Showing posts with label HTM. Show all posts
Showing posts with label HTM. Show all posts

Monday, October 28, 2024

September 2024 Fiscal Deficit Highlights the "Marcos-nomics Stimulus"; How Deficit Spending Drives a WEAKER Philippine Peso

 

A failure to correct unsustainable fiscal trajectories poses major risks to growth, inflation and financial stability—Agustín Carstens, General Manager, Bank for International Settlements 

In this issue

September 2024 Fiscal Deficit Highlights the "Marcos-nomics Stimulus"; How Deficit Spending Drives a WEAKER Philippine Peso

I. September Deficit Highlights Three of the Five Phases of Marcos-nomics Stimulus

II. Untold Aspects of Fiscal Health: How the Shift in Monthly Revenue Reports Impact Quarterly Performance

III. Revealing Hidden Dynamics: How Quarterly Expenditures Shape Fiscal Outcomes

IV. September Debt-Servicing Costs Hits an All-Time High Relative to Historical Annualized Data!

V. How Deficit Spending Drives a WEAKER Philippine Peso; the USD-PHP V-Shape Recovery!

VI. All Time High in Interest Payment as Share of Expenditures Soar to 2009 High!

VII. Pre-Election Spending? All Time High in 9-Month Government Disbursements, Second Highest LGU spending

VIII. The Inflation Tax: BSP and Banking System’s QE

IX. Conclusion: Big Government Comes at The Expense of a Healthy Market Economy

September 2024 Fiscal Deficit Highlights the "Marcos-nomics Stimulus"; How Deficit Spending Drives a WEAKER Philippine Peso

There seems to be little recognition that September's deficit was a milestone of a kind; it actually highlights "Marcos-nomics" in action. With a quarter to go, debt servicing costs hit an all-time high as the USD-Peso mounts a ferocious recovery.

I. September Deficit Highlights Three of the Five Phases of Marcos-nomics Stimulus

Everyone has been conditioned to believe that current economic conditions are "normal."

To reinforce this notion, media narratives often highlight selective aspects of growth while ignoring other salient parts and related data.

That’s right: when the public’s dependence on "political interventions"—referred to as ‘stimulus’—becomes entrenched, this deepening addiction becomes the norm.

As the great Nobel Laureate Milton Friedman presciently stated, "Nothing is so permanent as a temporary government program."

But have you heard any expert mention this? You might read piecemeal allusions; for example, the BSP's rate-cutting cycle is expected to boost household spending and business activity.

Nonetheless, the public hardly understands the interconnectedness of what are sold as disparate policies.

As previously discussed, we identify the five phases of the "Marcos-nomics stimulus," subtly operating under the Pandemic Bailout Template (PBT).

The first phase involves record-setting public spending, contributing to a significant deficit.

The second phase highlights the BSP’s monetary policy, characterized by the latest round of interest rate cuts.

The third phase signifies the BSP and bank injections, partially fulfilled by the recent reduction in the banking system’s Reserve Requirement Ratio.

The fourth and fifth phases encompass various subsidies, such as the current credit card interest rate ceiling, along with pandemic relief measures.

The National Government and the BSP have yet to expand their coverage in this area, but it is expected to happen soon.

This step-by-step approach underlines the structure of the stimulus, which subtly mirrors the Pandemic Bailout Template.

September’s deficit highlights its first phase.

II. Untold Aspects of Fiscal Health: How the Shift in Monthly Revenue Reports Impact Quarterly Performance

Inquirer.net, October 25, 2024: The country’s budget deficit widened by 8.9 percent to P273.3 billion in September from P250.9 billion in the same month last year, as the increase in revenues was not enough to cover the hike in expenses, the Bureau of the Treasury reported on Thursday. Revenue collections increased by 17.32 percent to P299.7 billion last month, from P255.4 billion last year, while state expenditures also grew by 13.15 percent to P572.9 billion. But for the first nine months, the budget deficit narrowed by 1.35 percent to P970.2 billion from the P983.5-billion budget gap a year ago.

While the Bureau of the Treasury (BuTr) issues a monthly report, recent changes in tax revenue reporting and end-of-quarter budget compliance targets make quarterly reports far more significant.

In fact, monthly reports can be considered largely meaningless without considering the quarterly performance.

For instance, the latest BuTr report sheds light on the reasons behind recent revenue surges.

The increase in VAT collections in 2024 is partly due to the impact of the change in payment schedule introduced by the TRAIN law provision which allows the tax filers to shift from monthly to quarterly filing of VAT return [bold mine] (Bureau of Treasury, October 2024) 

Distortions brought about by changes in the BuTr’s reporting methods pose a crucial factor in analyzing the fiscal health of the Philippines. 

This brings us to September’s performance. 

Indeed, public revenue in September grew by 17.3%, but this increase is primarily due to base effects. 

Additionally, administrative policy changes and one-off charges contributed to the month’s revenue growth.         

This is attributed to higher personal income tax (PIT) particularly on withholding on wages due to the release of salary differentials of civilian government personnel pursuant to Executive Order No. 64, series of 20242 , which updated from the Salary Standardization Law (SSL) of 2019… 

Non-tax revenues surged to P46.2 billion in September, more than twice the level attained a year ago primarily due to the one-off windfall from the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) concession agreement…the higher outturn for the period was attributed to the P30.0 billion remittance from the Manila International Airport Authority (MIAA), representing the upfront payment for the MIAA-Ninoy Aquino International Airport (NAIA) PPP Project [bold added] (Bureau of Treasury, October 2024) 

Importantly, aside from the factors mentioned above, as noted by the BuTr, the shift in VAT payment timing played a crucial role in boosting 2024 revenues.

