Marcos-Nomics Stimulus Update: August Budget Deficit Narrows, Strong Peso Reduces Public Debt, and Amortization Payments Reach All-Time High!

 

Lowering rates is a tool to rescue the government, but it will also make the Treasury add more debt in the next few months. If you make it easy for governments to borrow, they will gladly do it and continue printing currency, leading to the currency’s slow decline—Daniel Lacalle 

In this issue

Marcos-Nomics Stimulus Update: August Budget Deficit Narrows, Strong Peso Reduces Public Debt, and Amortization Payments Reach All-Time High!

I. A Growing Dependence on Non-Tax Revenue Growth? Or, Padding the Government’s Top line?

II. August’s Decline in Public Spending Due to Technicalities, Robust Pre-Election LGU Spending

III. Eight-Month Amortization Payments Hit All Time, Debt Servicing Cost at Annual 2023 Levels!

IV. Mounting Neo-Corporatism/Fascism Policies: Privatize Profits, Socialize Costs

V. Strong Peso Resulted in Lower Public Debt Last August

VI. Conclusion

Marcos-Nomics Stimulus Update: August Budget Deficit Narrows, Strong Peso Reduces Public Debt, and Amortization Payments Reach All-Time High! 

The "Marcos-nomics Stimulus" remains intact. Though deficit spending "narrowed" and public debt fell in August, technicalities and political agenda like pre-election spending points to the government’s deferred actions. 

GMA News, September 25, 1965: The Philippine government yielded a narrower fiscal shortfall in August amid growth in state collections and contraction in expenditures during the period. Data released by the Bureau of the Treasury on Wednesday showed the national government’s budget deficit stood at P54.2 billon last month, lower by 59.25% than the P133-billion fiscal gap seen in August 2023. “The lower deficit was brought about by the 24.40% growth in government receipts alongside a minimal 0.68% contraction in government expenditures,” the Treasury said. August’s fiscal balance brought the year-to-date budget shortfall to P697 billion, down 4.86% from the P732.5-billion deficit in the same period last year. 

Since the government has shifted VAT collections to an end-of-quarter basis, and given that the majority of public spending is typically programmed for the end of the quarter, the essence of the government’s balance sheet scorecard will be most relevant at the end of each quarterly period. 

In any case, we’ll do a short analysis. 

I. A Growing Dependence on Non-Tax Revenue Growth? Or, Padding the Government’s Top line?

Figure 1 

Although it is true that the fiscal deficit improved in August—largely due to a combination of decreased expenditures (-0.7% YoY and -9.4% MoM) amidst a mixed performance in revenues (+24.4% YoY and -15.5% MoM)—the most significant aspect is that the year-to-August deficit dropped from the third highest to the fourth highest in the Treasury's records. 

Nonetheless, nominal figures suggest that August's performance aligns with the exponential trendline for both variables. Additionally, the general uptrends in revenues and spending remain intact. (Figure 1, topmost pane) 

As such, since peaking in 2020, 8-month financing by the Bureau of Treasury has slowed compared to last year. The Treasury remains liquid, with approximately Php 504 billion in cash, marginally lower than Php 509 billion last year. (Figure 1, second to the highest chart) 

But the thing is, non-tax revenues have anchored a substantial segment of the progress in revenue collections. Non-tax revenues rocketed 252% year-over-year last August and soared 58.9% year-to-date compared to the same period in 2023. This growth spike pushed up the segment’s share of revenue to 17.12%—its sixth consecutive month of double-digit representation. In the eight months of 2024, the non-tax revenue pie swelled to 14.53%—the highest since 2015 (Figure 1, second to the lowest and lowest graphs) 

According to the Bureau of Treasury: Income collected and generated by the Bureau of the Treasury (BTr) rose to P16.5 billion in August, more than twice its collections in the same period a year ago. The increase was primarily driven by PSALM’s P10.0 billion settlement of guarantee fee arrears, alongside increased PAGCOR income. Compared with January-August 2023’s actual collections of P150.1 billion, BTr’s YTD income for the current year has similarly improved by 33.46% (P50.2 billion) to P200.3 billion, largely due to higher dividend remittances, interest on advances from GOCCs, guarantee fee collections, and the NG share from PAGCOR income. Collections of other offices (other non-tax, including privatization proceeds, fees and charges, and grants) in August surged to P49.6 billion, nearly quadrupling last year’s outturn. (BTR, September 2024) [bold mine] 

Has the government been padding their revenue numbers partly by inflating the non-tax revenue component? Or are they becoming dependent on it? Unlike previous episodes where non-tax revenues spiked in a month or two, this marks the first time the share of this segment has been in double digits for six consecutive months 

II. August’s Decline in Public Spending Due to Technicalities, Robust Pre-Election LGU Spending 

The next item is expenditure.

Figure 2

Although decreases of .68% year-over-year (YoY) and 9.4% month-over-month (MoM) and year-over-year (YoY) were recorded in August, the expenditure for the first eight months grew by 11% YoY to a record Php 3.69 trillion. (Figure 2, topmost window)

The decline in August was primarily due to a -3.7% YoY and -4.1% MoM contraction in the National Government’s disbursement, even though spending by local government units (LGUs) remained vigorous at +9.34% YoY and -4.3% MoM.

But authorities explained the reasons behind this.

Again from the BTR: This can be partly attributed to the lower total subsidy releases to government corporations, and the sizeable outstanding checks recorded in various departments, such as the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH), the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), and the Department of Health (DOH), during the period. Outstanding checks represent payments made by line departments for the delivery of goods/services but are not yet presented for encashment at the banks by the concerned contractors or payees. These remain under the accounts of spending agencies in authorized government depository banks and are not yet considered as actual disbursements in the Cash Operations Report. [bold mine]

In short, the most recent uncashed disbursements from the National Government will be reflected in upcoming data.

As it stands, the brisk growth of spending by local government units (LGUs) likely signifies the pre-election (mid-term) spending.  The cumulative data for the first eight months (+9.65% YoY) reached its second highest level since the record set in 2022, which, coincidentally, was the year of the Presidential Elections. (Figure 2, lower window)

This trend is expected to be sustained as we approach the 2025 elections.

