Showing posts with label fiscal stimulus. Show all posts
Showing posts with label fiscal stimulus. Show all posts

Sunday, October 06, 2024

Marcos-Nomics Stimulus Update: August Budget Deficit Narrows, Strong Peso Reduces Public Debt, and Amortization Payments Reach All-Time High!

 

Lowering rates is a tool to rescue the government, but it will also make the Treasury add more debt in the next few months. If you make it easy for governments to borrow, they will gladly do it and continue printing currency, leading to the currency’s slow decline—Daniel Lacalle 

In this issue

Marcos-Nomics Stimulus Update: August Budget Deficit Narrows, Strong Peso Reduces Public Debt, and Amortization Payments Reach All-Time High!

I. A Growing Dependence on Non-Tax Revenue Growth? Or, Padding the Government’s Top line?

II. August’s Decline in Public Spending Due to Technicalities, Robust Pre-Election LGU Spending

III. Eight-Month Amortization Payments Hit All Time, Debt Servicing Cost at Annual 2023 Levels!

IV. Mounting Neo-Corporatism/Fascism Policies: Privatize Profits, Socialize Costs

V. Strong Peso Resulted in Lower Public Debt Last August

VI. Conclusion

Marcos-Nomics Stimulus Update: August Budget Deficit Narrows, Strong Peso Reduces Public Debt, and Amortization Payments Reach All-Time High! 

The "Marcos-nomics Stimulus" remains intact. Though deficit spending "narrowed" and public debt fell in August, technicalities and political agenda like pre-election spending points to the government’s deferred actions. 

GMA News, September 25, 1965: The Philippine government yielded a narrower fiscal shortfall in August amid growth in state collections and contraction in expenditures during the period. Data released by the Bureau of the Treasury on Wednesday showed the national government’s budget deficit stood at P54.2 billon last month, lower by 59.25% than the P133-billion fiscal gap seen in August 2023. “The lower deficit was brought about by the 24.40% growth in government receipts alongside a minimal 0.68% contraction in government expenditures,” the Treasury said. August’s fiscal balance brought the year-to-date budget shortfall to P697 billion, down 4.86% from the P732.5-billion deficit in the same period last year. 

Since the government has shifted VAT collections to an end-of-quarter basis, and given that the majority of public spending is typically programmed for the end of the quarter, the essence of the government’s balance sheet scorecard will be most relevant at the end of each quarterly period. 

In any case, we’ll do a short analysis. 

I. A Growing Dependence on Non-Tax Revenue Growth? Or, Padding the Government’s Top line?

Figure 1 

Although it is true that the fiscal deficit improved in August—largely due to a combination of decreased expenditures (-0.7% YoY and -9.4% MoM) amidst a mixed performance in revenues (+24.4% YoY and -15.5% MoM)—the most significant aspect is that the year-to-August deficit dropped from the third highest to the fourth highest in the Treasury's records. 

Nonetheless, nominal figures suggest that August's performance aligns with the exponential trendline for both variables. Additionally, the general uptrends in revenues and spending remain intact. (Figure 1, topmost pane) 

As such, since peaking in 2020, 8-month financing by the Bureau of Treasury has slowed compared to last year. The Treasury remains liquid, with approximately Php 504 billion in cash, marginally lower than Php 509 billion last year. (Figure 1, second to the highest chart) 

But the thing is, non-tax revenues have anchored a substantial segment of the progress in revenue collections. Non-tax revenues rocketed 252% year-over-year last August and soared 58.9% year-to-date compared to the same period in 2023. This growth spike pushed up the segment’s share of revenue to 17.12%—its sixth consecutive month of double-digit representation. In the eight months of 2024, the non-tax revenue pie swelled to 14.53%—the highest since 2015 (Figure 1, second to the lowest and lowest graphs) 

According to the Bureau of Treasury: Income collected and generated by the Bureau of the Treasury (BTr) rose to P16.5 billion in August, more than twice its collections in the same period a year ago. The increase was primarily driven by PSALM’s P10.0 billion settlement of guarantee fee arrears, alongside increased PAGCOR income. Compared with January-August 2023’s actual collections of P150.1 billion, BTr’s YTD income for the current year has similarly improved by 33.46% (P50.2 billion) to P200.3 billion, largely due to higher dividend remittances, interest on advances from GOCCs, guarantee fee collections, and the NG share from PAGCOR income. Collections of other offices (other non-tax, including privatization proceeds, fees and charges, and grants) in August surged to P49.6 billion, nearly quadrupling last year’s outturn. (BTR, September 2024) [bold mine] 

Has the government been padding their revenue numbers partly by inflating the non-tax revenue component? Or are they becoming dependent on it? Unlike previous episodes where non-tax revenues spiked in a month or two, this marks the first time the share of this segment has been in double digits for six consecutive months 

II. August’s Decline in Public Spending Due to Technicalities, Robust Pre-Election LGU Spending 

The next item is expenditure.

Figure 2

Although decreases of .68% year-over-year (YoY) and 9.4% month-over-month (MoM) and year-over-year (YoY) were recorded in August, the expenditure for the first eight months grew by 11% YoY to a record Php 3.69 trillion. (Figure 2, topmost window)

The decline in August was primarily due to a -3.7% YoY and -4.1% MoM contraction in the National Government’s disbursement, even though spending by local government units (LGUs) remained vigorous at +9.34% YoY and -4.3% MoM.

But authorities explained the reasons behind this.

Again from the BTR: This can be partly attributed to the lower total subsidy releases to government corporations, and the sizeable outstanding checks recorded in various departments, such as the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH), the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), and the Department of Health (DOH), during the period. Outstanding checks represent payments made by line departments for the delivery of goods/services but are not yet presented for encashment at the banks by the concerned contractors or payees. These remain under the accounts of spending agencies in authorized government depository banks and are not yet considered as actual disbursements in the Cash Operations Report. [bold mine]

In short, the most recent uncashed disbursements from the National Government will be reflected in upcoming data.