Figure 1

That is to say, since VAT payments are made at the end of each quarter but recorded in the first month of the following quarter, this quarterly revenue cycle inflates reported revenues for January, April, July and October, often resulting in a narrowed deficit or even a surplus for these months. (Figure 1, topmost chart) 

Therefore, we should anticipate either a surplus or a narrower deficit this October.

In any case, Q3 2024 revenues increased by 16.95%—the highest growth rate since Q3 2022, which was a record in nominal terms for Q3 historically. However, this was also the second-highest quarterly revenue in pesos after Q2 2024. (Figure 1, middle image)

What might collections look like if we consider only “core” operations? Would deficits be larger without these reporting distortions? Or could the government be “padding” its revenue reports? 

III. Revealing Hidden Dynamics: How Quarterly Expenditures Shape Fiscal Outcomes 

The mainstream media and their expert cohorts rarely mention the most critical segment: historic public (deficit) spending. 

Although public spending rose by only 13.2% in September due to a high base effect, it marked the largest non-December outlay on record. It was also the third-largest overall, trailing only the year-end budget expenditures of December 2023 and December 2022. (Figure 1, lowest graph) 

Notably, 2024 has already seen three months of spending exceeding Php 500 billion—even before the year-end budget allocations. This pattern isn’t an anomaly but rather a path-dependent trajectory of political decisions. 

Figure 2

In the context of quarterly performance, Q3 spending grew by 6.4% year-over-year, also constrained by high base effects. Still, this represents the third-highest quarterly outlay on record, following Q2 2024 and Q4 2023, and a milestone high when compared with previous Q3 performances. (Figure 2, topmost diagram)

Similarly, the monthly deficit resulting from September’s historic expenditure constituted the second largest non-December monthly deficit, following the pandemic recession in April 2020, which saw a deficit of Php 273.9 billion. This was the sixth largest deficit when including the year-end closing budget.

Furthermore, the pressure to meet quarterly compliance targets push the burden of expenditures to the closing month of each period; thus, the largest deficits occur at the end of each quarter (March, June, September, and December). (Figure 2, middle pane) 

Simply put, this new schedule has introduced significant distortions in the Bureau of Treasury’s (BuTr) fiscal balance reporting

Revenues at the start of each quarter are likely to close the gap with expenditures in October, potentially leading to a surplus or a narrowed deficit. In contrast, end-of-month spending for each quarter should boost expenditures and consequently increase deficits. 

However, for now, the alteration in BuTr reporting has artificially inflated the government’s fiscal health. 

Still, it goes without saying that the year-end expenditure target will likely push December 2024’s fiscal deficit to a fresh milestone! 

From a quarterly perspective, revenues remain above their polynomial trendline, while spending hovers slightly below it, reflecting revenue outperformance in comparison to trend-aligned spending. (Figure 2, lower graph) 

Meanwhile, the widening gap between the deficit and its trendline may signal increased volatility ahead. 

IV. September Debt-Servicing Costs Hits an All-Time High Relative to Historical Annualized Data!

Despite the potential embellishment of budget statistics through inflated revenues or understated deficits, it remains essential to recognize that this spending requires funding. 

Some mainstream experts have attributed the recent decline in Bureau of Treasury (BuTr) financing to prudent “rationalization” by budget overseers. 

However, we have consistently argued that this perspective is grotesquely misguided; it is the government’s default action to indulge in a spending binge. 

This behavior serves not only to advance its political agenda of centralizing the economy and promoting its interests in the upcoming elections but also because such fiscal transfers create a temporary illusion of economic boom. 

For a spending-based GDP, ramping up expenditures is necessary to increase tax revenue and, more importantly, to depress interest rates, which allows the government to access public savings cheaply to fund its expenditures. 

True, revenue expansion in August reduced that month’s deficit, which led to an improvement in the 9-month deficit, dropping from last year’s level. However, we suspect this improvement may be short-lived, as December 2024’s massive spending is likely to push the deficit above last year’s figures. 

Still, it is noteworthy that the 9-month deficit for 2024 remains the fourth largest since the pandemic bailout template (PBT) measures began in 2020. 

Any improvement in the deficit has been inconsequential, as the post-PBT deficits have remained in an “emergency” mode. 

It only takes a substantial downturn in GDP for this deficit to set a new high—which is likely what its polynomial trendline suggests.

Figure 3

Despite improvements in the 9-month deficit, financing reversed its downward trend, rising 12.6% year-over-year to Php 1.875 trillion. (Figure 3, topmost chart)

This trend reversal means not only an increase in the public debt stock—recently improved due to the peso’s substantial gains against the USD—but also higher costs of servicing public debt.

The BuTr will report on September’s public debt figures next week, but with the substantial V-shaped recovery of the USD, October is expected to yield interesting data.

Nevertheless, the 9-month cost of servicing public debt has reached an ALL-TIME HIGH relative to annual historical data, with a full quarter left to go! (Figure 3, middle graph)

Interestingly, amortizations have exceeded the annual 2023 data by 8.7%, while interest payments remain just 7.2% below this benchmark.

Signs of normal times?

V. How Deficit Spending Drives a WEAKER Philippine Peso; the USD-PHP V-Shape Recovery!

Although the 9-month growth rate for debt servicing slowed to 17.4% due to base effects, it set a record in peso terms.

More importantly, the share of external financing has been increasing, which not only indicates rising credit levels in the local currency but also amplifies external borrowing, effectively exacerbating "USD shorts" (implied short positions on the USD). (Figure 3, lowest window)

Borrowings ultimately need repayment. However, if organic USD revenue sources prove insufficient to meet debt obligations and refinance existing loans, the government will need to take on more debt to cover existing obligations—essentially, a recycling of debt, or what is known as Ponzi finance.