III. Eight-Month Amortization Payments Hit All Time, Debt Servicing Cost at Annual 2023 Levels!

Lower interest payments accounted for yet another reason behind the decrease in expenditures last August.

Interest payments fell by 33.6% month-over-month (MoM) but surged by 23.7% year-over-year (YoY).

Despite this, the cumulative interest outlays for the first eight months increased by 31.1% YoY, reaching an all-time high of Php 509.44 billion. Its share of allotment rose from 11.72% in 2023 to 13.81% in August, representing the highest level since 2009! (Figure 2, lowest chart)

That’s not all.

Figure 3

In peso terms, the amortization expenditures from January to August surpassed last year’s high, setting a new record! (Figure 3, topmost image) 

Strikingly, amortization expenditures for 2024 amounted to Php 1.041 trillion, which is 6.7% above the 2023 annual total of Php 975.3 billion.

While interest and amortization levels (in peso terms) reached milestone highs, the cumulative debt servicing costs for the first eight months amounted to Php 1.55 trillion—just 0.33% (Php 53.432 billion) lower than last year’s annual debt servicing cost of Php 1.604 trillion! (Figure 3, middle diagram)

Despite this data being publicly available, there has been little coverage by the mainstream media or commentary from the establishment.

More than anything else, do you see the reason driving the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) to cut interest rates and reserve requirements (RRR)?

It’s all about an implicit government bailout through the provision of liquidity support and the lowering of debt servicing costs!

Net claims on the central government (NCoCG) by universal-commercial banks have risen in tandem with public debt. (Figure 3, lowest image)

Figure 4

These measures are part of the 2020 pandemic rescue template, which includes various regulatory accommodations (such as relief measures and subsidies) as well as direct interventions (liquidity injections) from the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP).

Even now, the BSP’s net claims on the central government (NCoCG) have mirrored the monthly oscillations in public spending. (Figure 4, upper visual)

Furthermore, considering the political economy's structure derived from trickle-down policies, these rescue efforts are not only designed to benefit the government; they also serve the interests of politically connected elites.

Fundamentally, the BSP provides elite-owned banks with benefits through favorable policies and implicit bailouts. In return, these primary financial institutions partially complying with capital requirement rules provide liquidity to the Philippine treasury markets.

Has the narrowed deficit been engineered to address this? We argue that it has not.

IV. Mounting Neo-Corporatism/Fascism Policies: Privatize Profits, Socialize Costs

Haven’t you noticed that this administration has been gradually appointing members of the elite circle to higher echelons of political power?

While the intention may be to create a "business-friendly" environment, this situation reeks of "pro-big business" rent-seeking cronyism.

How will MSMEs thrive in the face of the onslaught of inflation, taxes, and regulations being imposed?

For instance, due to mandates and new taxes, major online eCommerce platforms have required SME sellers to register with the government, comply with new regulations, and pay new taxes.

In response, an influx of aspiring online entrepreneurs has led to a significant surge in business registrations, which both the media and the government are celebrating as a boom!

But how many of these businesses will survive the sustained rise in inflation and the increase in compliance and transaction costs?

How many of these hopeful entrepreneurs—whether driven by necessity due to a lack of jobs or insufficient income—will be able to employ people, especially with recent increases in minimum wages?

Yet, who benefits from the reduction of competition? SMEs or the elites?

We read that some elites have partnered with the government to embark on initiatives to promote MSMEs.

While partnerships like these may seem ideal, how do raising barriers to entry actually promote entrepreneurship?

These initiatives, which the public perceives as beneficial political "do something" actions, are, in fact, a display (smack) of hypocrisy largely intended for election-related public relations.

Moreover, some proponents have advocated for the privatization of certain infrastructure institutions.

While this may seem beneficial in "simple" theory, without competition, tax relief, and the easing of regulatory and administrative obstacles, such privatization is likely to result in the privatization of costs while socializing losses, or could deepen the embrace of neo-fascism, corporatism, or crony capitalism.

V. Strong Peso Resulted in Lower Public Debt Last August 

Apart from inflation, the surge in debt servicing costs represents a secondary symptom of deficit spending, with the direct effect manifested through public debt.

From the Bureau of Treasury (BTR): National Government’s (NG) total outstanding debt stood at P15.55 trillion as of the end of August 2024, reflecting a 0.9% or P139.79 billion decrease from the end July 2024 level…Meanwhile, NG external debt amounted to P4.76 trillion, a decrease of 3.6% or P178.25 billion compared with the end of July 2024 level. The decline was brought about mainly by peso appreciation, which trimmed P194.90 billion, as well as net repayments of P4.17 billion, although stronger third-currencies added P20.82 billion in valuation effects (BTR, October 2024) [bold added]

As the BTR admitted, the revaluation effects stemming from a rare 3.9% appreciation spike in the Philippine peso, based on their data, contributed to a marginal reduction in Philippine debt. 

Breaking down the data: external debt decreased by 3.6% month-over-month (MoM) but rose by 4.4% year-over-year (YoY). Meanwhile, domestic debt increased by 0.4% MoM and 10.22% YoY. (Figure 4, middle image) 

As a result, the spike in the Philippine peso pulled down the percentage share of external debt relative to the total, which has been rising since its trough in March 2021. 

Although the narrowing of the budget deficit from July to August, driven by a slowdown in public spending, may alleviate some pressure to increase borrowings, it is likely that the government has merely deferred its spending pressures to the end of the quarter and the end of the year.  (Figure 4, lowest image) 

Second, the government announced that it raised USD 2.5 billion last August. 

Figure 5

This addition will contribute to the external debt stock, which reached an all-time high in Q2 2024 and is expected to increase further in Q3. (Figure 5, topmost graph)

External debt has now surpassed the Gross International Reserves (GIR), even though part of these borrowings is counted as part of the GIR. For instance, when the National Government raised USD 2 billion last May, the proceeds were incorporated into the June GIR: "The month-on-month increase in the GIR level reflected mainly the National Government’s (NG) net foreign currency deposits with the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP), which include proceeds from its issuance of ROP Global Bonds." (bold added) (Figure 5, second to the highest chart) 

Make no mistake: borrowed reserves require payment, and treating them as retained earnings or savings misrepresents actual reserves. 

Third, it is doubtful that the recent appreciation of the Philippine peso is sustainable. 