As it stands, the brisk growth of spending by local government units (LGUs) likely signifies the pre-election (mid-term) spending.  The cumulative data for the first eight months (+9.65% YoY) reached its second highest level since the record set in 2022, which, coincidentally, was the year of the Presidential Elections. (Figure 2, lower window)

This trend is expected to be sustained as we approach the 2025 elections.

III. Eight-Month Amortization Payments Hit All Time, Debt Servicing Cost at Annual 2023 Levels!

Lower interest payments accounted for yet another reason behind the decrease in expenditures last August.

Interest payments fell by 33.6% month-over-month (MoM) but surged by 23.7% year-over-year (YoY).

Despite this, the cumulative interest outlays for the first eight months increased by 31.1% YoY, reaching an all-time high of Php 509.44 billion. Its share of allotment rose from 11.72% in 2023 to 13.81% in August, representing the highest level since 2009! (Figure 2, lowest chart)

That’s not all.

Figure 3

In peso terms, the amortization expenditures from January to August surpassed last year’s high, setting a new record! (Figure 3, topmost image) 

Strikingly, amortization expenditures for 2024 amounted to Php 1.041 trillion, which is 6.7% above the 2023 annual total of Php 975.3 billion.

While interest and amortization levels (in peso terms) reached milestone highs, the cumulative debt servicing costs for the first eight months amounted to Php 1.55 trillion—just 0.33% (Php 53.432 billion) lower than last year’s annual debt servicing cost of Php 1.604 trillion! (Figure 3, middle diagram)

Despite this data being publicly available, there has been little coverage by the mainstream media or commentary from the establishment.

More than anything else, do you see the reason driving the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) to cut interest rates and reserve requirements (RRR)?

It’s all about an implicit government bailout through the provision of liquidity support and the lowering of debt servicing costs!

Net claims on the central government (NCoCG) by universal-commercial banks have risen in tandem with public debt. (Figure 3, lowest image)

Figure 4

These measures are part of the 2020 pandemic rescue template, which includes various regulatory accommodations (such as relief measures and subsidies) as well as direct interventions (liquidity injections) from the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP).

Even now, the BSP’s net claims on the central government (NCoCG) have mirrored the monthly oscillations in public spending. (Figure 4, upper visual)

Furthermore, considering the political economy's structure derived from trickle-down policies, these rescue efforts are not only designed to benefit the government; they also serve the interests of politically connected elites.

Fundamentally, the BSP provides elite-owned banks with benefits through favorable policies and implicit bailouts. In return, these primary financial institutions partially complying with capital requirement rules provide liquidity to the Philippine treasury markets.

Has the narrowed deficit been engineered to address this? We argue that it has not.

IV. Mounting Neo-Corporatism/Fascism Policies: Privatize Profits, Socialize Costs

Haven’t you noticed that this administration has been gradually appointing members of the elite circle to higher echelons of political power?

While the intention may be to create a "business-friendly" environment, this situation reeks of "pro-big business" rent-seeking cronyism.

How will MSMEs thrive in the face of the onslaught of inflation, taxes, and regulations being imposed?

For instance, due to mandates and new taxes, major online eCommerce platforms have required SME sellers to register with the government, comply with new regulations, and pay new taxes.

In response, an influx of aspiring online entrepreneurs has led to a significant surge in business registrations, which both the media and the government are celebrating as a boom!

But how many of these businesses will survive the sustained rise in inflation and the increase in compliance and transaction costs?

How many of these hopeful entrepreneurs—whether driven by necessity due to a lack of jobs or insufficient income—will be able to employ people, especially with recent increases in minimum wages?

Yet, who benefits from the reduction of competition? SMEs or the elites?

We read that some elites have partnered with the government to embark on initiatives to promote MSMEs.

While partnerships like these may seem ideal, how do raising barriers to entry actually promote entrepreneurship?

These initiatives, which the public perceives as beneficial political "do something" actions, are, in fact, a display (smack) of hypocrisy largely intended for election-related public relations.

Moreover, some proponents have advocated for the privatization of certain infrastructure institutions.

While this may seem beneficial in "simple" theory, without competition, tax relief, and the easing of regulatory and administrative obstacles, such privatization is likely to result in the privatization of costs while socializing losses, or could deepen the embrace of neo-fascism, corporatism, or crony capitalism.

V. Strong Peso Resulted in Lower Public Debt Last August 

Apart from inflation, the surge in debt servicing costs represents a secondary symptom of deficit spending, with the direct effect manifested through public debt.

From the Bureau of Treasury (BTR): National Government’s (NG) total outstanding debt stood at P15.55 trillion as of the end of August 2024, reflecting a 0.9% or P139.79 billion decrease from the end July 2024 level…Meanwhile, NG external debt amounted to P4.76 trillion, a decrease of 3.6% or P178.25 billion compared with the end of July 2024 level. The decline was brought about mainly by peso appreciation, which trimmed P194.90 billion, as well as net repayments of P4.17 billion, although stronger third-currencies added P20.82 billion in valuation effects (BTR, October 2024) [bold added]

As the BTR admitted, the revaluation effects stemming from a rare 3.9% appreciation spike in the Philippine peso, based on their data, contributed to a marginal reduction in Philippine debt. 

Breaking down the data: external debt decreased by 3.6% month-over-month (MoM) but rose by 4.4% year-over-year (YoY). Meanwhile, domestic debt increased by 0.4% MoM and 10.22% YoY. (Figure 4, middle image) 

As a result, the spike in the Philippine peso pulled down the percentage share of external debt relative to the total, which has been rising since its trough in March 2021. 

