure 6, middle window)

As of last August, the banking system’s holdings of government securities were just shy of the all-time high reached in July.

Although bank holdings of held-to-maturity (HTM) assets dipped in August, they remained tantalizingly close to the record high set in December 2023. Philippine NCoCG are entwined with HTMs. (Figure 6, lowest chart)

When have these been signs of "normal?"

IX. Conclusion: Big Government Comes at The Expense of a Healthy Market Economy

Figure 7

We shouldn’t overlook the fact that the accelerating surge in the nominal value of public debt has diverged from the rising trajectory of public spending, suggesting a potential understatement of the fiscal deficit. (Figure 7, topmost graph)

The establishment often emphasizes the importance of public spending, claiming it has a ‘multiplier effect.’ However, from the perspective of the banking system, the reality appears to be the opposite: instead of stimulating growth, increased public spending has led to a diminishment of savings, as evidenced by the declining growth of peso deposits. (Figure 7, middle chart)

The impact of diminishing savings is also evident in the capital markets, with trading volumes on the Philippine Stock Exchange (PSE) declining further due to the surge in pandemic-era deficits. Yes, PSEi 30 have risen on the backdrop of declining volumes. Amazing! (Figure 7, lowest diagram)

In short, the greater the centralization of the economy— through: (1) intensifying public spending, (2) increasing political control over the economy—such as Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs), which can be viewed as a neo-fascist or crony capitalist model, (3) the expansion of the bureaucratic state due to welfare and warfare sectors, and (4) the increasing reliance on the inflation tax, the lower the productivity.

Simply put, a big government comes at the expense of a healthy market economy.

Given these circumstances, could this scenario catalyze a third wave of inflation?

When has the Philippine economy truly returned to a pre-pandemic "normal?"

___

References:

Bureau of Treasury September 2024 Budget Deficit at P273.3 Billion Nine-Month Deficit Narrowed to P970.2 Billion, October 24, 2024 Treasury.gov.ph

Office of the Ombudsman, I. Basic Concepts in Budgeting, December 2012, www.ombudsman.gov.ph

 

Melt-Up! Philippine Financial-Bank Index Hits a Milestone High!

 

Causa remota of any crisis is the expansion of credit and speculation while causa proxima is some incident that saps the confidence of the system and induces investors to sell commodities, stocks, real estate, bills of exchange, or promissory notes and increase their money holdings. The causa proxima may be trivial: a bankruptcy, a suicide, a flight, a revelation of fraud, a refusal of credit to some borrowers, or some change of view that leads a market participant with a large position to sell. Prices fall. Expectations are reversed. The downward price movement accelerates—Charles P. Kindelberger 

In this issue

Melt-Up! Philippine Financial-Bank Index Hits a Milestone High!

I. US Banks Powered Global Financials ETF to a Record High!

II. Melt-up! The Philippine Financial-Bank Index Carves a Fresh All-Time High!

III. Tightening, what Tightening? Finance Outperformed the PSE Since 2020, Banks Centralize Financial Resources

IV. The Paradox of Financial and Real-Estate Performance; Year-To-Date Performances of Listed Banks

V. Record Financial Index: From the Perspective of Volume and Foreign Money Flows

VI. Cross-Border Leveraged Speculation Powered the Record High of the Financial/Bank Index

VII. Bank Borrowings in a Melt-UP Phase too! Conclusion

Melt-Up! Philippine Financial-Bank Index Hits a Milestone High!

The share prices of many Philippine banks have been in a melt-up. But what’s been driving this surge?

I. US Banks Powered Global Financials ETF to a Record High!

Thanks to the extraordinary loosening of financial conditions, which has spurred booming credit and stock market activity, some of the top U.S. banks reported exceptional performance in Q3 2024 last week.

As a result, share prices of Morgan Stanley (NYSE: MS) and Goldman Sachs (NYSE: GS) soared to all-time highs.

In turn, BlackRock’s iShares Global Financials ETF, the IXG (NYSE ARCA: IXG), which has been on an uptrend since the lows of October 2020, also reached a fresh record high after surpassing its previous peak set in 2007.

The IXG's portfolio consists of 209 global equities primarily in financial services and banking, with over 55% of its holdings in US markets. This week, the IXG surged 2.25% and has generated a 26.13% return in 2024 (as of October 18).