In contrast, the rising trend of the USD-Peso exchange rate partly reflects the "twin deficits" as a consequence of the government’s deep embrace of Keynesian policies that posit spending will lead to economic prosperity. (Figure 5, second to the lowest and lowest graph) 

These deficit spending policies, which depend on an easy money regime favoring the elite, have led to a record savings-investment gap that must be funded by a domestic population constrained by low savings, making it increasingly reliant on overseas savings. 

In summary, the widening savings-investment gap—partially expressed through the BSP-Banking system's funding of historic deficit spending via record-high public debt—has contributed to the weakness of the Philippine peso.

Therefore, the current decline in public debt due to the peso appreciation represents an anomaly (a bug, not a feature) rather than a trend. 

With this context in mind, one must ask: who will bear the rising costs of ever-increasing public debt and its servicing—through higher taxes and inflation? 

Is it the elites, with their army of accountants and tax lawyers, shielding themselves from their direct obligations? Is it the elites who employ financial experts and, indirectly, the government, which allocates resources to benefit from inflationary policies? 

Or is it the average Mario and Juan, who have little means for protection? 

VI. Conclusion

The "Marcos-nomics stimulus" measures remain intact.

The recent cut in the official interest rate, along with an expected series of further cuts and adjustments to reserve requirements, indicates a sustained trend of deficit spending, point to an expansion of monetary easing aimed at jolting the private sector economy and achieving political agendas through spending on pre-election, the war economy, infrastructure, welfare, bureaucratic expansion and etc., in addition to boosting GDP for financing purposes.

____

References 

Bureau of Treasury, August 2024 NG Budget Deficit Down to P54.2 Billion, treasury.gov.ph, September 25,2024

 

Bureau of Treasury, National Government Debt Recorded at P15.55 Trillion as of End-August 2024, treasury.gov.ph, October 1, 2024

Philippine Government’s July Deficit "Narrowed" from Changes in VAT Reporting Schedule, Raised USD 2.5 Billion Plus $500 Million Climate Financing

 

The global government finance Bubble dwarfs all previous Bubbles. Insatiable demand for perceived safe government debt and central bank Credit has allowed this Bubble to inflate for more than 15 years. Years of massive deficit spending ensure deeply systemic economic maladjustment. Endemic deficit spending has inflated incomes and corporate profits, in the process working to inflate historic securities, housing and other asset market Bubbles—Doug Noland

In this issue:

Philippine Government’s July Deficit "Narrowed" from Changes in VAT Reporting Schedule, Raised USD 2.5 Billion Plus $500 Million Climate Financing

I. Government’s July Revenue Boost and the "Narrowed" Deficit: VAT Rescheduled Reporting from Monthly to Quarterly

II. Deficit Spending Under Control? Philippine Government Just Raised USD 2.5 Billion Plus $500 Million Climate Financing

III. The Marcos-nomics Stimulus: Infrastructure, Warfare, Welfare and the Bureaucratic State

IV. Pre-Election Spending Intensifies Liquidity Growth; Should Accelerate Twin Deficits and the Crowding-Out Effect

V. Crowding-Out Syndrome: Dwindling Savings, Deepening Reliance on Debt

VI. Debunking The Overton Window’s "Supply Side" Inflation

VII. Despite "Marcos-nomics Stimulus" Liquidity Injections, Treasury Markets Signal Stagflation, Rising Credit Risk

Philippine Government’s July Deficit "Narrowed" from Changes in VAT Reporting Schedule, Raised USD 2.5 Billion Plus $500 Million Climate Financing 

The changes in VAT reporting resulted in the narrowing of the Philippine government's budget deficit in July. "Marcos-nomics" remains in action as the government's spending binge persists. Authorities raised USD 2.5 billion—what are the possible implications? 

I. Government’s July Revenue Boost and the "Narrowed" Deficit: VAT Rescheduled Reporting from Monthly to Quarterly 

The establishment media, which self-righteously pontificate on the war against disinformation and misinformation, tell us that July's "narrowed" deficit was implicitly a function of either a vigorous economy, "sound" management policies of the government, or even both. 

Although some reports mention the rescheduling of VAT payments from monthly to quarterly as a factor that caused the ballooning revenues leading to such distortions, this aspect remains mostly untouched. 

Here’s the Bureau of Treasury: The YoY growth was due to higher collections of Value Added Tax (VAT), income taxes, other domestic taxes, and percentage taxes. The growth in VAT collection was partly attributed to base effects as collections last year were lower by around two months' worth of VAT collection with the shift from monthly to quarterly filing of VAT payments as mandated by the Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion (TRAIN) Law. (bold added) 

A top accounting firm explained (bold italics original, bold mine): 

One of the notable changes that will be implemented this year is the removal of the monthly filing of Value-Added Tax (VAT) returns. Section 37 of the TRAIN Law, amending provisions of Section 114(A) of the Tax Code of 1997, as amended, and as implemented under Section 4-114-1(A) of Revenue Regulations (RR) No. 13-2018, states that “beginning January 1, 2023, the filing and payment required under this subsection shall be done within twenty-five (25) days following the close of each taxable quarter”. Thus, VAT-registered taxpayers are no longer required to file the Monthly VAT Declaration (BIR Form No. 2550M) for transactions starting January 1, 2023. Instead, they will file the corresponding Quarterly VAT Return (BIR Form No. 2550Q) within twenty-five (25) days following the close of each taxable quarter. (Grant Thornton, 2023)

Figure 1

So, there you have it: The rescheduling of VAT declarations from monthly to quarterly has magnified revenues and "narrowed" deficits at the "close" of each taxable quarter. 

Since 2023, revenue spikes have led to budget surpluses in four of the seven—close of the taxable quarters of January, April, July, and October—while the remaining three quarters reported deficits of less than Php 50 billion. (Figure 1, topmost window) 

Therefore, it is reasonable to predict that deficits will swell in August and September, while easing again in October 2024. 

Additionally, because of the distortions from quarterly reporting, revenue statistics should be viewed and interpreted on an end-of-quarter basis. 