Although the narrowing of the budget deficit from July to August, driven by a slowdown in public spending, may alleviate some pressure to increase borrowings, it is likely that the government has merely deferred its spending pressures to the end of the quarter and the end of the year.  (Figure 4, lowest image) 

Second, the government announced that it raised USD 2.5 billion last August

Figure 5

This addition will contribute to the external debt stock, which reached an all-time high in Q2 2024 and is expected to increase further in Q3. (Figure 5, topmost graph)

External debt has now surpassed the Gross International Reserves (GIR), even though part of these borrowings is counted as part of the GIR. For instance, when the National Government raised USD 2 billion last May, the proceeds were incorporated into the June GIR: "The month-on-month increase in the GIR level reflected mainly the National Government’s (NG) net foreign currency deposits with the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP), which include proceeds from its issuance of ROP Global Bonds." (bold added) (Figure 5, second to the highest chart) 

Make no mistake: borrowed reserves require payment, and treating them as retained earnings or savings misrepresents actual reserves

Third, it is doubtful that the recent appreciation of the Philippine peso is sustainable. 

In contrast, the rising trend of the USD-Peso exchange rate partly reflects the "twin deficits" as a consequence of the government’s deep embrace of Keynesian policies that posit spending will lead to economic prosperity. (Figure 5, second to the lowest and lowest graph) 

These deficit spending policies, which depend on an easy money regime favoring the elite, have led to a record savings-investment gap that must be funded by a domestic population constrained by low savings, making it increasingly reliant on overseas savings. 

In summary, the widening savings-investment gap—partially expressed through the BSP-Banking system's funding of historic deficit spending via record-high public debt—has contributed to the weakness of the Philippine peso.

Therefore, the current decline in public debt due to the peso appreciation represents an anomaly (a bug, not a feature) rather than a trend

With this context in mind, one must ask: who will bear the rising costs of ever-increasing public debt and its servicing—through higher taxes and inflation? 

Is it the elites, with their army of accountants and tax lawyers, shielding themselves from their direct obligations? Is it the elites who employ financial experts and, indirectly, the government, which allocates resources to benefit from inflationary policies? 

Or is it the average Mario and Juan, who have little means for protection? 

VI. Conclusion

The "Marcos-nomics stimulus" measures remain intact.

The recent cut in the official interest rate, along with an expected series of further cuts and adjustments to reserve requirements, indicates a sustained trend of deficit spending, point to an expansion of monetary easing aimed at jolting the private sector economy and achieving political agendas through spending on pre-election, the war economy, infrastructure, welfare, bureaucratic expansion and etc., in addition to boosting GDP for financing purposes.

____

References 

Bureau of Treasury, August 2024 NG Budget Deficit Down to P54.2 Billion, treasury.gov.ph, September 25,2024

 

Bureau of Treasury, National Government Debt Recorded at P15.55 Trillion as of End-August 2024, treasury.gov.ph, October 1, 2024

Sunday, August 25, 2024

Q2 2024 6.3% GDP? Stagnation in PSEi 30’s Q2 and 1H 2024 Performance as Debt-to-Income Ratio Soared to an All-Time High!

 

True, governments can reduce the rate of interest in the short run. They can issue additional paper money. They can open the way to credit expansion by the banks. They can thus create an artificial boom and the appearance of prosperity. But such a boom is bound to collapse sooner or later and to bring about a depression—Ludwig von Mises

In this issue: 

Q2 2024 6.3% GDP? Stagnation in PSEi 30’s Q2 and 1H 2024 Performance as Debt-to-Income Ratio Soared to an All-Time High!

I. Introduction: The Growing Disconnect Between PSEi 30 Fundamentals, Prices, and the GDP

II. 1H 2024: PSEi 30 Firms Insatiably Gorge on Debt: More Borrowing, More Trouble?

III. PSEi 30: The Mirage of Profit Gains Amidst Explosive Rise in Debt

IV. PSEi 30: Caveats in Corporate Reporting and Governance: The PLDT 4-Year Budget Overrun Example 

V. BSP’s Inflationism: The Slowing Growth of PSEi 30 Revenues and Its Implications 

VI. Impact of BSP’s Inflationism: PSEi 30’s Deepening Signs of Illiquidity

VII. San Miguel’s Intensifying Debt and Cash Crunch: Implications for Financial Stability

VIII. Analyzing the PSEi’s Impact on Financial Liquidity: The Surge in PSEi and Bank Borrowings Increases Financial Fragility

IX. PSEi 30 1H Analysis: A Concise Industry Overview

X. Q2 GDP Growth of 6.3% Highlights a Two Speed Economy: Stagnation in PSEi 30 Revenues and Net Income

XI. The PSEi 30 Nears 7,000: The Widening Discrepancy Between Prices and Fundamentals

Q2 2024 6.3% GDP? Stagnation in PSEi 30’s Q2 and 1H 2024 Performance as Debt-to-Income Ratio Soared to an All-Time High!

In a detailed analysis, we highlight the growing disconnect between PSEi 30 fundamentals (for Q2 and 1H 2024), PSEi 30 prices, and GDP.

I. Introduction: The Growing Disconnect Between PSEi 30 Fundamentals, Prices, and the GDP 

The PSEi 30 soared by 7.03% in Q1 2024, plummeted 7.12% in Q2, or was almost flat with a slight decrease of 0.6% in the first half of the year. 

However, two months into Q3, the PSEi 30 has fully recovered its Q2 losses and was up 7.94% YTD as of August 22nd.

Despite the fragile consumer conditions, owing to the "Marcos-nomics stimulus" channeled via record deficit spending, Q2 GDP rose to 6.3%.

Nevertheless, the dynamics in motion in Q1 extended through Q2 2024 and in the first half of the year.

In our conclusion last May, 

In the end, the loosening of financial conditions has led to an increasing divergence between corporate share prices and fundamentals. 

Furthermore, the PSEi 30’s Q1 2024 financial performance demonstrates a two-speed economy: a private sector slowdown, which has even affected the elites, translating to further hardship for the middle and lower classes, and a booming government. (Prudent Investor, May 2024) 

Let's compare the debt conditions of the non-financial members of the PSEi 30 with its entire constituents. 