Figure 1

Financials ranked fourth among the best-performing sectors in the S&P 500, with a 26.5% return, trailing Information Technology at 33.25%, Utilities at 29.3%, and Communications at 28.3% (as of October 18). [Figure 1, topmost table]

Despite the backdrop of supposedly high interest rates, October 2022 marked a turning point for the financial sector. This followed the Bank of England’s (BoE) intervention to rescue its troubled pension funds during the selloff of UK bonds.

The subsequent bailout of U.S. banks during the 2023 crisis further emboldened speculative activity, as central bank interventions have created what many view as a "moral hazard"—the belief that central banks will always step in to support the markets.

Expectations of easing by the Federal Reserve and other central banks have fueled the blistering rise of the IXG. The rapid pace of this ascent bears an unsettling resemblance to the 2007 episode, which preceded the Great Financial Crisis (GFC). [Figure 1, middle image]

II. Melt-up! The Philippine Financial-Bank Index Carves a Fresh All-Time High!

What does this have to do with the PSE?

The PSEi 30 closed the week ending October 18th up 1.44%, pushing 2024 Year-to-Date (YTD) returns to 14.97%.

Leading the gains this week was the Financial/Bank Index, with a 3.5% spike, followed by the Property Index, which climbed 2.11%.

The strong performance of the banking and property sectors supposedly reflects the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas' (BSP) announcement of its second round of rate cuts, effective October 17.

With this week’s surge, Financials have swiftly secured the second spot YTD with a 39.3% return, closing in on the ICT-led Service Sector, which holds the top position with 40.7%.

Since the PSEi 30 hit its June 2021 lows—mirroring trends in the U.S.—financials have sprinted ahead of other sectors. The Financial Index returned 29.9%, followed by the Property Index at 25%, both contributing to the PSEi 30’s overall 20.4% gain over this period. (Figure 1, lowest graph)

Figure 2

Here’s the thing: the Financial/Bank Index set a new record last September, surpassing its January 2018 high of 2,325.65. In a parabolic fashion, similar to global markets, the financial/bank index decisively reinforced its end-September breakout with this week’s push to 2,421.6. (Figure 2, topmost chart) 

Once again, China Bank’s incredible vertical rise is unprecedented, showcasing price volatility that is unbecoming of traditional banks. (Figure 2 middle chart) 

As previously pointed out, similar to the Lehman episode, skyrocketing prices tend to disguise underlying problems. 

In essence, the parabolic rise of financials hardly indicates a healthy bull market. If history serves as a guide (as seen in 2012 and 2018), this could be a sign of an interim top. 

Or could this time be different? 

III. Tightening, what Tightening? Finance Outperformed the PSE Since 2020, Banks Centralize Financial Resources 

The Financial/Bank Index currently consists of eight constituents: seven banks—Asia United Bank [AUB], BDO Unibank [BDO], Bank of the Philippine Islands [BPI], China Banking [CBC], Metrobank [MBT], Philippine National Bank [PNB], and Security Bank [SECB]—and one non-bank entity, the Philippine Stock Exchange [PSE].

Three of the bank members in the Financial Index are also part of the PSEi 30 composite, with two of them ranking among the top five.

While recent mainstream discussions have focused on how banks benefit from the liquidity injections via significant Reserve Requirement Ratio (RRR) cuts, and BSP rate cuts, the Financial Index has been outperforming the PSEi 30 since 2020. (Figure 2, lowest diagram) 

This trend began when the BSP implemented historic measures to support the industry, including quantitative easing (QE), rate cuts, RRR cuts, and relief measures.

This indicates that current dynamics represent a continuation of an underlying trend.

Figure 3

The BSP’s Total Resources of the Financial System (TRFS) data reveals that not only is it outgrowing GDP, but the share of banking resources—particularly from universal commercial (UC) banks—has been driving most of this growth. Philippine bank and UC bank share of the TRFS accounted for 83.4% and 78.05% last August. (Figure 3, topmost window) 

This highlights a concentration of resources and a deepening dependence of the economy on bank credit and liquidity. Thus, when officials claim they are promoting capital markets, it only holds true if banks benefit from it. 

Ironically, despite previous rate hikes, the TRFS suggests there has been little actual "tightening" or "restrictiveness" in the system. 

The outperformance of the Financial/Bank Index further confirms this. Yet, even with the availability of public data, discussions surrounding these insights are often sparse. 