Nonetheless, irrespective of how the media depicts and interprets it, July’s public expenditures represent the sixth highest non-seasonal (ex-December) spending and the eleventh highest including the seasonal spikes of December. (Figure 1, middle image) 

Public spending over the seven-month period surged by 13.2% to a record Php 3.3 trillion, even as revenues spiked by 28% to an all-time high of Php 2.61 trillion. This resulted in a Php 642.8 billion deficit, which is 7.2% higher than in 2023.

The surge in July spending signifies a validation of our prognosis regarding the unannounced "Marcos-nomics stimulus," which has been further confirmed by the August BSP rate cut. (Prudent Investor, 2024)

II. Deficit Spending Under Control? Philippine Government Just Raised USD 2.5 Billion Plus $500 Million Climate Financing

Although authorities reported a (-6.34% YoY) slowing of July financing while its cash reserves (-21.54% YoY) fell further, the explosion of Marcos-nomics stimulus spending is bound to reverse this. (Figure 1, lowest graph)

Mainstream experts, who focus on a single statistic while ignoring the bigger picture and (political) path dependency, are likely to misread, misinterpret, and draw brazenly erroneous conclusions.

For instance, the DOF chief tells us that "the country's rising debt is not a cause for worry."

Figure 2

But the thing is, July's interest payments alone hit an all-time high as public debt reached a record Php 15.5 trillion last June.  The 7-month share of interest payment-to-total expenditures has risen to its highest level since 2009! (Figure 2, top and middle charts)  

Authorities will publish July's debt standing next week.

And it doesn’t stop there.

For the first seven months of 2024, the aggregate debt servicing reached a milestone high in peso levels with a 40.6% YoY growth spike. This increase was driven by 44.9% and 32% growth spikes in amortization and interest payments, respectively. (Figure 2, lowest diagram) 

Figure 3

As a consequence, because July's amortization and interest payments were 7% and 27% below their comparative levels last year, this year's total debt servicing accounted for 15% below last year—with 5 months to go! (Figure 3, topmost image) 

It is no coincidence that the government raised USD 2.5 billion last week, on top of the USD 2 billion last May, which authorities partially used to prop up its Gross International Reserves (GIR).

Bloomberg/Yahoo Finance, August 29, 2024: The Philippines priced $2.5 billion of dollar bonds, its second such offering this year and the largest of a flurry of deals Wednesday in Asia before a likely Federal Reserve interest rate cut…The Philippines raised $2 billion in a May dollar bond deal that Finance Secretary Ralph Recto said at the time was part of its plan to generate about $5 billion in funding from overseas markets this year. The new offering was the largest of five note sales in the US currency on Wednesday, the most Asian issuers in six weeks, according to data compiled by Bloomberg based on deals with a minimum size of $100 million

The Philippine government also secured a $500-million climate financing support from the Asian Development Bank (ADB) under its Climate Change Action Program Subprogram 2—a climate change policy-based loan. 

Regardless of whether debt is politically labeled as green (climate or sustainable) or not, it is still debt that must be repaid. Political colors don’t change the functionality of credit. 

The recent spate of external borrowings is likely to push total external debt—which was already at a historic level in Q1 2024—to even greater heights! (Figure 3, middle pane) 

Given these factors, why would the government continue raising external (and local) debt if deficit spending were under control? 

And how would such political path dependency assure us that the relentless rise in public debt (as part of systemic leverage) is 'not a cause for worry'? 

III. The Marcos-nomics Stimulus: Infrastructure, Warfare, Welfare and the Bureaucratic State 

So, what did the government spend on last July? 

Except for net lending and subsidies, government expenditures grew for Local Government Unit (LGU) allocations (12.2% YoY), interest payments (25%), equity (608%), and national government disbursements (9.44%).

Net lending represents the net advances by the National Government for the servicing of government-guaranteed corporate debt.

Meanwhile, equity refers to the National Government’s investments in the authorized stock of Government-Owned and Controlled Corporations (GOCC).

The three largest segments of public spending in terms of distribution were interest payments (16.3%), LGU allocations (17.7%), and National Government disbursements (63.1%).

While NG disbursement was lower in peso terms, as we have been pointing out, LGU spending—which likely represents funding for the forthcoming 2025 national elections—has been picking up steam.

 Figure 4 

From a seven-month perspective, NG disbursements in pesos reached an all-time high, as the growth rate nearly doubled from 6.4% in 2023 to 12.9% in 2024. (Figure 4, middle graph) 

Meanwhile, LGU outlays have played catch-up, with a growth spike from 2.7% in 2023 to 13.2% in 2024, reaching the second-highest level. (Figure 4, topmost chart) 

Aside from other programs, the authorities plan to acquire 40 multi-role fighters to supposedly boost the nation’s defense.

According to Interakyson/Reuters: "President Ferdinand Marcos Jr has approved “Re-Horizon 3”, an acquisition plan for new military weaponry and equipment worth 1.89 trillion pesos ($33.64 billion) to boost defenses."

The Marcos-nomics stimulus has been directed at pre-elections, the transition to a war economy and infrastructure, as well as the administrative/bureaucratic state. For example, there are over 200,000 vacancies in government jobs.

IV. Pre-Election Spending Intensifies Liquidity Growth; Should Accelerate Twin Deficits and the Crowding-Out Effect

On the other hand, the boost in LGU allotments has also manifested through a three-month growth surge in cash in circulation, which increased from 6.1% in May to 6.9% in June and 8.1% in July. (Figure 4, lowest visual)

The peso level of cash in circulation reached its fourth-highest level last July (including the seasonal peak in December).

The upside bump in liquidity translates to a relative increase in demand—where LGUs spend—and percolates into the national level.

The spillover effect of the stimulus is further amplified by the spending boost from the National Government.

Such expenditures, once again, benefit the recipients of credit-financed public spending first, creating ripples across the political economy through various stages, primarily affecting entities connected with the government before reaching the general economy.

This swelling of government expenditures via resource consumption crowds out or limits its availability to the private sector—a phenomenon known as the "crowding out effect."

Figure 5

As a result, the surge in public revenues reflects the initial reactions to the intensified public expenditures. Bank lending and inflation also help support public revenues.  (Figure 5, top and middle windows)

The distortive effects—boosting aggregate demand without a proportional increase in production—exert pressure on the overall price level.

