``Protectionism is simply a  plea that consumers, as well as general prosperity, be hurt so as to  confer permanent special privilege upon groups of less efficient  producers, at the expense of more competent firms and of consumers. But  it is a peculiarly destructive kind of bailout, because it permanently  shackles trade under the cloak of patriotism.”-Murray N. Rothbard, Neo-Mercantilism
If  there is anything in life that I am so appreciative of, it is to have  acquired the opportunity to self-learn the ways of classical liberalism  in order to avoid from getting duped by glib talking politicians and  their academic cohorts that populate the mainstream. 
 
That’s  because the usual “do-goodism” that inhabits media, the primary source  of information by the public, accounts for great sound bites and  seemingly “feel good” causes unwittingly comes with nasty side effects  unseen by the public. 
 
In other words, promises of  free lunches in a world of scarcity are not only oxymoronic, but also  unrealistic.
 
In the words of the fabulous Frederic Bastiat, ``Between a good and a bad economist this constitutes the whole  difference - the one takes account of the visible effect; the  other takes account both of the effects which are seen, and also of  those which it is necessary to foresee. Now this difference is  enormous, for it almost always happens that when the immediate  consequence is favourable, the ultimate consequences are fatal, and the  converse. Hence it follows that the bad economist pursues a small  present good, which will be followed by a great evil to come, while the  true economist pursues a great good to come, - at the risk of a small  present evil.”
 
Social ‘public spirit’ themes to enhance the supposed weal of  society dominate the airwaves, especially amplified during political  seasons, as aspiring politicians conjure up  striking catchphrases and alluring slogans to attract votes. 
 
And one  political theme that recently emerged exhorts Overseas Foreign Workers  (OFW) or today’s du jour “heroes” to BUY PHILIPPINES or buy Philippine  made products. 
 
The connection made is thoroughly simple: when OFWs, which are  presumed as the sector responsible for “saving” the Philippine economy,  buy Philippine made products, the ramifications would include more  investments at home, which should result to more jobs and more  prosperity. Nice huh?
 
We’d argue that this premise  is arrantly fallacious.
 
No  Man Is An Island
 
Perhaps many are familiar  with the famous abridged John Donne aphorism of “No man is an island”. The fundamental significance of this  phrase is that people depend on other people in order to survive. 
 
So why  do people depend on other people? The simplistic answer is that because  we can NEVER be self sufficient. Therefore we need other people to  provide us the things, goods or services. In economics, this is called  as the division of labor. If I’m a shoemaker and would like to  have fish for my meal, I’d have to go to Pedro, the fisherman, and offer  to exchange my pair of shoes for his catch. The other term for the  conduct of exchange arising out of the division of labor is simply  called trade.  
 
Once Pedro and I consummate  the trade, our perceived needs for the moment would have been fulfilled.  And thus, trade satisfies us. In other words, because no  man is an island, trade, and not the state, is the essence of all  societies. State depends on taxation which accrues trade.
 
And  trade, in contrast to what politicians say, knows of no political  boundaries. The more people are allowed to the trade the better off a  society is. Remember the goal of trade is to achieve satisfaction  from the angst of scarcity.
 
In places where such  activities are politically restricted, trades are conducted  underground via blackmarkets, or what is known as the “informal”  economy. And in nations where trade are restricted, the common  characteristics are large incidences of shortages, poverty, hunger or  economic deprivation.
 
So how does this apply to  OFWs and BUY Philippines?
 
If the goal of trade is to  satisfy a need, then the nationality of the seller or provider should be  among the least of the priorities. 
 
Think  of it, would it be practical for OFWs to buy Filipino products if  the latter are priced very much dearly or are very much inferior in  quality relative to the foreign competitors, simply for the sake  of being Filipino? 
 
The most likely is answer is  no. Why? Because this defeats the objective of trade, which is to  achieve satisfaction of a perceive need or want based on the pecking  order of needs of people. 
 
Some OFWs may indeed  acquire goods or services out of altruism on some occasions. But  similar to donations to charitable institutions, such socially  accommodative actions can’t be treated as a staple, because the  underlying incentive isn’t to get fed or be clothed but for esteem  purposes. 
 
In the hierarchy of people’s needs, according to Abraham  Maslow, self actualization through  identity and purpose are subordinate to physiological and safety  needs. 
 
Hence,  the call for OFWs to buy Philippine goods simply means sacrificing  basic fulfilment for the esteem needs of politicians is also tantamount  to subsidizing incompetent or non-competitive ‘zombie’ Filipino  suppliers. 
 
In other words, OFWs will be unduly be rewarding local sectors  that can’t compete to satisfy consumers (regardless of nationality) but  only thrive from the appeal to emotions/nationalism.
 