Figure 4 

Compounding these challenges, debt-financed government spending, a preference for easy-money conditions, and domestic banks’ bias toward consumer lending all contribute to a widening savings-investment gap, fueling the country’s "twin deficits." This combination of factors will likely increase reliance on external financing, leading to a structural depreciation of the peso. 

The crux of the matter is this: the widening fiscal deficit results in a weaker Philippine peso, raising external credit risks. (Figure 4, upper image) 

Oddly enough, some media outlets and pseudo-experts have recently attributed the recent V-shape recovery of the USDPHP exchange rate to a “Trump presidency!” 

Huh? Are they suggesting that a Harris administration would result in a strong peso? 

As I recently posted on x.com: During the Trump 1.0 presidency 1/20/17 (49.92) -1/20/21 (48.054), the USDPHP fell by 3.74%! How about Biden? So far, at 58.32, the USDPHP is up 21.4% (as of October 25, 2024)! 

Certainly, the recent strength of the dollar has played a role, contributing to a broad-based rebound of Asian currencies this week. While the USD Index (DXY) rose by 0.8%, the Philippine peso fell by 1.39%. 

In the context of the USD-Philippine USDPHP reclaiming its old trendline, this represents a "signal," while the peso’s recent bounce signifies "noise" or an anomaly. (Figure 4, lower chart) 

On the other hand, the DXY remains below its immediate broken trendline. 

So, is the USDPHP market suggesting a retest of 59 soon? 

This partially illustrates the "exorbitant privilege" of the US dollar standard, where global central banks rely on building up their USD reserves, to "back" or "anchor" their domestic monetary or currency operations that fund their economies and imports. 

In any case, over the long term, the relative performance of a currency against regional peers vis-à-vis the USD might signal developing vulnerabilities within that currency.

This inability to recognize causality represents the heuristic of attribution bias— giving credit to endogenous activities while attributing deficiencies to exogenous forces.

VI. All Time High in Interest Payment as Share of Expenditures Soar to 2009 High!

Circling back to debt servicing, it's important to note that amortizations are not included in the published budget. As the government defines it, this represents "a financing transaction rather than an expenditure" (Ombudsman, 2012). 

Consequently, this aspect has barely been addressed by the headlines or the experts.

Figure 5

Despite attempts to downplay discussions around interest payments, the nine-month interest payments have surged to an all-time high, with their share of disbursements climbing to 13.7%—the highest level since 2009! (Figure 5, topmost diagram)

The growing debt burden from deficit spending, amid elevated rates, translates into an even larger cost of servicing, impacting both the budget’s allocated expenditures and its mandatory cash flows.

How’s that for "prudential" debt management or "rationalizing" the budget?

VII. Pre-Election Spending? All Time High in 9-Month Government Disbursements, Second Highest LGU spending

Aside from interest payments, what might be the other major spending items? 

The nine-month central government’s disbursement growth surged by 11.64% to an all-time high of Php 2.78 trillion, which, according to the Bureau of the Treasury (BuTr), signifies "the implementation of capital outlay projects by the Department of Public Works and Highways and larger personnel services expenditures due to the implementation of the first tranche of salary adjustments." (Figure 5, middle window)

It is worth noting that, aside from aiming for GDP targets, this spending appears to be tactically timed for pre-election purposes.

Meanwhile, local government spending growth rebounded sharply from a 16.6% contraction in 2023 to 8.8% this year, reaching the second highest level in 2024. (Figure 5, lowest image)

A crucial segment of this substantial recovery may involve direct and indirect financing of local pre-election campaign activities.

The nine-month share of national disbursement was 65.24%, slightly higher than 2023’s 65.2%, while the share of local government unit (LGU) spending declined from 18.2% in 2023 to 17.72% in 2024.

In any event, given the embedded accelerated trajectory in deficit spending for socio-political (pre-elections, war economy, infrastructure-led GDP) and financing goals in the face of volatile economically sensitive revenues or collections, what could go wrong?

VIII. The Inflation Tax: BSP and Banking System’s QE

Direct taxation and debt have not only served as the primary sources of financing for the increasing scale of spending and deficits; the inflation tax has also taken on a more significant role in funding deficit spending.

It's important to remember that the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) operates under an "inflation targeting" regime.

The unstated objective is not to "eliminate" inflation—since that is never the goal—but rather to contain the inflation "genie" within manageable limits.

The BSP aims to utilize the inflation tax alongside direct taxes and borrowing, while carefully controlling it to prevent social discord.

Consequently, attributing the current inflationary episode solely to supply-side factors has proven to be a convenient way to deflect blame from the BSP to the broader market economy, often framing it as “greedflation.”

Given this context, it’s hardly surprising that none of the establishment experts anticipated the surge in inflation, despite our repeated warnings about the inflation cycle.


Figure 6

When authorities began ramping up spending even before the pandemic in 2019, the BSP’s net claims on the central government (NCoCG)—essentially a local version of quantitative easing—started to escalate and has remained on an upward trajectory ever since. (Figure 6, topmost chart)

Even as mainstream narratives tout the aspiration of achieving "upper middle-income status," little has changed in the BSP’s NCoCG since their historic Php 2.3 trillion bailout of the banking system during 2020-2021.

The same holds true for the Philippine banking system’s NCoCG, which continues to be a vital source of financing for public debt. (Figure 6, middle window)

As of last August, the banking system’s holdings of government securities were just shy of the all-time high reached in July.

Although bank holdings of held-to-maturity (HTM) assets dipped in August, they remained tantalizingly close to the record high set in December 2023. Philippine NCoCG are entwined with HTMs. (Figure 6, lowest chart)

When have these been signs of "normal?"