The intensifying mismatch between demand and supply (limited by the crowding-out syndrome) likewise translates to increased pressure for higher imports, magnifying the "twin deficits," which explains part of the USD 5 billion overseas issuance. (Figure 5, lowest chart)

V. Crowding-Out Syndrome: Dwindling Savings, Deepening Reliance on Debt

Furthermore, as the biggest borrowers, the government will increasingly draw from the public’s dwindling savings, competing with the massive credit requirements of San Miguel, the PSE’s non-financials, unlisted non-financials, banks, the financial industry, and households.

The crowding out effect, also evidenced by the record widening of the saving-investment gap, further explains the acceleration in external borrowings.

Of course, due to decaying productivity and the deepening drawdown in savings, households have intensified their reliance on credit to sustain their lifestyles. This dynamic is demonstrated by the structural shift in Philippine bank lending toward consumer loans, coming at the expense of producers.

Figure 6 

Part of this drawdown in savings is exhibited by slowing deposit growth. (Figure 6, topmost graph) 

Last July, universal-commercial bank supply-side loans increased by 8.8%, while consumer loans grew at a slower rate of 24.3%. (Figure 6, middle image) 

However, the gap between the share of consumer loans and production loans reached an all-time high. (Figure 6, lowest chart) 

Yet, the supply-side loan growth was primarily driven by a 438% spike in borrowing by the professional, scientific, and technical sector—a majority of which is constituted by activities of head offices. Bank lending would have been stifled were it not for this development.

Figure 7

Such are the reasons behind the intertwined trajectories of public expenditures and the Consumer Price Index (CPI). The causal relationship is reflected by the accelerating trend of public spending fueling the nation's inflation cycle. (Figure 7, topmost image)

VI. Debunking The Overton Window’s "Supply Side" Inflation

Have you ever heard the media and their favorite establishment experts talk about how demand, driven by government policies, is the primary source of inflation? 

Of course, not.

Like the nasty and deleterious side-effects of the pandemic lockdown and the COVID vaccines as well as the NATO’s proxy war playing out in Ukraine (where establishment media unilaterally demonizes Russia), the BSP-government driven inflation represents a taboo.

There is hardly any balance in mainstream’s reporting or analysis. The government determines the Overton Window—alternative opinions are either censored or suffer from the cancel culture.

Ironically, that inflation is caused by the government is apparent on their reports.

For instance, in the BSP’s July 2024 report on domestic liquidity, "Net claims on the central government expanded by 14.0 percent, up from 12.1 percent partly due to sustained borrowings by the National Government."

Sustained borrowings by the National Government from the banking system. 

But what are net claims on the central government (NCoCG)? 

Again, from the BSP, "Net Claims on CG include domestic securities issued by and loans and advances extended to the CG, net of liabilities to the CG such as deposits" (BSP, 2024)

In essence, banks and financial institutions fund the government’s boondoggles through credit expansion (printing money).

Unfortunately, hardly anyone bothers to explain this phenomenon to the public: except for one instance, the pandemic.

To highlight its rescue efforts, the BSP discussed its historic PHP 2.3 trillion liquidity injections from 2020 to 2022, but a code of silence has surrounded this topic prior to and after.

In contrast, the public has been bombarded or hardwired with the brazen tomfoolery of the "supply side" aspect of inflation. 

This narrative effectively absolves the government of accountability and attributes inflation to "greedflation" or "greedy" entrepreneurs or "market failure."

Yet the fundamental law of economics (demand and supply)—where prices basically coordinate the balance of demand and supply—debunks this popularly held belief.

Aside from the balancing role of prices, supply side disruptions cause RELATIVE inflation on prices and services (directly and indirectly affected). To wit, price increases in several areas will result in DECREASES in others—given the scarcity of the (supply) of the medium of the exchange (Philippine peso).

Or, supply disruptions do not cause a generalized and prolonged loss of purchasing power.

But little of this economic truth seems to matter.

VII. Despite "Marcos-nomics Stimulus" Liquidity Injections, Treasury Markets Signal Stagflation, Rising Credit Risk

This brings us to "Marcos-nomics Stimulus." Because of the Overton Window, the public has limited understanding of public financing, which they believe is an exclusive domain of direct taxation and government borrowing.

Still, neither have authorities told the public that the BSP has yet to scale down its massive holdings of Philippine treasuries (NCoCG) nor the back-to-back All-time highs in the banking system’s NCoCG. (Figure 7, middle and lower charts)

Figure 8

Furthermore, following the PHP 3 trillion spike in 2020-2021 (not PHP 2.3 trillion as declared), the BSP’s asset base of PHP 7.51 trillion (as of February 2024) remains only 6.3% lower than its historic high of PHP 8.013 trillion in October 2021. (Figure 8, topmost chart)

Briefly, the BSP has hardly wound down on its QE as reflected by its near-record share of holdings of domestic treasuries, even as the BSP has replaced some of this with a buildup in FX borrowings. (Figure 8, middle graph) 

Again, this represents another reason for the government’s recent external borrowing.

Moreover, the curious take is that despite all the massive stimulus, the belly’s inversion in the Philippine treasury market has only deepened at the close of August. (Figure 8, lowest window) 

This does not suggest a build-up of price pressures or a strong rebound in the private sector. On the other hand, rising short-term rates indicate intensifying liquidity issues.

In the end, while Marcos-nomics stimulus seems to have reaccelerated liquidity, a resurgence of inflation is likely to exacerbate "stagflationary" pressures and increase the likelihood of a bust in the Philippines’ credit bubble.