However, there are some caveats regarding the presented statistics. 

Nota bene:  

-Older data, representing PSEi members of the specified Q2 end-of-period, presents an apples-to-oranges scenario. The PSEi periodically updates its constituents, which we labeled as 1A data. 

-The older data also excludes data revisions. 

-Current or 2023-2024 Q2 data provides a more accurate comparison as it reflects present members, labeled here as 1B data. 

-The aggregates are overstated due to holding companies incorporating subsidiaries. 

II. 1H 2024: PSEi 30 Firms Insatiably Gorge on Debt: More Borrowing, More Trouble?

Figure 1

The table presented is an example of 1B data. It compares the recently published first half (1H) of 2024 numbers with the first half of 2023 figures of PSEi firms. (Figure 1, top table) 

The 2023 headlines and the rest of the historical data are referred to as 1A. 

Despite coming from a high base, the debt of non-bank PSEi 30 members increased by 5.9% or Php 308.5 billion to Php 5.535 trillion, which is the second highest on record, following last year's Php 5.6 trillion (1A). (Figure 1, middle graph)

The net debt increase of Php 308.5 billion was the fourth highest, after 2022, 2020, and 2023 (1A).

While fifteen of the 27 non-bank PSEi 30 firms posted increases in debt (1B), San Miguel’s eye-popping PHP 147 trillion accounted for 53% of the total. 

The other top borrowers were Ayala Corp (Php 46.3 billion), Ayala Energy subsidiary ACEN Corporation (Php 34.5 billion), and Aboitiz Equity (Php 26.85 billion). 

It's important to note that this discussion does not include the borrowings of PSEi 30 banks. 

The good news is that despite the massive debt increase, soaring bank assets have led to a reduced PSEi 30 Debt-to-Total Financial Resources ratio, which has dropped below 2019 levels. (Figure 1, lowest image) 

But here's the caveat: while bank assets outgrew the PSEi 30’s non-bank debt—partly due to the non-inclusion of bank debt data—banks still represent a substantial source of lending to PSEi firms.

Furthermore, the outperformance of bank assets has been driven by the steep growth in consumer credit exposure and holdings in Philippine government debt. 

Additionally, some companies may have tucked away debt through other classifications (e.g., lease liabilities) or via off-balance sheet arrangements, which may result in an understated actual debt position. 


Figure 2

For instance, while Wilcon Depot has no published debt, interest expenses (from lease liabilities) have been on an uptrend. (Figure 2, topmost chart)

In this way, understanding the mechanics behind the statistics can help strip away the façade of good news based on headline metrics.

III. PSEi 30: The Mirage of Profit Gains Amidst Explosive Rise in Debt 

Second, media headlines captivate their audiences by focusing on the percentage gains in revenues and income of the most prominent members of this elite group. 

However, they rarely mention that these gains largely stem from the illusion of the low-base effects.

In reality, these exciting profit gains represent only a small fraction of the increases in debt. 

In the first semester, the published net income of the PSEi 30 rose by a modest 4.36%, or Php 20.4 billion, reaching the second-highest level of Php 487.12 billion. 

Yet, this growth rate marks the slowest increase since 2021. (Figure 2, middle image) 

Net income of non-financial companies grew by 2.03%, with one-third of these companies experiencing a decline in profits.

Meanwhile, the headline performance was primarily driven by the big three banks, whose profit growth of 15.4% significantly boosted the overall.

In context, the non-bank debt growth of 5.9% eclipsed the PSEi 30’s net income growth of 4.36%. 

Crucially, the net debt growth of Php 308.5 billion represents a staggering 15.2 times the net profit increase of Php 20.4 billion! Fifteen times! An all-time High! (Figure 2, lowest pane)

Strikingly, as a proportion of income, the net debt growth of Php 308.5 billion accounted for 63% of the aggregate net income of Php 487 billion in the first semester! 

Essentially, this demonstrates the law of diminishing returns in action: while debt used to be a significant contributor to (demand) revenue and income growth, malinvestments have resulted in corrosive effects

Worse yet, unbeknownst to the public, this marks a substantial buildup in credit risks, channeled through balance sheet mismatches of the nation’s largest firms. 

Amazing. 

IV. PSEi 30: Caveats in Corporate Reporting and Governance: The PLDT 4-Year Budget Overrun Example

Another cautionary note is that elite firms may be prone to exaggerating their top and bottom lines to convincingly portray their financial viability to the public.

Furthermore, "errors" could also be a factor, reminiscent of the PLDT's 4-year "budget overrun" debacle. Local authorities drew a veil over the reporting fiasco of the largest telecommunications company and allowed them to escape unscathed, despite the company settling with plaintiffs of a class action suit for a paltry sum of USD 3 million

In our humble opinion, the PLDT case exemplifies the decay of corporate governance, where elite companies can evade accountability for misdeclarations (whether accidental or intentional). 

Instead of being transparent, they may choose to pay small fines, raising the question: what would prevent other elite companies from following suit?

V. BSP’s Inflationism: The Slowing Growth of PSEi 30 Revenues and Its Implications

Figure 3

Meanwhile, corporate revenues grew by 8.71% in the first semester (1B). Non-bank PSEi 30 expanded by 7.4% while bank revenue growth of 24.2% delivered the gist of the PSEi 30’s semestral expansion. (Figure 3, table)

Twenty-three of the 30 constituents posted positive YoY growth while seven saw a contraction. In pesos, San Miguel was the leader with an increase of Php 103.8 billion followed by JGS with Php 24.8 billion, BDO and BPI with Php 24.1 billion and Php 23.1 billion respectively.

1H revenue growth of 8.71% resonated with its equivalent in (nominal) GDP of 9.5%.  If the GDP numbers are close to accurate then PSEi 30’s share of revenues amounted to 27.8% of the NGDP. 