IX. Conclusion: Big Government Comes at The Expense of a Healthy Market Economy

Figure 7

We shouldn’t overlook the fact that the accelerating surge in the nominal value of public debt has diverged from the rising trajectory of public spending, suggesting a potential understatement of the fiscal deficit. (Figure 7, topmost graph)

The establishment often emphasizes the importance of public spending, claiming it has a ‘multiplier effect.’ However, from the perspective of the banking system, the reality appears to be the opposite: instead of stimulating growth, increased public spending has led to a diminishment of savings, as evidenced by the declining growth of peso deposits. (Figure 7, middle chart)

The impact of diminishing savings is also evident in the capital markets, with trading volumes on the Philippine Stock Exchange (PSE) declining further due to the surge in pandemic-era deficits. Yes, PSEi 30 have risen on the backdrop of declining volumes. Amazing! (Figure 7, lowest diagram)

In short, the greater the centralization of the economy through: (1) intensifying public spending, (2) increasing political control over the economy—such as Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs), which can be viewed as a neo-fascist or crony capitalist model, (3) the expansion of the bureaucratic state due to welfare and warfare sectors, and (4) the increasing reliance on the inflation tax, the lower the productivity.

Simply put, a big government comes at the expense of a healthy market economy.

Given these circumstances, could this scenario catalyze a third wave of inflation?

When has the Philippine economy truly returned to a pre-pandemic "normal?"

___

References:

Bureau of Treasury September 2024 Budget Deficit at P273.3 Billion Nine-Month Deficit Narrowed to P970.2 Billion, October 24, 2024 Treasury.gov.ph

Office of the Ombudsman, I. Basic Concepts in Budgeting, December 2012, www.ombudsman.gov.ph

 

Monday, September 23, 2024

BSP Reduces Banks' Reserve Requirement Ratio (RRR), Fed's 50-bps Rate Cut Sends Philippine Yield Curve into Full Inversion!

 

The short end of the UST curve is highly influenced by the Federal Reserve’s monetary policies while the long end clarifies those policies through the prism of risk/return. A steep yield curve…is one that suggests a low rate, accommodative monetary policy that is likely to work over time. This accounts for the curve’s steepness. A flat and inverted curve is the opposite. Whatever monetary policy is being conducted, the long end is interpreting that policy as well as other conditions as being highly suspect—Jeffrey P Snider 

In this issue:

BSP Reduces Banks' Reserve Requirement Ratio (RRR), Fed's 50-bps Rate Cut Sends Philippine Yield Curve into Full Inversion!

I. 2024 Reserve Requirement Ratio Cuts to Designed to Plug the Banking System’s Worsening Illiquidity

II. Bank Liquidity Drain from Held to Maturity (HTM) and Growing Non-Performing Loans (NPL)

III. Philippine Yield Curve Shifts from an Inverted Belly to a Full Inversion!

IV. Was San Miguel’s September 20th Pre-Closing Dump Related to the Liquidity Strained Yield-Curve Inversion? 

BSP Reduces Banks' Reserve Requirement Ratio (RRR), Fed's 50-bps Rate Cut Sends Philippine Yield Curve into Full Inversion! 

The Philippine yield curve inverts as the BSP significantly reduces the Bank RRR, while the US Fed embarks on a "Not in Crisis" 50-bps rate cut. 

The BSP has been telegraphing cuts to the banking system’s Reserve Requirement Ratio (RRR) since its last reduction in June 2023. 

For instance, Philstar.com, May 18, 2024: The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) is looking at a significant reduction in the level of deposits banks are required to keep with the central bank after it starts cutting interest rates this year, its top official said. BSP Governor Eli Remolona Jr. said the Monetary Board is planning to cut the reserve requirement ratio (RRR) of universal and commercial banks by 450 basis points to five percent from the existing 9.5 percent, the highest in the region. 

Four months later. 

GMANews.com, September 18, 2024: The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) is looking to cut the reserve requirement ratio, the amount of cash a bank must hold in its reserves against deposits, “substantially” this year and reduce it further in 2025. BSP Governor Eli Remolona Jr. said on Wednesday that the cut in the reserve requirement is being considered, with the timing being discussed. He earlier said this can be reduced to 5% from the present 9.5% for big banks. 

Two days after. 

ABSCBNNews.com, September 20, 2024: The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas is reducing the reserve requirement ratio (RRR) for universal and commercial banks by 250 basis points (bps).  This RRR reduction will also apply to non-bank financial institutions with quasi-banking functions, the BSP said… The reduction shall bring the RRRs of universal and commercial banks to 7 percent; digital banks to 4 percent; thrift banks to 1 percent; and rural and cooperative banks to zero percent, the central bank said. The new ratios take effect on October 25 and shall apply to the local currency deposits and deposit substitute liabilities of banks and NBQBs. (bold mine) 

I. 2024 Reserve Requirement Ratio Cuts to Designed to Plug the Banking System’s Worsening Illiquidity 

Bank lending growth has been accelerating, while broad economic liquidity measures have been rising, so why would the BSP opt to inject more liquidity through Reserve Requirement Ratio (RRR) cuts? 

The following data set may provide some answers.

Figure 1

Although lending by Universal and Commercial Banks is at a record high in nominal peso terms, the growth rate remains far below pre-pandemic levels. (Figure 1, topmost image) 

The RRR cuts from 2018 to 2020 appeared to have worked, as the loans-to-deposit ratio rose to an all-time high in February 2020 but the pandemic-induced recession eroded these gains. (Figure 1, middle graph) 

It took a combination of historic BSP policies—record rate cuts, an unprecedented Php 2.3 trillion liquidity injection, and extraordinary relief measures—to reignite the loans-to-deposits ratio. Nonetheless, it still falls short of the 2020 highs. 