IV. The Paradox of Financial and Real-Estate Performance; Year-To-Date Performances of Listed Banks 

In contrast, despite the substantial rebound in the Property Index from June 21 through September, it has yet to break its pattern of underperformance relative to the PSEi 30. (Figure 3, middle graph) 

These divergent trends suggest that, regardless of the measures undertaken by the BSP, the property sector remains hindered by internal challenges. 

In fact, contrary to most predictions, low interest rates have contributed to the real estate sector's struggles. As the BSP eased monetary policy over the past decade, the sector's value-added share of GDP fell to recent all-time lows—an indication of malinvestment. (Figure 3, lowest chart)

Figure 4 

Still, the Year-to-Date (YTD) performance of all listed banks, which has averaged a return of 27.08% as of October 18, has been skewed in favor of the banks that are part of the financial/bank index. (Figure 4, topmost image) 

Rocketing stock prices of Financial Index members AUB and CBC have delivered impressive YTD returns of 91.3% and 94.59%, respectively. (Figure 4, middle visual) 

Meanwhile, PSEi 30 mainstays BDO, BPI, and MBT produced returns of 25.7%, 37.9%, and 56.5%, respectively. SECB also saw a solid return of 36.5%. 

Have CBC and AUB struck a "gold mine" that the market has only recently discovered? 

V. Record Financial Index: From the Perspective of Volume and Foreign Money Flows 

Volume and foreign money flows offer another perspective.

Although the PSEi 30 briefly surged past 7,500 before retreating, trading volume remains relatively sluggish.  (Figure 4, lowest graph) 

But that’s only part of the story. 

What remains less known to many is that despite this overall lethargy, financials and banks have captured the bulk of the trading volume or a significant portion has been concentrated in financials and banks. 

The BSP and PSE have yet to release transaction data for August and September.

Figure 5 

However, using July data, the 7-month share of financials' volume relative to total market volume reached an all-time high of 23.7% in 2023. It has since retreated to 19.1% this year, the second-highest on record. That number, however, could reach a new high in October. (Figure 5, topmost image) 

As of October 18, the financial sector's share of gross trading volume had soared to 26.5% (and its share of mainboard volume to 29.6%). 

In other words, the financial/banking sector has absorbed about a quarter of the PSE's sluggish trading volume! That’s an astonishing level of concentration risk—Incredible! 

Given my limited access to sophisticated database organizing tools, I have only managed to tabulate foreign flows using October data, which is limited to the top five Financial Index members: AUB, BDO, BPI, CBC, and SECB. 

There is no question that these top five banks dominate the turnover share, accounting for 90.7% during the week leading up to October 18 and 84.8% for the entire month of October. 

VI. Cross-Border Leveraged Speculation Powered the Record High of the Financial/Bank Index 

But here are some additional insights: 

Net foreign inflows of Php 892.5 million for the top five banks represented 20.94% of the Php 4.261 billion total foreign inflows for October.

Notably, a substantial portion of this, accounting for 87.8% or Php 953.2 million, originated from last week alone, out of a total inflow of Php 1.086 billion.

In short, the recent surge to a record high in the Financial/Bank Index was largely driven by foreign capital, likely bolstered by the "national team" (such as the treasury departments of banks, Maharlika SWF and other financial corporations or OFCs?).

Stunning.

It’s looks likely that some of the foreign money chasing the U.S.-based IXG (iShares Global Financials ETF) rally has been positioning itself in emerging market banks like those in the Philippines. 

What we are witnessing appears to be unadulterated, leveraged speculative cross-border allocations, primarily focused on banks and, to a lesser extent, communications companies (telcos). [See returns of S&P 500 sector above] 

Further, the PSEi 30’s weekly breadth was overwhelmingly positive, with 19 of the 30 issues gaining and three remaining unchanged, averaging a 1.43% increase—almost mirroring the index’s actual weekly return of 1.44%. Two stocks, Meralco and Century Pacific Food (CNPF), hit all-time highs this week. (Figure 5, middle chart)

Weekly gains in the three banks contributed significantly to the PSEi 30’s performance. These banks accounted for 22.6% of the index, while the top five heavyweights—two of which are banks—commanded over half (50.83%) of the PSEi 30 as of October 18. (Figure 5, lowest pane) 

VII. Bank Borrowings in a Melt-UP Phase too! Conclusion

Before we conclude, as we await the PSE and the BSP to release September and Q3 data on individual banks and the overall banking system, it is noteworthy that some banks, such as PBCOM and PNB, have recently announced plans to raise funds through debt issuance in the capital markets.