Yes, 30 firms accounted for over a quarter of the statistical economy in 2024.

And that's only the 30 firms—a hallmark of the trickle-down, plutocratic political-economic structure.

The slowing NGDP and PSEi 30’s revenue growth are symptoms and manifestations of the corrosive nature of the BSP’s inflationism, expressed through over-indebtedness and price instability, which negatively impact profits and liquidity.

Importantly, because this increases the public’s time preferences or short-term orientation, the public becomes inclined toward activities that cater to instant gratification, such as speculation and gambling.

This inclination also permeates into the political spectrum, raising the public’s desire for more interventions and resulting in the deepening politicization of the socio-economic sphere.

VI. Impact of BSP’s Inflationism: PSEi 30’s Deepening Signs of Illiquidity

This leads us to the fourth component: cash.

It is no surprise that the mounting imbalance between profits and debt has resulted in deepening signs of illiquidity, as the cash reserves of the PSEi 30 constituent firms continue to decline. (Figure 3, lower visual)

In addition to borrowing, PSEi 30 corporations have partially used their cash reserves to bridge the liquidity gap in their financing operations.

Yet, despite the massive borrowings, the aggregate cash reserves (1A) have fallen to their lowest level since 2021, with 14 of the 30 firms posting cash contractions.

Aboitiz Equity and gaming company Bloomberry recorded the largest cash decreases, while Meralco and LTG registered the most significant gains.

VII. San Miguel’s Intensifying Debt and Cash Crunch: Implications for Financial Stability

San Miguel’s situation appears to be a poster child for the entropic process leading to illiquidity and insolvency.

Despite the astonishing Php 147 billion surge in borrowing from the first semester of 2023 to 2024, and a published net income of Php 13.6 billion, SMC’s cash reserves fell by Php 8.31 billion to Php 253.9 billion—its lowest level since 2018. (And that’s assuming that the reported cash reserves are accurate)

Why wouldn’t it?

Figure 4

Short-term debt skyrocketed from Php 363.8 billion in 1H 2023 to Php 533.67 billion in 1H 2024, an increase of Php 169 billion! (Figure 4, topmost chart)

Both the level of short-term debt and the annual increase in short-term debt are all-time highs!

More importantly, SMC’s short-term debt now exceeds 100% of its cash reserves!

Additionally, interest payments, which amounted to Php 24.12 billion and counting, have not been included in this analysis.

In context, SMC’s Php 1.484 trillion in debt represents about 4.6% of the Php 32.33 trillion in total financial resources and 5.9% of the 2024 annualized Php 25.2 trillion NGDP! (Figure 4, middle and lowest charts)

Incredible.

In simple terms, SMC needs to generate funds to pay or refinance both its massive short-term and long-term obligations.

Rising interest payments will further erode its profits.

With vastly insufficient profits and cash flows, SMC will naturally have to draw on its most liquid reserves: cash.

The company may also need to increase its borrowing rate or resort to selling assets or dilute its equity to meet its operational liquidity requirements.

Keynesian economist Hyman Minsky theorized the transition from financing stability to instability phenomenon as "Ponzi Finance."

Borrowing to pay interest or selling assets to pay interest (and even dividends) on common stock lowers the equity of a unit, even as it increases liabilities and the prior commitment of future incomes. A unit that Ponzi finances lowers the margin of safety that it offers the holders of its debts. (Minsky 1992)

Regardless of interest rates, SMC’s debt stock has reached a fragile state, increasingly vulnerable to a bout of perilous illiquidity. 

If SMC cannot raise the required amount, it may exhaust all its cash or, alternatively, embark on a selling spree of its assets or dilute its equity.

New ventures like the Bulacan-based New Manila International Airport (NMIA) project are unlikely to generate sufficient cash flows to meet its skyrocketing obligations.

However, in our humble opinion, the company must convince the public that it is viable enough to continue with its borrowing orgy. 

Yet, what happens at SMC will not stay at SMC. A "tail event" for San Miguel could send shockwaves through the banking system, financial markets, and the broader economy—which relies on elite firms for GDP growth.

Of course, we would expect the BSP or the government to mount a bailout. However, doing so could accelerate other negative feedback loops in the financial system.

VIII. Analyzing the PSEi’s Impact on Financial Liquidity: The Surge in PSEi and Bank Borrowings Increases Financial Fragility

The PSEi’s mounting liquidity shortage has been mirrored in the banking system.

Figure 5

In the first semester, cash growth among listed banks increased by a mere 1.82% year-over-year (boosted by the big three of the PSEi 30 at 3.36%), while bills payable soared by 39.2% across all banks, driven higher by a 68.12% surge from the PSEi 30’s big three. (Figure 5, table) 

Nota Bene: BPI categorizes its borrowing under "Other borrowed funds," making the time element of its debt distribution ambiguous and therefore not included in our data. 

In any case, universal-commercial (UC) banks have ramped up their borrowing activities, with bills and bonds payable growing at accelerated rates of 40.62% and 11.78%, respectively, resulting in a total increase of 27.8% as of June. (Figure 5, middle graph) 

UC bank borrowings in pesos reached an all-time high of Php 1.401 trillion last June! 

UC banks have not only increased their borrowing but have also shifted focus to short-term debt, reflecting the industry’s deteriorating liquidity conditions. 

The long-term decline in cash-to-deposits and liquid assets-to-deposits ratios continued in June. (Figure 5, lowest diagram) 

Bank client issues are also reflected in the banks' health reflecting on liquidity conditions—despite the accounting charade surrounding Held-to-Maturity (HTM) assets and various relief measures that have obscured the actual conditions of Non-Performing Loans (NPL).

If banks are as profitable as claimed, why is financial liquidity deteriorating and why are borrowings at record levels? 

IX. PSEi 30 1H Analysis: A Concise Industry Overview

Figure 6

By industry, debt grew the most in the holding sector, while the property sector came in a distant second in the first semester. (Figure 6, top table)

The holding sector accounted for the largest share representing 74%, while the property sector 11%.