____

References

 

Doug Noland, Weekly Commentary: Money Machines, August 31, 2024, CreditBubbleBulletin.blogspot.com

 

P&A Grant Thornton, A closer look at quarterly VAT filing, February 7, 2023, grantthornton.com.ph

 

Prudent Investor, Bullseye! BSP Opens with First Rate Cut, the "Marcos-nomics Stimulus " is on a Roll! PSE’s Q2 Retail Activities Validates Ongoing Consumer Weakness, August 18, 2024

 

Bloomberg, Yahoo Finance, Philippines Sells $2.5 Billion of Dollar Bonds in Asia Deal Rush, August 29, 2024

 

Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, Central Bank Survey and Depository Corporations Survey July 2024, bsp.gov.ph

 

Philippines' Q2 GDP Growth of 6.3%: Unpacking the "Marcos-nomics" Stimulus, June 2024 Philippine Employment Rates—A Statistical Pump

 

Measurement problems abound. The housing component, frequently constituting a quarter of inflation indices, often uses the owners’ equivalent rent, which is highly subjective, with a small change in weighting—such as for single-family homes—affecting the outcome. There are multiple measures—consumer price index, producer price index, GDP price deflator— that produce different, often irreconcilable, results. Data-dependent central bankers can fit the statistics to policy—Satyajit Das 

In this issue:

Philippines' Q2 GDP Growth of 6.3%: Unpacking the "Marcos-nomics" Stimulus, June 2024 Philippine Employment Rates—A Statistical Pump

I. June 2024 Philippine Employment Rates Hit Second to the Highest Level: A Statistical Pump

II. Q2 GDP Growth of 6.3%: Unpacking the "Marcos-nomics" Stimulus

III. The Unintended Consequences of Raising Government Salaries in the Philippines

IV. Q2 GDP: Consumers Struggle Under Marcos-nomics

V. The GDP is Debt: GDP Won’t Outgrow Total Debt or Systemic Leverage

VI. Q2 GDP Boosted by Devaluation Effect Amid Semiconductor Export Plunge and Stagnant Capital and Consumer Goods Imports

VII. The Money Illusion: Utility GDP Manifest ‘Undeflated’ Inflation; Real Estate GDP Reveals Worsening Signs of Malinvestments

VIII. The Disconnect between GDP Growth and the PSEi 30’s Performance

Philippines' Q2 GDP Growth of 6.3%: Unpacking the "Marcos-nomics" Stimulus, June 2024 Philippine Employment Rates—A Statistical Pump

"Marcos-nomics stimulus" powered Q2 GDP’s 6.3% as consumers struggled and as the government juiced up employment rate data

I. June 2024 Philippine Employment Rates Hit Second to the Highest Level: A Statistical Pump 

Businessworld, August 11, 2024: THE UNEMPLOYMENT RATE in June fell to 3.1%, the lowest in two decades, as hiring in the construction sector surged, the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) reported on Wednesday. Preliminary data from the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) showed the jobless rate slipped from 4.1% in May and 4.5% in June 2023. The June unemployment rate was the same as in December 2023. It was also the lowest jobless rate since April 2005, when the statistics agency revised its definition of unemployed to Filipinos aged 15 years and older without a job, available for work, and actively seeking one. This translated to 1.62 million unemployed Filipinos in June, down by 486,000 from 2.11 million in May. Year on year, unemployment went down by 707,000 from 2.33 million in June 2023. 

Beyond such sanguine statistics lies the issue of how this record number of employment rates was achieved. 

Essentially, who has been investing?

Figure 1

The Philippines has a low savings rate (even when calculated based on inflated GDP statistics), foreign direct investments (FDIs) remain subdued (despite Php 4 trillion promises of investment from geopolitical allies of the administration), and the distribution in the growth of the Universal Commercial (UC) bank credit expansion remains heavily skewed toward consumers and the real estate sector. (Figure 1)

The next question is: who has been hiring?

Figure 2

The June data record employment data reveals that the primary source of hiring has been the construction sector: quarter-on-quarter (1.2 million), month-on-month (680,000), and year-to-date (556,000). This massive job expansion largely stems from government-related projects, as confirmed by the industry’s boost to the Q2 GDP. (Figure 2, lowest graph)

The second-lowest unemployment rate was supported by a jump in labor participation rates. (Figure 2, topmost chart)

On a month-on-month and quarterly basis, the agricultural sector represented second-largest employers. Despite staggering losses due to weather-related challenges (Typhoon Carina estimated at Php 3.04 billion and El Niño’s Php 9.5 billion) and structural issues from inflation and other industry imbalances (e.g., entrenched protectionism), the agricultural sector added 571,000 jobs month-on-month and 497,000 jobs quarter-on-quarter. (Figure 2 middle window)

Ironically, according to the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA), agricultural volume reportedly plunged by 13% in Q2.

Government employment data suggest that agricultural investors appear to be immune to profit and loss conditions, as evidenced by the hiring spree despite ongoing losses and stagnation.

In reality, the only entity not subject to profit and loss is the government, whose existence depends on forced transfers from the public.

The trade industry was the third-largest employer month-on-month in June. Given the lackluster performance of consumers, who have become heavily dependent on credit, it is likely that we should see a reversal soon.

The PSA’s labor survey data represent one of the 31 data sources used for GDP calculation. The Consumer Price Index (CPI) and GDP are highly sensitive political-economic data, which means they are prone to reflecting the agenda of their creators rather than providing unbiased and objective estimates. 

Let us hear it from the horse’s mouth (bold added): 

CPI allows individuals, businesses, and policymakers to understand inflation trends, make economic decisions, and adjust financial plans accordingly. The CPI is also used to adjust other economic series for price changes. For example, CPI components are used as deflators for most personal consumption expenditures in the calculation of the gross domestic product.  Moreover, it serves as a basis to adjust the wages in labor management contracts, as well as pensions and retirement benefits. Increases in wages through collective bargaining agreements use the CPI as one of their bases. (PSA, FAQ on CPI) 

The System of National Accounts (SNA) helps economists to measure the level of economic development and the rate of economic growth, the change in consumption, saving, consumption, investment, debt and wealth of the economy. From the data of SNA, economists can either forecast the future growth of the economy or study impacts on the economy and the institutional sectors of identified government policies and programs. (PSA, FAQ on CPI)

Recent data suggests that authorities have inflated employment figures to boost the GDP. 

II. Q2 GDP Growth of 6.3%: Unpacking the "Marcos-nomics" Stimulus 

In a nutshell, is the BSP concerned about how the gloomy views of consumers and businesses may translate into weaker GDP growth? (Prudent Investor, June 2024) 

It is not helpful when the establishment confuses the GDP with the overall economy, for the simple reason that the GDP has been skewed to reflect the growth of the government and the elites—the "trickle-down syndrome." (Prudent Investor, July 2024)

So, didn’t we get it right? 

While publicly unstated by authorities, the Q2 GDP growth of 6.3% represented the "Marcos-nomics" stimulus, which was anchored by near-record historic spending in Q2.