A likely, though unpublished, explanation is that bank liquidity continues to decline. 

As of July, the cash and due-to-bank deposits ratio was at its lowest level since at least 2013. The BSP policies of 2020 and subsequent RRR cuts bumped up this ratio from 2020-21, but it resumed its downtrend, which has recently worsened. (Figure 1, lowest chart)

Figure 2

After a brief recovery from the RRR cuts of 2018-2020—further aided by the BSP’s historic rescue measures in 2020—the liquid assets-to-deposits ratio has started to deteriorate again. (Figure 2, topmost pane) 

Additionally, Q2 2024 total bank profit growth has receded to its second-lowest level since Q2 2021. (Figure 2, middle diagram) 

From this perspective, liquidity boost from increased bank lending, RRR cuts, and reported profit growth has been inadequate to stem the cascading trend of cash and liquid assets. 

Furthermore, despite subsidies, relief measures, and a slowing CPI, Non-Performing Loans (NPLs) and distressed assets appear to have bottomed out in the current cycle. (Figure 3, lowest visual) 

Increasing NPLs in the face of a slowing CPI is indicative of demand. Refinancing has taken a greater role in the latest bank credit expansion. 

To wit, rising NPLs contribute significantly to the ongoing drain on the banking system’s liquidity. 

II. Bank Liquidity Drain from Held to Maturity (HTM) and Growing Non-Performing Loans (NPL)

Figure 3

A primary source of the downtrend in the cash-to-deposits ratio has been the banking system's Held-to-Maturity (HTM) securities. (Figure 3 upper image)

Once again, the BSP has acknowledged this. 

Banks face marked-to-market (MtM) losses from rising interest rates. Higher market rates affect trading since existing holders of tradable securities are taking MtM losses as a result. While some banks have resorted to reclassifying their available-for-sale (AFS) securities into held-to-maturity (HTM), some PHP845.8 billion in AFS (as of end-March 2018) are still subject to MtM losses. Furthermore, the shift to HTM would take away market liquidity since these securities could no longer be traded prior to their maturity. [BSP, 2018] (bold mine) 

Even though rates have dropped, HTM (Held-to-Maturity) assets remain at record levels but appear to be plateauing. Falling rates in 2019-2020 barely made a dent in the elevated HTM levels at the time. 

Yet, a principal source of HTMs continues to be the bank's net claims on central government (NCoCG). (Figure 3, lower graph) 

That is, banks continue to finance a substantial portion of the government's deficit spending, which has represented an elementary and major contributor to the deterioration in bank liquidity. 

Why has the BSP been doing the same thing over and over again, expecting different results? Some call this "insanity." 

If the goal is to remove distortions—however ambiguously defined—why not eliminate the RRR entirely? 

It seems the BSP is merely buying time, hoping for a magical transformation of unproductive loans into productive lending. Besides, a complete phase-out of the RRR would leave the BSP with fewer "tools," or bluntly speaking, strip them of excuses. 

Thus, they’d rather have banks continue to accumulate unproductive loans in their portfolios and gradually subsidize them with relief from RRR cuts, rate cuts, various subsidies, and later direct injections—a palliative/band-aid treatment. 

III. Philippine Yield Curve Shifts from an Inverted Belly to a Full Inversion! 

Figure 4

Rather than steepening, the Fed's "not in a crisis" panic 50-basis-point cut also helped push the Philippine Treasury yield curve from an "inverted belly" to a "full inversion" on September 20! (Figure 4, tweet)

Figure 5

While yields across the entire curve plunged over the week, T-bill yields declined by a lesser degree relative to medium- and long-term Treasuries. (Figure 5, topmost window)

As a result, yields on Philippine notes and bonds have now fallen below T-bills!

Although one day doesn’t make a trend, this current inversion is the culmination of a process that began with a steep slope, then an inverted belly, and now a full inversion since June 2024. (Figure 5, middle chart)

The spreads between the 10-year bonds and their short-term counterparts are at the lowest level since March 2019! (Figure 5, lowest graph) 

And an inverted curve could serve as a warning signal/alarm bell for the economy.

From Investopedia

>An inverted yield curve forms when short-term debt instruments have higher yields than long-term instruments of the same credit risk profile.

>The inverted curve reflects bond investors’ expectations for a decline in longer-term interest rates, a view typically associated with recessions.

Further, it is a sign of tight liquidity: short-term borrowing costs rise or remain elevated, leading to higher yields on short-term debt instruments compared to long-term yields.

Moreover, expectations of slowing growth or economic recessions can also lead to decreased demand for riskier assets and increased demand for safer long-term bonds.

Again, the inverted curve must have resulted from the BSP’s announcement of a sharp reduction in the RRR in October, along with the Fed’s 50-basis point rate cuts.

Bottom line: cuts in the banks’ RRR were meant to address the banking system’s liquidity challenges as manifested in the Philippine treasury markets. The Fed’s 50-bps rate cut has exacerbated these distortions.

IV. Was San Miguel’s September 20th Pre-Closing Dump Related to the Liquidity Strained Yield-Curve Inversion?

Figure 6

Finally, it is interesting to observe that following the PSEi 30's intraday push above 7,300 last Friday, September 20, foreigners sold off or "dumped" SMC’s shares by 5% during the pre-closing five-minute float, contributing to the sharp decline in SMC’s share price and diminishing gains for the PSEi 30. (Figure 6, tweet) 

While we can’t directly attribute this to the inversion of the Philippine term structure of interest rates (yield curve), SMC’s intensifying liquidity challenges—evidenced by deteriorating cash reserves relative to soaring short-term debt in Q2 2024—should eventually influence its slope. (Figure 6, lower chart) 

In sum, as a "too big to fail" institution, SMC’s difficulties will inevitably reflect on the government’s fiscal and monetary health as well as the banks and the economy. 