Yet,  this isn’t a recipe for progress, but a formula for political  redistribution through coercive policies (which the Philippines did  try in the 1950s). 
 
In addition, charity as the  priority for conducting trade is not only unsustainable; it is a  fantasy, except in the chimera of ‘socialists’. 
 
That’s  because in reality, there is simply no free lunch.
 
Jollibee’s Success Secret: Serving  Filipino Consumers
 
Buy Filipino is a misguided  approach to prosperity. Satisfying the consumer is.
 
A  fantastic example of this should be Jollibee Foods Corporation (JFC).
 
Jollibee  is one of the largest publicly listed companies in the Philippines and  is a member component of the elite benchmark of the largest companies in  the country called as the Phisix in the Philippine Stock Exchange. 
 
From  its a humble entrepreneurial beginning in 1975 as a lowly ice cream  parlor in 1975 until it was incorporated in 1978, JFC’s rise to prominence has been  phenomenally rapid. The domestic company trumped all its foreign  competitors, grew at nearly an exponential rate and now captures some  65% of the domestic hamburger market. 
 
JFC has  now expanded beyond its traditional lines in the Philippines and is  likewise expanding beyond its conventional market; the company has been  acquiring Asian contemporaries!
 
In 2007, the company’s  website says, JFC operates more than 1,600 stores  in the Philippines and 9 other countries with 8 brands: Jollibee,  Chowking, Greenwich, Red Ribbon, Yonghe King, Delifrance, Chun Shui Tang  and it’s latest addition  Manong Pepe.
 
And along with Jollibee’s  business success comes with many recognition, such as the top Philippine  company according to Wall Street Journal’s Asia 200 awards (see Figure 1)
 Figure 1: Wall Street Journal’s Asia 200 2009 vote
Figure 1: Wall Street Journal’s Asia 200 2009 vote 
So what  has been the secret formula of JFC’s success? Appeal to Nationalism?
 
Unfortunately  not.
 
A  Businessweek article in 1996 highlights the typical impression  of Filipino consumers on Jollibee’s burgeoning business, ``It's a  typical Sunday at the Jollibee fast-food restaurant in Manila's bustling  Megamall: The tables are packed, kids are scurrying to and from the  playland, and a giant orange-and-yellow bumblebee character is dancing  for a birthday party of giggling toddlers. The children say they prefer  the spicy-sweet flavors of the local chain's hamburgers and spaghetti  over the more bland taste of the fare at McDonald's, whose nearby outlet  is quiet. "The Filipino tongue is more accustomed to Jollibee," says  21-year-old student Dave Sevilla, who brought his 7-year-old nephew and  9-year-old cousin. "The burger is juicier." (bold underscore mine)
 
And  here is what Jollibee’s website has to say about their corporate strategy,  ``THE WORLD IS GLOBAL, BUT ITS TASTES ARE LOCAL. People adapt foreign  foods but change them to their tastes. This is natural. Taste  preference along with those of aroma, texture, and presentation evolved  over hundreds of years, influenced mainly by the kinds of plant and  animal food that grow in their geography. Local preferences are hard  to change.” (bold underscore mine, all caps  theirs)
 
So we  learn that the Filipino consumers have been warmly reciprocating  the way Jollibee has been integrating its products to fit into  the Filipinos’ palate and to the Filipino lifestyle. 
 
As  Ludwig von Mises wrote about the pre-eminence of consumers, ``The direction of all  economic affairs is in the market society a task of the entrepreneurs.  Theirs is the control of production. They are at the helm and steer the  ship. A superficial observer would believe that they are supreme. But  they are not. They are bound to obey unconditionally the captain's  orders. The captain is the consumer. Neither the  entrepreneurs nor the farmers nor the capitalists determine what has to  be produced. The consumers do that. If a businessman does not  strictly obey the orders of the public as they are conveyed to him  by the structure of market prices, he suffers losses, he goes bankrupt,  and is thus removed from his eminent position at the helm.” (bold  highlights mine)
 
In short, Jollibee is simply being rewarded,  through profits which partly serves to fuel the company’s expansion  programs, which incidentally also contributes to the nation’s economic  growth, in the service of the needs of the Filipino consumers. 
 
Jollibee,  hence, exemplifies the Mises model of a consumer oriented enterprise! 
 
Importantly,  Jollibee adds to social service by providing satisfaction  through continuous improvements and innovations on their products and  services to adapt to changing times, which is why Filipino consumers  keep going back to them. JFC uses its spare funds to also engage  in community services.
 