Figure 6

It’s not just share prices that are surging—Philippine banks are also experiencing a sharp increase in borrowing—bonds and bills soared 32.3% in August. (Figure 6, topmost and middle graphs)

Why the rush to raise funds?

The answer lies in the ongoing deterioration of liquidity within the banking system, as indicated by declining cash-to-deposit and liquid-assets-to-deposit ratios. (Figure 6, lowest chart) 

The pressing question is: How will banks continue to fund the government under these conditions? The BSP’s response: Cut their Reserve Requirements, unleash liquidity! 

To wrap up, what you see in the media or mainstream discourse often doesn’t reflect the full picture. 

 

Important Insights from the Philippine PSEi 30’s Melt-Up!

 

Investors believe in Keynesianism.  They believe that increased government spending will make us all richer.  This illusion is what is driving this stock market. Bubbles are based on illusions—Dr. Gary North 

In this issue

Important Insights from the Philippine PSEi 30’s Melt-Up!

I. Philippine PSEi 30 Returns Among the World’s Highest

II. Lessons from China’s Previous Easy Money Experiments

III. Market Concentration and Unimpressive Volume and Breadth, Rampaging Philippine Bank Shares and the Lehman-Bear Stearns Experience

IV. Retail Players Emerge

V. Why the Opposite Direction of San Miguel’s Share Prices? Conclusion

Important Insights from the Philippine PSEi 30’s Melt-Up!

What does the outperformance of the PSEi 30 likely mean?

I. Philippine PSEi 30 Returns Among the World’s Highest

The Philippines' primary equity benchmark, the PSEi 30, stretched its weekly winning streak to five with this week’s 0.53% gain.

This week’s gains pushed its year-to-date returns to 15.8% (as of October 4th).

Figure 1

Accompanied by a massive rally in the Philippine peso, the Philippines' ETF, the EPHE, joins the ranks of global top equity ETFs in terms of US dollar returns (as of October 2nd). (Figure 1, upper window)

Year to date, the PSEi 30 ranked fourth in Asia, after Pakistan, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. (Figure 1, lower image) 

With 16 of the 19 regional benchmarks up by an average of 13.13% in local currency terms, we can generalize that 2024 has been a year of the bulls. Of course, we have two more months to go.

II. Lessons from China’s Previous Easy Money Experiments

Despite recent elevated rates, the current surge in global stocks signifies a product of easy money.

Due to the massive coordinated bailout package unleashed by Chinese authorities to rescue its struggling asset markets (stocks and real estate), Chinese and Hong Kong equities skyrocketed, rising by a stunning 23.4% and 31% over the last four weeks.

However, the returns of China’s equity markets have been capped due to a week-long holiday.

Figure 2

Though many international experts have suddenly become apostates to a perceived return of China’s bull market, I recently pointed out in a tweet that... (Figure 2)

"While previous episodes of government stimulus did bolster valuations, they turned out to be short-lived, highly volatile, and resulted in diminishing returns for #SSE levels. The 2016 & 2020 support had little impact on its bear market. Will history rhyme?"

Or whatever boom that took place before tended to morph into a bust. Even worse, the subsequent stimulus produced diminishing returns with the lower levels of the Shanghai Composite Index (SSE).

In other words, monetary inflation or stimulus from credit expansion must be applied at a much larger scale than before to magnify the effects of a boom. 

As the great Dean of Austrian economics, Murray Rothbard, once warned 

Like the repeated doping of a horse, the boom is kept on its way and ahead of its inevitable comeuppance by repeated and accelerating doses of the stimulant of bank credit. It is only when bank credit expansion must finally stop or sharply slow down, either because the banks are getting shaky or because the public is getting restive at the continuing inflation, that retribution finally catches up with the boom. (Rothbard, 2015)

China’s experience has somewhat resonated with the Philippines.

Figure 3

It took a combination of historic rate cuts, massive reductions in reserve requirements, unprecedented relief measures, and direct injections by the BSP into the banking system via the expansion of its balance sheet to rescue the Philippine PSEi 30 in 2020. (Figure 3, upper image) 

The PSEi 30 peaked in 2022 along with the cresting of the BSP's assets. 

It is also not a coincidence that the PSEi has wilted in the face of the slow-motion erosion of the BSP’s balance sheet, which was eventually reversed in 2023. 

The BSP’s U-turn put a floor under the PSEi 30 and rebooted the current rally. 

One can probably thank Other Financial Institutions (OFCs) for representing part of the National Team supporting the PSEi 30. 