Similarly, banks generated the most significant net income gains, followed by the service sector.

Banks' net income comprised 61.6% of the total or the PSEi 30’s net income, while services had a 28% share.

The holding sector dominated revenue growth, with a share of 54.7%, while banks accounted for 21.9%.

Cash increased the most in the industrial sector, with banks in second place.

X. Q2 GDP Growth of 6.3% Highlights a Two Speed Economy: Stagnation in PSEi 30 Revenues and Net Income

Moving to the second quarter, "Marcos-nomics" powered the GDP growth of 6.3%.

The poor top-line performance of several PSE-listed firms, which have reported their Q2 2024 results, underscores this issue.

 

Fifth and finally, the PSE-GDP data indicate that there is confusion in associating a high GDP with the performance of the PSEi 30, which is currently in a bear market. (Prudent Investor 2024) 

This context is further validated by examining the revenues and net income of the 30 elite companies in the PSEi 30, some of which are even involved in government projects. 

Whereas Q2 NGDP grew from 9.1% in Q2 2023 to 10.1% in Q2 2024, the PSEi 30’s gross revenues climbed from 8.24% to 9.14% over the same period, despite the significant increase in debt. (Figure 6, lower graph) 

Similar to the first half of the year, Q2 revenues of the elite firms, amounting to Php 1.799 trillion, signified 28% of the Q2 NGDP, which stood at Php 6.486 trillion—once more, the trickle-down, plutocratic political economy. 

Revenues grew, but there is a catch. 

The net income of the PSEi 30’s non-bank firms showed a slight decline of 0.13% year-over-year. 

However, the bank's net income, which expanded by 13.7%, boosted the aggregate net income growth to 2.35%. This figure represents gross net income.

Figure 7

Alternatively, the real net income for the PSEi 30 stagnated or even contracted by -1.45% in Q2 2024! That’s right; net income shrank. (Figure 7 top and bottom tables) 

Outside the banking and property sectors, there was hardly any increase in net income in real terms. 

Net income for thirteen of the PSEi 30 firms (43%) decreased in Q2. Semirara, DMC Holdings, GT Capital, JG Summit, and Bloomberry led this decline. 

Conversely, Ayala Corp, SM Investments, ICT, and Meralco led the gainers.

In the meantime, SMC and Meralco posted the most significant revenue gains, while DMC and Semirara experienced revenue contraction.

XI. The PSEi 30 Nears 7,000: The Widening Discrepancy Between Prices and Fundamentals

In line with global stocks, the PSEi 30’s relentless climb toward the 7,000 level has been primarily driven by the local version of the "national team" and supported by foreign funds, thanks to the "Powell Pivot" towards easier monetary conditions.

While this surge has largely been driven by price-multiple expansion or speculation, it has overlooked critical concerns that have been festering beneath the surface.

Or, stocks have departed from the ongoing stagnation in fundamentals.

However, if higher interest rates did not put a brake to the government's and the PSEi 30's insatiable debt absorption and immersion, easier money conditions will surely intensify it.

What could possibly go wrong?

___

References: 

Ludwig von Mises, OMNIPOTENT GOVERNMENT THE RISE OF THE TOTAL STATE AND TOTAL WAR, p.251; 1944 & 2010, Mises Institute, Mises.org

Prudent Investor Newsletter, Despite the PSEi 30 FOMO, Q1 2024 PSEi 30 Financial Performance Unveiled a Two-Speed Economy, May 19,2024

Hyman P. Minsky, The Financial Instability Hypothesis, p.7 Levy Economics Institute, May 1992, levyinstitute.org

Prudent Investor, Philippines' Q2 GDP Growth of 6.3%: Unpacking the "Marcos-nomics" Stimulus, June 2024 Philippine Employment Rates—A Statistical Pump August 11, 2024 

 

Sunday, August 18, 2024

Bullseye! BSP Opens with First Rate Cut, the "Marcos-nomics Stimulus " is on a Roll! PSE’s Q2 Retail Activities Validates Ongoing Consumer Weakness

 

The lesson of history, then, is that even as institutions and policy makers improve, there will always be a temptation to stretch the limits. Just as an individual can go bankrupt no matter how rich she starts out, a financial system can collapse under the pressure of greed, politics, and profits no matter how well regulated it seems to be― Carmen M. Reinhart

In this issue 

Bullseye! BSP Opens with First Rate Cut, the "Marcos-nomics Stimulus " is on a Roll! PSE’s Q2 Retail Activities Validates Ongoing Consumer Weakness 

I. Bullseye! BSP Opens with First Rate Cut, the "Marcos-nomics Stimulus " is on a Roll!

II. Slowing Retail GDP Validated by Topline Performance of PSE’s Retail Chains

III. Marcos-nomics Rate Cut(s) Designed to Rescue the Banking System; Banks Bolstered the PSEi 30’s Stagnant Q2 Net Income

IV. Marcos-nomics Rate Cut(s): Reduce Debt Servicing Costs to Accommodate MORE Debt!

V. BSP Rate Cut Validates the Price Signals of the Philippine Treasury Market

VI. Summary and Conclusion: Watch for the Third and Fourth Phase of the Marcos-Stimulus (Pandemic Rescue Template 2.0) 

Bullseye! BSP Opens with First Rate Cut, the "Marcos-nomics Stimulus " is on a Roll! PSE’s Q2 Retail Activities Validates Ongoing Consumer Weakness

The BSP opened its series of monetary easing with a rate cut last week validating our thesis that the unannounced "Marcos-nomics stimulus" is on a roll!

I. Bullseye! BSP Opens with First Rate Cut, the "Marcos-nomics Stimulus " is on a Roll!

Bullseye!

In its second phase of the unannounced Marcos-nomics stimulus, the BSP (Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas) began its campaign to formally ease financial conditions with its first rate cut.