____

references

FINANCIAL STABILITY COORDINATION COUNCIL, 2017 FINANCIAL STABILITY REPORT, p. 24 June 2018, bsp.gov.ph

Sunday, August 04, 2024

PSEi 30: Has BBM’s SONA Cycle Climaxed? Rising Contagion Risks from the Unwinding of the Yen-Yuan Carry Trade


Bulls of 1929 like their 1990s counterparts had their eyes glued on improving profits and stock valuations. Not a thought was given to the fact that the rising tide of money deluging the stock market came from financial leverage and not from savings—Dr. Kurt Richebächer 

In this issue 

PSEi 30: Has BBM’s SONA Cycle Climaxed? Rising Contagion Risks from the Unwinding of the Yen-Yuan Carry Trade

I. PSEi 30: Has BBM’s SONA Cycle Climaxed? 

II. The Health of the Pre-SONA Pump: July’s Index Spike on Sluggish Volume 

III. The Impact of the "National Team:" Rising Concentration Risks in the Financial Spectrum 

IV. The Impact of the "National Team:" Rising Concentration Risks in the Economy 

V. How Media Shapes the Overton Window: Focus on "Ghost Month" while Ignoring Geopolitical Risks from South China Sea 

VI. How the Unwinding Carry Trade from the Japanese Yen’s Massive Rally May Aggravate the PSEi 30’s post SONA Dump 

PSEi 30: Has BBM’s SONA Cycle Climaxed? Rising Contagion Risks from the Unwinding of the Yen-Yuan Carry Trade 

Has BBM’s SONA Cycle Peaked? While the headline index has shown resilience in July, market internals reveal structural weaknesses. The unraveling of the Yen-Yuan carry-trade increases global contagion risks. 

I. PSEi 30: Has BBM’s SONA Cycle Climaxed? 

The following post is a follow-up on my July 21st, “The 2024 Pre-SONA Pump: Philippine PSEi 30 Soars to 6,800 - History, Details, and Effects 

Since its interim peak on July 19th, the PSEi 30 has dropped 2.97%—as of the week ending August 2nd—supported by this week’s decrease of 1.79%, marking its second consecutive decline. 

The major Philippine benchmark fell in 5 of the last 9 trading days. 

Interestingly, this week’s larger decrease came as the Philippine government is expected to announce the Q2 GDP—which has been widely projected to outperform—and June’s labor force survey. 

The authorities are also set to release July's CPI print, which the BSP expects to show a bounce from last month.

And it's also earnings season, where the consensus expects Q2 earnings to exceed expectations. 

Meanwhile, the establishment and media have been peddling the idea of the “ghost” month affecting the stock market’s performance, earnings, and the economy

II. The Health of the Pre-SONA Pump: July’s Index Spike on Sluggish Volume 

First, let's examine the performance of the Philippine Stock Exchange last July*. 

*Nota Bene:

-The base reference matters. In my perspective, the 2013 starting point represents the real peak of the PSEi 30 based on volume and market internals.

*Annual returns of the PSEi 30 partially represent an apples-to-oranges comparison due to marginal changes in its membership.

*The data indicated reflects nominal returns and not CPI-adjusted or real returns.


Figure 1

Thanks to the pre-SONA pump, the PSEi 30 jumped 3.23%—representing its second-best monthly performance in 2024 and the biggest July returns since 2018. (Figure 1, topmost image)

It was also the largest of the BBM's pre-SONA pumps over the last three years.

On a year-to-date basis, the PSEi 30's meager 2.62% returns signified its best showing since 2019, which highlights the ongoing bear market.  (Figure 1, middle graph)

Despite this, diminishing returns continue to be a scourge on the PSEi 30.

But how about the volume?

Though July's gross turnover was up 11.3% from a year ago, in peso terms, its depressed level, which was almost equal to 2021, reinforced the downtrend since 2015. (Figure 1, lowest chart)

Figure 2 

Gross volume includes the published special block sales and the undeclared substantial share of cross-trades.

In the first 7 months of 2024, gross volume fell by 8.4% year-over-year (YoY) to Php 865.5 billion, marking a third consecutive annual decline. (Figure 2, highest window)

This means that the paltry improvement last July has not been significant enough to cover this year's volume deficit.

The 7-month main board volume likewise dropped 3.69% to Php 702.7 billion, which signified levels below 2018. (Figure 2, middle visual)

Resonating with the gross volume levels in peso, it has been a downhill for the main board volume since peaking likely in 2013.

Amazing.

The more than a decade-long depression in the PSE's gross and main board volume represents the decadent conditions of capital or savings.

It must be emphasized that these volumes have been inflated by foreign trade, pumps by the "national team," and intra-day dealer trades.

In the first 7 months of 2024, the share of foreign participation has risen from 45.44% in 2023 to 48.8% this year. (Figure 2, lowest diagram)

Foreign investors remained marginal sellers, posting Php 27 billion in outflows, their fifth consecutive year of net selling.

III. The Impact of the "National Team:" Rising Concentration Risks in the Financial Spectrum 

As for the "national team," the Other Financial Corporations (OFC) could be part of this cabal engaged by authorities to prop up the index.

Clue?