As you  can see trade is not only mutual beneficial but allows for the  company to engage in voluntary charity or philanthropic causes. 
 
So in  sharp contrast to the contemptuous insinuations of socialists, Jollibee  does not ‘suck the money’ out of Filipino, because Filipinos are NOT  unthinking individuals hardwired to mechanistically buy Jollibee  products. They patronize JFC because they perceive direct benefit from  it!
 
If  there is anything that people are forced to pay for, it is the many  lousy, redundant and unneeded services provided for by the state, which  incidentally most of the services the marketplace can actually provide  for. 
 
Yet  many of these so-called public goods services cause structural  inefficiencies, imbalances in the political economy and immeasurably  increase the costs of doing business. And at best, the supposed benefits  are mostly indirect!
 
The  Failure of Protectionism: Import Substitution Policies
 
What  politicians tell the public are mostly the silly melodramatic things  people like to hear. 
 
Because these politicians  live in a world of free lunches, where taxpayers pay for their  boondoggles, they hardly ever speak of the alternatives or the hidden  costs embedded within their noble goals.  They are like the Satan’s  snake offering Eve (yes us) the forbidden apple in the Garden of Eden.
 
The  next thing these self-righteous propagandists will do is to enact  legislations that would force the public to buy “local”.
 
And a  possible mixture of policies would be in the form of higher import  tariffs, selective financing or access to credit (state loans), tax  breaks, foreign exchange allocations that are directed to political  “organic” ends and other indirect ways to limit imports (licensing,  monopolies etc..), all of which may redound to the closing of doors to  trade, from which the repercussions would be economically adversarial. 
 
And by  restricting trade the lists of evils are innumerable:
 
-access  to more goods will be limited, i.e. substandard quality and more  expensive,
-rising cost of available goods, 
-limitations  of capital goods and capital flows
-investment will be LIMITED  and NOT ENHANCED as investment opportunities will be politically  distributed-politically connected will be rewarded, 
-the  lack of investment would mean higher unemployment and greater security  risks, 
-more dependence on government means higher fiscal costs which  leads higher taxes or more inflation and the overvaluation of the  domestic currency, 
-less competitiveness, 
-more  economic inefficiencies, 
-more bureaucratic  corruption, 
-dearth of innovation, 
-declining  productivity and etc...
 
As said earlier, the  Philippines tried quasi “buy Philippines” policies via the Import  Substitution Industrialization (ISI), aimed to promoted domestic  industries in the 1950s.
 
According to Philip Gerson  from an IMF working paper, (bold highlights mine)
 
``For  many years, the Philippines pursued an industrial policy that encouraged  import substitution rather than promoting exports. Until tariff reforms  were introduced in 1991, trade policies heavily penalized the  primary and agricultural sectors and benefited the manufacturing sector.  In addition, the overvaluation of the Philippine peso during several  periods between the 1950s and the 1980s contributed to declines in the  prices of exports in peso terms and diverted resources away from  agriculture and toward import-substituting manufacturing. In  addition, incomes in the agricultural sector were depressed by heavy  regulation. Beginning in the 1970s, price controls were imposed on rice  and other products, and the importation of wheat and soybeans was  monopolized. The government introduced controls on the production,  marketing, and processing of coconuts and created a price stabilization  fund, while fertilizer and pesticide imports were controlled through  licensing requirements. 
 
``Overvaluation of the  peso, tariff policies, and heavy government regulation discouraged  investment in agriculture, with a disastrous effect on productivity.  For example, during 1982–85, productivity in the coconut sector—which  had long been the country's most important agricultural industry in  terms of export earnings and employment—averaged 1.0 metric ton per  hectare, exactly the same as during 1962–66. Low agricultural  productivity remains a drag on growth, partly because some agricultural  tariffs have been maintained at the maximum level permitted by World  Trade Organization (WTO) agreements, even though tariffs were  dramatically lowered in almost all other sectors during the early and  mid-1990s. While real GDP growth has averaged 5 percent annually since  1994, growth in the agriculture, fishing, and forestry sectors has  averaged less than half this rate.”
 
As one would note, errant  policies begot another. Interventionism led to more interventionism with  even more disastrous results. 
 
The redistribution of  economic benefits from to one sector at the expense of the rest led to  the massive imbalances cited above (high costs, lost productivity  etc...), which prompted for price controls. Yet, in spite of the  government support, the local manufacturing sector did not evolve to  become globally competitive enterprises. That’s because they had been  shielded from competition and therefore lacked the incentives of  dynamism due to political cover or dependence.
 
The  worst impact was not only to hurt the Filipino consumers, but the  Philippine economy overall suffered from a lag in economic development.
 