The fact that the "Marcos-nomics stimulus" is on a roll means that widening fiscal deficits, which should also reverberate into "trade deficits" and expand the "twin deficits," should escalate public debt levels and, correspondingly, increase the debt burden. 

With fiscal deficits likely to bulge ahead, prompting more borrowings, the logical sequence would be for the BSP to cut rates to ease the onus of debt servicing.

And that’s only the argument for Philippine government debt. 

The BSP’s case for rate cuts will also involve private sector’s mounting debt burden or systemic debt in general. And that excludes shadow banking or informal finance. 

Therefore, BSP rate cuts represent the next phase of the "Marcos-nomics stimulus." (Prudent Investor, July 2024; bold original) 

GMA News, August, 15, 2024: The Monetary Board of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) on Thursday decided to reduce policy rates by 25 basis points, the first cut in nearly four years and the first adjustment since the off-cycle hike in October 2023. 

Why would the BSP start a series of rate cuts with a Q2 headline GDP of 6.3% (6% for the 1H GDP)? 

Yet, the BSP continues to confuse the public by hedging its position with a "rinse and repeat" stance: We will cut, we will not cut, we will cut, we will not cut... to thy kingdom come. 

Just a day before, a business media outlet even cited the BSP as having ""more room to stay tight" after better-than-expected gross domestic product (GDP) growth in the second quarter." 

Stay tight, then cut rates? Incredible. 

For a supposedly data-driven institution, why fixate on interest rates while ignoring the financial and monetary developments despite their actions?

Figure 1

For instance, the BSP’s report on total financial resources (TFR) rocketed by 10.54% to a record Php 32.332 trillion last June, with the banking system, led by the Universal and Commercial banks, surging by 12.3%. (Figure 1, upper window)

Aggregate TFR and bank FR amounted to 128% and 107% of GDP, respectively. 

That is to say, not only have growth rates been accelerating, but banks have also been deepening their stranglehold over the nation’s financial resources—which alternatively translates to an escalation of concentration risk. (Figure 1, middle graph) 

Needless to ask, why would TFR and bank assets skyrocket if rates have been "tight?" Or, why the crescendo of systemic leverage? 

Amazing. 

II. Slowing Retail GDP Validated by Topline Performance of PSE’s Retail Chains 

Getting back to the essence of the Marcos-nomics, despite the Orwellian language, why the cut rates? 

To gauge the heartbeat of consumers, we use the PSE’s Quarterly Report (17Q) to analyze the quarterly activities of the major non-construction retail chains listed on the stock exchange (SM Retail, Puregold, Robinsons Retail, Philippine Seven, SSI Group, and Metro Retail Group). 

The growth rate of BIG 6 retail chains bounced marginally from the Q1 low of 5.13% to 7.22% in Q2.  However, since peaking in Q3 2022, its growth rate has been slowing—exhibited by the downtrend. (Figure 1, lowest image) 

On the other hand, since hitting a low of 10.6% in Q3 2023, the nominal retail GDP has improved in the last three quarters—with Q2 posting a 12.8% growth.  The revenues of the BIG 6 accounted for an estimated 24.6% share of the Philippine retail market, based on the retail GDP. 

The huge variance in growth rates between the revenues of the BIG 6 tell us that either the NON-listed retail chains OUTPERFORMED, or that the retail GDP has been exaggerated. 

The thing is, the growth rate may differ, but the trends resonated. 

Real consumer GDP also corroborated the slowdown. 

In the first two quarters of 2024, real consumer spending grew by 4.6%. 

The slowdown in consumer spending is just one aspect of the complex chain of people’s actions.

Figure 2

While consumer spending has slowed, loans of the BIG 5 retail chains (excluding SM Retail) hit an all-time high in Q2. (Figure 2, topmost graph) 

As banks continue to shift their portfolios toward consumers—with the gap in favor of consumer lending reaching its highest-level last June—credit card and salary loan non-performing loans (NPLs) have accelerated in Q1 2024. (Figure 2, middle and lowest charts)

Figure 3 

This represents a breathtaking structural transformation anchored on Keynesian ideology that the consumer drives the economy. (Figure 3, topmost graph)

Unfortunately, despite the unprecedented metamorphosis, increased leveraging has only resulted in the material slackening of consumer spending.

Essentially, the consensus comprised of media, experts and officials has overlooked the importance of balance sheet conditions and productivity!

III. Marcos-nomics Rate Cut(s) Designed to Rescue the Banking System; Banks Bolstered the PSEi 30’s Stagnant Q2 Net Income

But there’s more.

The BSP wasn’t transparent enough to reveal that despite the seismic transformation of its business model and the all-time highs in credit expansion within the Philippine banking system, the industry has experienced an erosion of profit growth since Q2 2022—coinciding with rising rates. (Figure 3, middle diagram)

From a low of 2.95% in Q1, bank profits increased by 4.1% in Q2 2024. The data exhibit the sustained corrosion of bank liquidity despite the three-year streak in profit growth.  Bank’s cash-to-deposit and liquid asset-to-deposits on an 11-year downtrend.  (Figure 3, lowest chart)

In my humble opinion, these bank profits represent accounting profits because they conceal massive losses through Held-to-Maturity (HTM) holdings, opaqueness in capital conditions, and unpublished NPLs due to subsidies and various relief measures.

Figure 4

In any case, the big three PSEi banks saved the PSEi 30's Q2 net income activities from outright stagnation.

Net income by the non-financial members of the PSEi slightly contracted by 0.13%. However, the 13.71% net income growth of the PSEi 30 banks boosted the aggregate net income growth to 2.35%. (Figure 4, upper table)

Meanwhile, despite disinflationary forces, revenue growth increased by 9.14% in Q2, pushing the first semester’s topline up by 8.71% (to be discussed in another post).

In brief, it’s not just consumers; the overall slowing of the economy has been evident in the topline and bottom-line performance of the PSEi 30. We will omit the debt conditions of the PSEi 30’s non-financials from this discussion.