The BSP on the OFC’s activities in Q1 2024: The BSP on the OFC’s activities in Q1 2024: “The QoQ growth in the other financial corporations’ domestic claims was attributable to the increase in its claims on the other sectors, the central government, and the depository corporations. The other financial corporations’ claims on the other sectors grew as its investments in equity shares issued by other nonfinancial corporations and loans extended to households increased. Likewise, the sector’s claims on the central government rose as its holdings of government-issued debt securities expanded. Moreover, the sector’s claims on the depository corporations rose amid the increase in its deposits with the banks and holdings of bank-issued equity shares. (bold added) [BSP 2024]


Figure 3

The growth of OFC’s claims on the private sector slipped from 9.5% in Q4 2023 to 8.5% in Q1 2024, which was also reflected in the claims on depository institutions, whose growth rate decreased from 20% to 13.9%. 

Nevertheless, both claims surged to record highs in nominal peso levels, reflecting the returns of the PSEi 30 amounting to 7% and the Financial Index to 17% in Q1 2024. (Figure 3, upper and middle charts) 

OFCs have not just been funding the government; they have also been propping up the PSE! 

To emphasize, the percentage share of the free float capitalization of the top three banks reached an unprecedented 22.7% of the PSEi 30 last May! (Figure 3, lowest image) 

Though it has slipped, it has remained within a stone's throw of 21.85% as of the week of August 2nd. 

The same banking heavyweights command a whopping 89% of the overall Financial Index pie, which is stunningly higher than the 79% share in the week of July 16, 2023.  

This outgrowth partially reflects the decrease in the number of members from 9 to 7, due to the exclusion of Rizal Commercial Bank and Union Bank. 

The only non-bank member of the index is the Philippine Stock Exchange [PSE:PSE].

Figure 4

The Financial Index has not only starkly outperformed, alongside ICT, electrifying the gains of the PSEi 30, but it has also been absorbing a greater share of the depressed volume of the PSE. (Figure 4, topmost graph)

That is, the uptrend in the Financial Index has climbed along with its estimated volume share of the PSEi 30, comprising 18.15% last June. (Figure 4, middle image)

As such, the concentration of gains in the index has also resonated in the context of gross volume.

To wit, the rising concentration risk comes amidst a declining trend in profit growth of the banking system, where a bulk of it represents accounting profits. For instance, mark-to-market losses are concealed via record Held-to-Maturity (HTM) assets, and BSP relief measures that understate NPLs, etc.

IV. The Impact of the "National Team:" Rising Concentration Risks in the Economy

And it is not just banks.

While year-to-date (YTD) gains of the PSEi 30 members have been evenly distributed (as of August 2), the returns of the top five issues have defined the index's performance rather than the overall breadth. (Figure 4, lowest pane)

For instance, the traded volume of the top 20 most active issues increased by 40% this July compared to a year ago and was up by 2.17% YTD 2024 from the previous year.

In the same vein, the volume of the Sy Group soared 46.6% last July from the same month in 2023 and was up 7.3% YTD 2024 compared to a year ago. 

This indicates that the heavy index pumping last July by the Philippine version of the “National Team” amplified the percentage share of the top 20 issues and the Sy Group in the context of volume. 

Meanwhile, the average share of the top 10 brokers increased from 56.98% in July 2023 to 57.6% last month. 

Aside from the sluggish volume, the PSEi 30’s SONA gains have barely been reflected in the PSE’s constellation. 

The advance-decline spread last July 2024 was -150 compared to -166 in the same month a year ago. Again, the PSEi was up 3.23%.

Figure 5

This divergence reverberated in the YTD performance: although negative breadth has become less negative—or price declines have been less intense—a positive sign, they are still declining.  Again, the PSEi was up 2.62% YTD. (Figure 5, topmost diagram) 

Lethargic volume (a symptom of capital consumption), rising risks from the concentration of activities in trading volume (reflecting maladjustment in balance sheet exposure), select stock prices (inflation of mini-price bubbles), broker exposure (increased balance sheet leveraging?), as well as low levels of retail trades (low savings), and rising dependence on foreign trade (increasing reliance on global capital flows) translate to magnified risks of significant downside volatility or simply—a meltdown. 

A stock market meltdown leads to a decrease in collateral values that underpin bank lending, which magnifies balance sheet mismatches, increases illiquidity, and heightens the risk of insolvency within the industry and among its borrowers. It also weakens the balance sheets of investment, pension, and insurance funds (such as the government’s SSS and GSIS), potentially leading to increased capital deficits and further heightening the risk of illiquidity and insolvencies. 

The BSP would likely bail some of these out at the expense of the peso. 

During the stock market meltdown in March 2020, the Finance Chief called on the SSS and GSIS to boost or "rescue" the stock market. The BSP followed this up with record cuts in official rates, historic liquidity injections, and the implementation of various relief measures. The rest is history. 

The BSP implemented ex-Fed chairman Ben Bernanke advise, 

History proves, however, that a smart central bank can protect the economy and the financial sector from the nastier side effects of a stock market collapse (Bernanke, 2009) 

The Philippine version of the national team likely exists for these reasons. 

V. How Media Shapes the Overton Window: Focus on "Ghost Month" while Ignoring Geopolitical Risks from South China Sea 

Incredibly, the establishment and media continue to entertain and mislead the public with the alleged influence of the so-called "Ghost Month" on stocks or the economy.

Because "Ghost Month" is a superstition rooted in Chinese tradition (religion), the media and establishment's embrace of it assumes that the markets and the economy are driven by Chinese culture, even when the Philippines is predominantly a Catholic population. (Figure 5 middle window)

For example, some BSP literatures cite the "Ghost Month" to rationalize the unexplainable. The BSP should address accusations of their having 'ghost employees' instead. 

The repetitive references to the so-called "Ghost Month" also assume that foreign participation in the financial markets and the economy is influenced by Chinese tradition.