Figure 3

First, despite the cheerleading by the establishment and mainstream media, the Q2 2024 GDP remained below the exponential trend line of pre-pandemic nominal and real GDP. (Figure 3, topmost image)

Second, Q2 GDP was, in essence, another story of "Marcos-nomics ": government spending surged by 14.8% (nominal) and 10.7% (real), with government GDP posting a 16.8% share, marking its fourth highest level in the national accounts. (Figure 3, second to the highest window)

Once more, Q2 GDP validated our analysis and forecasts.

Third, Government GDP understated the public sector’s contribution to national GDP. Construction GDP was chiefly responsible for the 9.5% and 11.5% growth spikes in gross fixed capital and gross capital formation, accounting for 71.1% and 71.25% of the latter, respectively. (Figure 3, second to the lowest graph)

Importantly, real Construction GDP also represented 19.4% of the national GDP—an all-time high! 

As a side note, the surge in jobs in this sector most likely relates to government-related construction projects or contractors. 

Combined with government spending, direct government expenditures accounted for 27.4% of the Q2 2024 national accounts—the second highest ever! (Figure 3, lowest image)

Of course, this data exclusively represents direct expenditures.

The private sector’s direct contribution to government political projects (e.g., PPPs), as well as the direct and indirect supply and demand chains of these entities and those associated with the bureaucracy, are not included.

Briefly, the government’s direct and indirect contributions to the economy may easily account for about two quarters or approximately 40% of GDP.

So, while the government promotes partial economic liberalization to the public (benefiting the elites), it has been centralizing the economy through the administrative and bureaucratic state, the welfare state, and the warfare state.

The government doles out crumbs of liberalization while fortifying its political stranglehold on the economy.

Domestic wars (against vices such as drugs and POGOs, as well as inflation and poverty) and the promotion of nationalism to expand the warfare state has led to increased socialism or neo-socialism (fascism/cronyism). 

The essence of so-called war prosperity; it enriches some by what it takes from others. It is not rising wealth but a shifting of wealth and income. (Mises 1919) 

This shifting of income is most evident in the erosion of consumer spending. 

III. The Unintended Consequences of Raising Government Salaries in the Philippines 

As an aside, the political leadership has announced that it will begin increasing salaries for government bureaucrats in three tranches. 

Beyond the overall impact of adding to the record fiscal deficit, if government pay levels rise above those in the market economy, it could attract more individuals into the bureaucracy at the expense of the private sector. The rising cost of employment would exacerbate the crowding-out effect on the private sector. 

Since the government does not generate wealth on its own but instead extracts resources from the private sector through direct and indirect taxes, any increase in household spending by bureaucrats is likely to be offset by a decrease in spending by the private sector.

Moreover, this situation could lead to greater politicization of the hiring process, entrenching corruption, favoritism, and nepotism.

Jobs may increasingly be awarded to the highest bidders, friends, personal networks, or as payoffs for political favors. There will likely be more "ghost employees."

Consequently, the motivation of those in power is to increase economic interventions by introducing more laws, funded by the continuing expansion of the government’s budget, which should deepen the centralization process through the expansion of the administrative state. 

Figure 4 

According to the Civil Service Commission, the number of government employees in the new administration vaulted in 2023.  Consider how rising salaries in 2024 might lead to further increases in government jobs. (Figure 4, highest diagram) 

IV. Q2 GDP: Consumers Struggle Under Marcos-nomics 

Circling back to consumer spending: 

Although real consumer spending grew at the same rate of 4.6% in Q1 and Q2, the share of real consumer GDP plummeted from 74.4% to 67.8% as the share of government spending spiked. (Figure 4, second to the highest pane)

This trend is not an anomaly; such an antipodal path has emerged since the advent of the new millennium. This divergence accelerated in 2016 and intensified further during the pandemic recession.

Moreover, since peaking in Q1 2022, the downtrend in consumer spending growth continued into 2024, even as trade and retail GDP marginally outperformed at 6.6% in Q1 and 5.8% in Q2. (Figure 4, second to the lowest chart)

They failed to recognize that BSP policies—characterized by liquidity injections and bank credit expansion rather than productivity growth—were the primary drivers of this trend.

In other words, a large segment of retail entrepreneurs has clearly misread signals indicating that the recent bout of "revenge" spending is "sustainable."

Consequently, the rising vacancies in commercial, office, and residential properties translate to mounting losses and rising credit delinquencies that have yet to surface in bank data.

The poor top-line performance of several PSE-listed firms, which have reported their Q2 2024 results, underscores this issue.

Furthermore, consumer spending per capita continues to erode, ironically, despite record-high employment rates.  More evidence of inflated employment rates? (Figure 4, lowest graph)

V. The GDP is Debt: GDP Won’t Outgrow Total Debt or Systemic Leverage

By the same token, rising leverage has barely added to consumer spending.

UC bank lending to consumers grew by 25.01% to a record Php 1.4 trillion (excluding real estate loans) last June, marking its sixth consecutive quarter of over 25+% growth. In contrast, nominal consumer spending GDP grew by 4.6% in the first half of the year. This translates to Php 5 borrowed for every Php 1 of consumer GDP produced!

Incredible.

Figure 5

In the same vein, historic levels of systemic leverage (public debt plus UC bank credit) have barely supported growth in consumer spending per capita. (Figure 5, topmost image)

The aggregate UC Bank credit plus public debt in June amounted to an unprecedented Php 27.23 trillion, representing 108% of the annualized 2024 GDP!

Authorities are engaged in peddling smoke and mirrors, or advocating the GDP myth, when they claim that the GDP growth rate will outgrow public debt.

Fundamentally, a significant portion of GDP is derived from debt-financed public spending, which means public debt is a crucial factor behind GDP.  So how can GDP outgrow debt when deficit financing—the current driver—is based on debt? 

Secondly, similar to the period from 2009 to 2018, when slower public spending reduced the public debt-to-GDP ratio, banking debt to GDP took over. Banking credit expansion to the private sector became the principal source of finance for government revenue. (Figure 5, second to the highest diagram) 

Debt doesn’t melt away; it is juggled! 

In summary, under today’s de facto fiat money system, GDP is essentially debt. 