And as  for the beneficiaries, according to Joe Studwell, In the short-term ISI  produced respectable growth rates in the region. But it was all too  easily manipulated by a tycoon class that was raised on trading.  Every effort to plan industrial development was another arbitrage  opportunity for the politically well-connected. Usually, the  procedure was for a tycoon to obtain the necessary license, bring in a  foreign partner to provide a manufacturing process that was reduced to  kit assembly (with most parts and components imported), and then to hide  behind tariffs barriers selling goods that were unsaleable  internationally. The results was profits, but minimal progress  in constructing a sustainable domestic manufacturing base.”
 
As you  can see, policy advocates of Buy Philippines are not only exposed for  being “short term oriented”, but could be either untrue to their  constituents, having ulterior motives to promote some sectors at the  expense of the rest of society, by manipulating the gullible or are  plain economically uninformed, refusing to learn from both local and  international experiences.
 
The  Racist Risks From Buy Philippines
 
While  contemporary politicians and advocates of “Buy Philippines” do not  specifically dwell on racism, group labeling can also lead to unforeseen  catastrophic consequences. That’s because an escalation of political  zealotry can lead to the risks of tagging patrons of non-Filipino goods  as “anti-Filipino”. 
 
In the realm of politics,  black propaganda is a conventional instrument for promoting political  goals.
 
As  legendary investor Doug Casey in an interview says, ``Groupthink  is not a problem of acknowledging the existence of groups, including  human groups; it's treating individuals as though they were the group,  or as though they necessarily hold all the traits that define the  group.” (bold emphasis added)
 
In short, in groupthink,  role of individualism is seen non-existent, a reductio ad absurdum.
 
In  groupthink, political zealots don’t see that non-Filipino enterprises  can be mostly foreign franchises owned by Filipinos or foreign companies  with Filipino partners. Where implied boycotts or policies imposed tend  not only to hurt these local investors, but also workers employed in  these firms aside from the local enterprises supplying these entities,  the foregone tax revenues and the lost technology and capital transfers  from the politicization and polarization of trade.
 
In  groupthink, political fanatics forget that consumers have the RIGHT to  choose and spend on what they think should fulfill them. Buyers are  simply voters who vote with their wallets based on perceived individual  interests and not in the collective sense. The stakeholdings for  consumers are direct unlike in elections where individual stakes are  more perceived than real (sorry to be a spoiler, but your vote won’t  affect the outcome of elections- 1% of voting population is about  500,000 votes- and neither will your vote affect the policies of the  next set of next leaders).
 
In groupthink, the  politically blind see only one direction from their choice of action.  They fail to see that if I slap you, then you are mostly likely to  respond with similar or more drastic actions. Xenophobic policies incite  political brinkmanship and antagonism. And to paraphrase Frederic  Bastiat, “when goods don’t cross borders, then  armies will”
Therefore in groupthink, rational thinking  is jettisoned for sensationalism. What people won’t rationally do alone  they will do based on the comfort of crowds, e.g. Fraternity melees. 
 
What lessons can we glean from “groupthink” policies?
Our  neighbour Malaysia is no stranger to groupthink policies. 
 
Malaysia  in 1971, as a result of Sino-Malay racist riots which culminated in the  May 13th incident which resulted to hundreds if not  thousands of casualties, prompted for her government to adopt “aggressive affirmative action policies, such as the  New Economic Policy (NEP)” The NEP was aimed at achieving a  30% share of equity in the GDP for the ethnic Bumpitera class.
 
The new  policies empowered ethnic Malays (known as Bumiputras, literally “sons  of the soil”) which accounted for some 60 percent of the population,  with economic opportunities dominated by ethnic Chinese. This meant that  “Bumiputras have been given, among other privileges, priority for  government contracts, increased access to capital, opportunities to buy  assets that are privatized, and other subsidies.”
 
The  result was according to Wikipedia.org, ``These policies have succeeded  in creating a significant urban Malay middle class. They have been less  effective in eradicating poverty among rural communities. Some analysts  have noted a backlash of resentment from excluded groups, in particular  the sizable Indigenous Non-Muslim Malays Orang Asli, Chinese and  Indian Malaysian minorities.”
 
Yet according to Joe  Studwell, After twenty year term envisaged  at the outset of the NEP expired in 1990, the Malay share of corporate  equity in Malaysia had increased from almost nothing to around  one-fifth, but the Chinese share had also doubled from one-fifth to  two-fifths. This reflected the fact that the tycoon fraternity was doing  better than ever; the NEP had not ended the deals between the  ethnically separate political and economic elites.
 