Or, are investors or market participants in the PSE and the economy predominantly of Chinese descent or a practitioner of Chinese traditions?

Some PSE facts regarding the alleged misfortunes of the Ghost Month:

Since the PSEi uptrend from 2003 through 2023, August has closed lower in 14 of the 21 years, or 67% of the time, with an average change of -0.72%. Yet, August 2021 delivered a majestic 9.33% return, the highest since 2000. August 2022 also produced a 4.24% return, the highest since 2008. (Figure 5, lowest graph)

So, what happened to the "Ghosts" of 2021 and 2022? Did the PSEi call upon the movie comedians known as the "Ghostbusters" to foil the rut? Or, have these rallies been a product of the BSP's easy money campaign?

Ironically, the same media and establishment experts have been unanimously silent about the June 17th Ayungin Shoal incident, which involved a standoff between the Philippine and Chinese Coast Guard.

The incident could have triggered World War III—had the US agreed with the Philippines' interpretation, activating the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty. Unfortunately, the US implicitly gave a cold shoulder to the Philippines, forcing the latter to negotiate and deal with Chinese authorities over the South China Sea. Naturally, the US is opposed to this.

The same echo chamber has been observed ignoring the ongoing shift to a war economy through its embrace of war socialism.

Superstitions are given precedence over facts that matter, translating to the brazen hoodwinking of the public that fomenting war is good for the economy while Ghosts will scare the wits out of investments. 

Won't a war lead to a partial transformation of the living population into ghosts? 

Yet, who would invest in a country on the brink of war? Who would like to see their investment ownership evaporate when enemy drones start wreaking havoc on crucial social, economic, and political edifices, exacting a heavy toll on life and disrupting the division of labor?

But don't worry, stocks and real estate will boom! 

Sorry, but that’s an absolutely stunning imbecilic logic. 

VI. How the Unwinding Carry Trade from the Japanese Yen’s Massive Rally May Aggravate the PSEi 30’s post SONA Dump

The scarcity of local volume translates to amplified vulnerability to volatile foreign sentiment, mercurial fund positioning, and flows. 

Proof?

The massive +4.7% rally by the Japanese yen $USDJPY stole this week’s thunder.

It smashed what the consensus called the “unstoppable” force, a speculative mania. 

To amplify its policy, the Bank of Japan (BOJ) reportedly timed its $36 billion intervention in July to coincide with softening signs in the US economy.

Furthermore, the Chinese yuan $CNY also rebounded by 1.1% week-over-week (WoW). The US dollar index fell by 1.1%. 

The unraveling of the yen and yuan carry trades unleashed a wave of de-risking and deleveraging that rippled across the globe.

Figure 6 

Asian currencies posted substantial gains. (Figure 6, topmost graph) 

The Philippine peso rallied by 0.46%, with the $USDPHP closing at 58.08 and looking poised to fall below the 58 levels and retest the 57.5 area this coming week.

The Philippines led the rally in ASEAN bonds. (Figure 6, middle window) The sharp fall in the 10-year Philippine bond yields strengthens the view that the BSP is about to cut rates.

Furthermore, as signs of mounting strains in the economy emerge, the "belly" of the Philippine treasury curve has also inverted—meaning yields of 2-to-7 year notes have dropped below the 1-year note and partly below the 6-month T-bills. (Figure 6, lowest chart)

Philippine treasuries appear to be defying the BSP’s projected increase in inflation.


Figure 7

The unwinding of the carry trades sent the Japanese stocks crashing.  The yen’s massive rally coincided with the Nikkei 225’s 5.81% nosedive last Friday, to register its 2nd largest one-day decline after the Black Monday crash of October 1987.  The Nikkei was down 4.6% WoW. (Figure 7, topmost and middle charts)

Asian stock markets closed mostly lower. Eleven of the nineteen bellwethers posted deficits, with an average decline of 0.47%. Aside from Japan, the most significant weekly declines were led by Taiwan and the Philippines.(Figure 7, lowest graph)

All of this indicates the magnified contagion risks associated with asset booms driven by financial leverage.

Figure 8 

Risks in the ‘periphery’ have reached the ‘core.’ 

The race to a series of record highs by the S&P 500 $SPX has echoed the PSEi 30’s muted rally in 2024. With the SPX down, the PSEi 30's SONA pump has started to wobble. (Figure 8, highest image)

Foreign outflows of Php 1.6 billion this week have partly resulted in the PSEi 30’s 1.79% decline.

In the backdrop of lethargic volume, concentrated activities, and a rising share of foreign participation, a continuation of global de-risking and deleveraging translates to more liquidations here and abroad, which could expose many skeletons in the closet of the Philippine financial system.

The SONA pumps of 2022 and 2023 not only surrendered all their gains; more importantly, the PSEi 30 closed lower than its base at the start of the pumps. (Figure 8, middle graph)

If history rhymes, the PSEi 30 could fall below its June 21st low of 6,158 during this SONA cycle (post-SONA dump).

Further, when the Philippine peso rallied in 2018 (USD PHP trended lower), it marked the onset of the PSE’s bear market. Will history repeat? (Figure 8, lowest chart)

Importantly, weren't we repeatedly told that easy money would fuel the embers for the rocketing of asset gains?

___

References

Prudent Investor, The 2024 Pre-SONA Pump: Philippine PSEi 30 Soars to 6,800 - History, Details, and Effects, July, 21, 2024

Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, Q1 2024 Domestic Claims of Other Financial Corporations Rise by 2.8 Percent QoQ and 12.9 Percent YoY, July 31, 2024

Ben S. Bernanke, A Crash Course for Central Bankers, ForeignPolicy.com, November 20, 2009