The BSP has been rebuilding its asset base, this time from external borrowings by the National Government and the banking system. 

III. Market Concentration and Unimpressive Volume and Breadth, Rampaging Philippine Bank Shares and the Lehman-Bear Stearns Experience 

Of course, the difference between the bull market of 2009-2013 and today is that the PSEi 30 run has barely been supported by volume and breadth. 

Main board volume remains substantially below the level reached at even lower PSEi 30 levels in 2022. (Figure 3, lower graph) 

Because of this obsession with pumping the index to portray a bull market, the "national team" has concentrated its aggressive stock-pumping activities on the top heavyweights. 

As a result, the market capitalization share of the top five companies reached 51.1% last October 4, following a record 51.92% last April.

Figure 4

Furthermore, because RRR cuts and BSP rate cuts were sold to the public as policies that would accomplish economic nirvana, the Financial/Banking Index roared, with year-to-date returns spiking 37.7% and its index soaring to a record high! (Figure 4, upper chart) 

Astoundingly, shares of China Bank [PSE:CBC] have spiraled in ways echoing Bitcoin, GameStop [NYSE:GME], and Nvidia [Nasdaq:NVDA]! (Figure 4, lower pane)

CBC posted 91.3% year-to-date returns, with much of that accomplished in the last four weeks!

Figure 5

If history tells us anything, bank share prices going berserk could mean anything other than economic or financial prosperity. The experiences of Lehman Brothers and Bear Stearns provide examples: their share prices sprinted to an all-time high before collapsing, heralding the Great Financial Crisis (2007-2008). (Figure 5, topmost chart)

To be clear, we aren’t suggesting that CBC and other record-setting bank shares, such as BPI, are a simulacrum of Lehman; rather, we are pointing to the distortive behavior of speculative derbies that may hide impending problems in the sector. 

Of course, foreign buying did provide support to the national team. For the first time since 2019, the PSE posted net inflows of Php 108 million in the first nine months of 2024. (Figure 5, middle graph)

Meanwhile, in the PSE, the cumulative market share of the PSEi 30’s best-performing ICT and the three PSEi 30 banks has reached 32.73%, which is closing in on August's record of 33.14%.  

IV. Retail Players Emerge 

However, signs indicate that the retail segment appears to be jumping on board the developing mania, which has been marketed as another version of the "return of the bull market." 

Though still negative, 2024’s nine-month breadth has had the best showing since 2017. (Figure 5, lowest image)

Figure 6

Furthermore, the declining share of the top 10 brokers relative to the MBV could be another contributing factor. It was 60.4% in the week of October 4th, down from a recent high of over 65%. (Figure 6 upper visual) 

Major brokers could utilize 'done-through' trades or outsource trades with partner brokers to conceal or dilute this number.

Despite the paucity of volume, the trading share of the top 20 most-traded issues has dropped to about 80% for the fourth consecutive week from the previous range of 84-86%. (Figure 6, lower diagram)

Figure 7

Since the low on June 21st, the returns of the top 10 heavyweights delivered the bulk of the gains for the PSEi 30. While 23 issues closed higher, 2 remained unchanged, and 5 declined. The average return of the top 5 was 26.84%, while the average return for the top 10 was 26.4% (Figure 7, topmost graph) 

Breadth was largely incongruent with this week’s 0.53% returns, 83% of which were attributable to Friday’s pre-closing pump. Although 18 of the composite PSEi 30 issues closed down, the upside volatility allowed for a positive weekly return of 0.21% (Figure 7, middle image) 

V. Why the Opposite Direction of San Miguel’s Share Prices? Conclusion 

Finally, SMC share prices continue to move diametrically opposite to the sizzling hot PSEi 30. (Figure 7, lowest graph) 

What gives? Will SMC’s debt breach the Php 1.5 trillion barrier in Q3?   

Have SMC’s larger shareholders been pricing in developing liquidity concerns? If so, why are bank shares skyrocketing, when some of them are SMC’s biggest creditors? 

Bottom line: The levels reached by the PSEi 30 and its outsized returns attained over a few months barely support general market activities, which remain heavily concentrated on the actions of the national team and volatile foreign fund flows. 

Instead, the present melt-up represents an onrush of speculative fervor driven by the BSP’s stealth liquidity easing measures, even before their rate cut. Moreover, real economic activities hardly support this melt-up.

___

reference 

Murray N. Rothbard, Why the Recurring Economic Crises?, August 27, 2015, Mises.org