Today, we are now witnessing the twin engines of debt operating at full throttle. 

VI. Q2 GDP Boosted by Devaluation Effect Amid Semiconductor Export Plunge and Stagnant Capital and Consumer Goods Imports 

The devaluation effect or stronger US dollar FX via a weaker peso also magnified the contributions of external trade to GDP. 

Yet, the 29.5% plunge in semiconductor exports underscores the fragile state of local producers. Real manufacturing GDP increased by 3.6% (slower than the 4.4% growth in Q1), even as UC bank credit growth to the sector rose by 8.94% (down from 10.11% in Q1). (Figure 5, second to the lowest window) 

Stagnant nominal imports of capital and consumer goods in June further reinforce the lethargy of the private sector. (Figure 5, lowest chart) 

In addition to the slowing retail GDP, other sectors in the industry show signs of weakness.

Figure 6

The previously smoldering GDP of the Accommodation and Food Services sectors has dramatically slowed to their lowest growth levels since Q1 2022. Accommodation GDP fell from 16.1% to 12.9% in Q2, while Food Services GDP dropped from 11.8% to 9.4%. (Figure 6, topmost chart)

In seeming confirmation, air transport Cebu Pacific's Q2 2024 revenue growth of 15.3% pulled its H1 2024 growth lower to 18.1%. Meanwhile, PAL's Q2 2024 revenues contracted by 0.3%, which also weighed on its 1H 2024 revenue growth, reducing it to 3.97%.

Still, the transport GDP surged from 5.4% in Q1 to 14.8% in Q2. Air transport GDP spiked 22%.

VII. The Money Illusion: Utility GDP Manifest ‘Undeflated’ Inflation; Real Estate GDP Reveals Worsening Signs of Malinvestments 

Furthermore, while the Utilities GDP (electricity, steam, water, and waste management) outperformed in Q2 2024, rising from 4.3% in Q1 to 6.1%, its real growth (despite being netted out by the deflator) reflects the oscillations of the CPI. (Figure 6, middle image)

This highlights the "money illusion"—GDP attributed to growth when, in fact, it reflects changes in spending caused by price fluctuations.

Elevated inflation, rising interest rates, and increasing leverage and non-productive economic activities have severely constrained consumer spending.

Lastly, the supply side segment of the Real Estate (RE) sector via its GDP surged from 4.5% in Q1 to 7.2% in Q2 2024.

The industry's GDP has been backed by a surge in loan growth.

UC bank lending to the RE sector’s supply side expanded by 12.34%, marking growth rates above 10% for the eighth consecutive month.

Interestingly, despite the sector’s strong Q2 GDP performance, its value-added contribution to national accounts continues to dwindle, with its share of the total falling from 5.6% to 5.4% in Q2 2024, reinforcing its downtrend. (Figure 6, lowest graph)

On the other hand, the share of bank lending to the sector continues to rebound after an interim low in Q3 2023. 

That is, more borrowing results in lesser and lesser value-added contributions or diminishing returns, which are signs of escalating malinvestments. 

VIII. The Disconnect between GDP Growth and the PSEi 30’s Performance

Anyhow, the establishment and social media seem desperate to see the PSEi 30 rise, attributing any good news to it.

For instance, some claim that Friday’s rebound was caused by a "stronger economy. " Baloney. 

On the contrary, this reflects the politicization of the PSEi 30 through attribution bias: if the index falls, external forces are blamed; but when it rises, credit is claimed for any internal factor, with indirect allusions to politics.

Figure 7

Of course, cheerleaders—who don’t declare their interests—evade the details. They fail to mention the engineered pumps. (Figure 7, topmost visuals) 

Friday’s syndicated rescue operations, which centered on the Sy Group of companies (comprising 32.4% of the PSEi 30 as of August 10th), erased the week’s losses and delivered a 0.64% weekly return on mediocre volume. 

Yet, why hasn’t GDP been boosting the PSE? 

First, GDP is not the economy.  While it attempts to measure the complex nature of millions of moving parts operating spontaneously—supposedly reflecting the economy—it cannot do so effectively. 

This is because one cannot average spending on rice with subscriptions for software. Individual utilities are not only subjective but also change frequently. I may want a burger for one meal but spaghetti for the next, depending on my means and willingness to pay the offered price. 

Second, the distribution of costs and gains is uneven. 

Record government spending benefits politicians, the bureaucracy, and their cronies, while small and medium enterprises (SMEs), which can hardly access formal credit, barely benefit from such political activities.  Instead, the costs are borne by average citizens. 

In a corporatist or neo-fascist state, benefits are concentrated while costs are diffused, resulting in privatized gains and socialized losses. 

Third, despite the myriad regulations designed to curtail and control it, market economies operate on the division of labor and division of knowledge. Unfortunately, specialization, knowledge, and entrepreneurial skills cannot be averaged. 

Fourth, statistics are historical accounts derived from selective assumptions that incorporate specific inputs and calculations. They do not encompass all the causal factors that lead to multifarious and intertemporal outcomes. 

Fifth and finally, the PSE-GDP data indicate that there is confusion in associating a high GDP with the performance of the PSEi 30, which is currently in a bear market. (Figure 7, middle window) 

The GDP trendline has failed to revert to its former trajectory, which coincides with the PSEi 30’s bear market. (Figure 7, lowest chart) 

Given its structural trickle-down political-economic framework, which is entirely dependent on debt, it also bears substantial balance sheet risk. 

The consensus overlooked the last and most critical aspect of the economy. 

Fifteen minutes of glory doesn’t a bull market make. 

____

References: 

Philippine Statistics Authority, Frequently Asked Questions, Consumer Price Index, psa.org.ph 

Philippine Statistics Authority, Frequently Asked Questions, Philippine System of National Accounts (PSNA), psa.org.ph 

Prudent Investor, Could the Philippine Government Implement a 'Marcosnomics' Stimulus Blending BSP Rate Cuts and Accelerated Deficit Spending? June 30, 2024 

Prudent Investor, Marcos-nomics stimulus: Yields of the Philippine Treasury Curve Plunged, The Turbocharging of Pre-Election Liquidity Growth July 14, 2024 

Ludwig von Mises, Nation, State, and Economy, 1919 p.190, Mises.org