As a side note, why then the PSEi 30 pump?

Think of it this way: why the slowdown in the PSE’s performance despite record bank lending and the soaring expansion of systemic leverage (exhibited by members of the PSEi 30)?

Consumer spending per capita GDP peaked in Q1 2021 and has turned south in the face of historic levels of systemic leverage—comprising the formal credit (bank credit plus public debt) system, which accounted for 112% of the annualized 2024 GDP! (Figure 4, lower graph)

Figure 5

As it stands, this monumental build-up in systemic leverage translates to escalating hidden financial skeletons in the form of balance sheet mismatches—which have yet to be revealed. UC bank and public debt accounted for 108% of the annualized 2024 GDP. (Figure 5, topmost chart)

Incredible.

In a nutshell, the Marcos-nomics stimulus via the BSP’s rate cut also represents the RESCUE of the banking system (Pandemic Bailout Template 2.0).

IV. Marcos-nomics Rate Cut(s): Reduce Debt Servicing Costs to Accommodate MORE Debt! 

With the slowing of the real economy, the government has stepped up the tempo of its spending to boost the statistical economy, GDP.

This represents the opening salvo of Marcos-nomics. Besides, the torrent of spending is all about politics: pre-election funding, the subtle pivot to a war economy, the deepening administrative (infrastructure and bureaucracy) and the welfare state.

Record Q2 spending bolstered the Q2 budget deficit and accounted for a direct 27.4% share of the Q2 GDP, the second largest in GDP’s history (as previously explained). (Figure 5, middle chart)

Since debt has financed the Marcos-nomics stimulus, the rising but flawed debt-to-GDP metrics should increase further. With it, the debt servicing-to-GDP ratio should also rise.

If anything, both debt-to-GDP and debt-servicing-to-GDP ratios have now exceeded pre-Asian crisis levels. (Figure 5, lowest image)

This signifies the primary reason why the BSP cut rates.

Its recourse to deficit spending means more debt, so the BSP must reduce its cost of servicing to allow for or accommodate more debt!

Anyway, according to the government officials, there is "Nothing to worry about PH debt." Debt won’t matter until it does. Alternatively, this could also mean "never believe anything in politics until it has been officially denied." 

Furthermore, as with the pandemic template, liquidity injections should represent the third phase of the Marcos-nomics stimulus. 

Figure 6

The BSP's net claims on the Central Government (NCoCG) remain adrift at near record levels— indicating near-record holdings of government debt by the BSP. What tightening? Where? (Figure 6, topmost chart)

The all-time highs in public spending and bank lending should translate into HIGHER liquidity growth. The growth of BSP’s currency issuance has been accelerating since April 2024, rising by 7.4%—its highest since December 2022!

Should public spending, bank lending, and bank (NCoCG) fail to deliver the various government headline targets, expect the BSP's NCoCG to explode higher.

The fourth and final phase of the Marcos stimulus would involve expanding subsidies and widening the coverage of various relief measures for the banking system. 

Again, this would mirror the Pandemic Bailout Template 2.0. 

All these said, the rebound in liquidity growth should manifest in higher inflation and reinforce the uptrend of the USD-Philippine peso exchange rate. (Figure 6, middle and lowest graphs) 

Moreover, the Fed has long been used by the BSP as a pretext for keeping its stance, unfortunately, waiting for the FED seemed like "Waiting for Godot," so the BSP relented and eased ahead of the Fed.  This should provide further fuel to the bull market of the USDPHP over time. 

V. BSP Rate Cut Validates the Price Signals of the Philippine Treasury Market

Lastly, the BSP rate cuts validated the Philippine treasury markets.  

The curve’s transition from a steepening to a bullish flattening to an inversion in the belly (2-7 years yield) highlights disinflation, rising uncertainties and the growing slack in the real economy (rising risk of recession). 

Figure 7

The belly’s inversion only deepened right after the BSP’s rate cut (as of August 16th) 

And don’t just take it from me, a chart from the BSP’s 2023 Financial Stability Report expresses this. (p.13) 

VI. Summary and Conclusion: Watch for the Third and Fourth Phase of the Marcos-Stimulus (Pandemic Rescue Template 2.0) 

So, there you have it. 

Last week’s BSP rate cut validated our thesis of a "Marcos-nomics stimulus."

It represents the second phase of the tacit bailout of the deficit-spending-driven GDP, the banking system, and the firms of elites. The other objectives are the financing of the growing domain of various political agendas—mostly pre-election spending, the warfare state, infrastructure, and the bureaucratic state. 

One can expect the liquidity injections via the BSP and the banking system to account for the third phase of the stimulus program. 

To complete the fourth and final phase of the Pandemic Bailout Template 2.0, various subsidies and relief measures will be implemented to support the banking system

Despite the interim disinflation phase, the sustained bailout means the re-emergence of the third wave of inflation and the strengthening of the USD-Philippine peso bull market

The real tightening is about to come. 

Good luck to those who believe in the illusion that manipulated stock market pumps will translate into economic prosperity. 

___

References:

Prudent Investor, Bullseye! “Marcos-Nomics” Stimulus on a Roll as Q2 2024 Public Spending Hits All-Time High! BSP Rate Cuts Next? July 28,2024 

Other post on Marcos-nomics: 

Prudent Investor, Philippines' Q2 GDP Growth of 6.3%: Unpacking the "Marcos-nomics" Stimulus, June 2024 Philippine Employment Rates—A Statistical Pump August 11, 2024 

Prudent Investor, Marcos-nomics stimulus: Yields of the Philippine Treasury Curve Plunged, The Turbocharging of Pre-Election Liquidity Growth July 14, 2024 

Prudent Investor, Could the Philippine Government Implement a 'Marcosnomics' Stimulus Blending BSP Rate Cuts and Accelerated Deficit Spending? June 30, 2024