Wikipedia.org  also quotes former Prime Minister Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohammad criticism  on the extreme reliance of Bumiputras on their privileges: 
 
"We  have tried to tell them if you depend on subsidies, you are going to be  very weak. But they don’t seem to understand. We tell them if you use  crutches, you will not be able to stand up. Throw away the crutches,  stand up straight because you still have the capacity.”
 
In  other words, Bumpitera policies failed in its objective to achieve a  more balanced distribution as intended in spite of the privileges due to  the implications from dependency. 
 Figure 2: Heritage Foundation: Economic Freedom Malaysia and  The Philippines
Figure 2: Heritage Foundation: Economic Freedom Malaysia and  The Philippines 
Nevertheless Malaysia’s recent successes have been more about  her willingness to embrace economic freedom (left window) relative to  the Philippines (right window) as measured by the Heritage Foundation, which apparently has  overshadowed the setbacks from NEP.
 
In spite of the Asian crisis  which led to lesser economic freedom for both economies, Malaysia has  been showing vital recovery (part of this by dismantling the vestiges of  the Bumpitera policies) while the Philippines remains nearly stagnant. 
 
To add,  Malaysia in 2009 ranked 59th relative to the Philippines at  109th in the rankings of economic freedom, and the former has  been traditionally “freer” relative to the world average even prior to  the 1997 Asian crisis. 
 
Importantly, I’d like to  point out that the fundamental difference in the nationalist policies of  Malaysia’s Bumiputera with that of the genre of “Buy Local” policies is  that Malaysia dealt with policies concerning intra-racist  distribution rather than xenophobia.
 
And of  course Malaysia is the “benign” example of intra-racism nationalist  policies relative to extreme counterparts as Zimbabwe, South Africa or  Nazi Germany or even the 1994 Rwanda genocide. 
 
As for  xenophobic trade policies, the best example in the extreme case would be  the US Smoot-Hawley Tariffs act, that resulted to severely  worsened the recession in the 1930s which morphed to a decade long Great  Depression. 
 
Hence it would be sheer insanity or foolishness to believe or  preach that implied antagonism as an economic or trade policy would  result to prosperity knowing that “no man is an island”. In math, the  operation required to have more is addition and not subtraction. Beggar  thy neighbour policies, as protectionism or racism, epitomizes  subtraction.
 
More Political Nonsense: Invest  Philippines and Teach Locals To Save
 
The  same logic should apply to investing. 
 
People should invest based  on the merits of the perceived risk-reward tradeoffs as seen through the  profit and loss guidance system and not because of the folly of being a  Filipino who must “Invest Philippines”.
 
As  Murray Rothbard explained, Every entrepreneur, therefore,  invests in a process because he expects to make a profit, i.e., because  he believes that the market has underpriced and undercapitalized the  factors in relation to their future rents. If his belief is  justified, he makes a profit. If his belief is unjustified, and the  market, for example, has really overpriced the factors, he will  suffer losses.
Any OFW or anyone who plunks their money  based on nationalism deserves to lose their equity as this would be  reckless and devoid of market or even mundane realities. 
 
Might as well just donate that money to the  Philippine government to enhance one’s self esteem (ensure to have photo  op with the a key official!) or contribute this money to private  charity institutions compared to getting suckered by the  political-economic class who would remorselessly use people’s capital to  secure economic rents.
 
Nevertheless it is also  wantonly misplaced to even suggest that locals ought to be taught  by their OFW principals on how to save. 
 
 
 Figure 3:  Asian Development Bank: Philippine Savings and Investment
Figure 3:  Asian Development Bank: Philippine Savings and InvestmentI don’t  know why many people come to even accept this poppycock as a grain of  truth from a political moralizer. 
 
The implication is that  recipients of remittances are a bunch of free spending nitwits! What  bravado! If this is not an insult to the intelligence of the Filipino, I  don’t know what this is.
 
Far from reality, the  problem isn’t about savings, even if the Philippines have one of the  lowest savings rate in Asia. 
 
This according to the Asian  Development Bank, (bold highlights mine)
 
``Higher  private investment, too, would play a more significant role in  upgrading infrastructure and, more generally, the productive capacity of  the economy. Saving is not the main constraint, since national  saving has steadily risen, bolstered by remittances.
 
“Rather, sluggish private  investment reflects infrastructure deficiencies,  particularly in power and transport, and weaknesses in governance and  the policy climate. According to the World Economic Forum, the global  competitiveness ranking of the Philippines in 2009/10 fell to 87  (out of 133 countries) from 71 (out of 134) in 2008/09, putting it below  India, Indonesia, and Viet Nam, among others. The report cited corruption,  inefficient bureaucracy, policy instability, and inadequate  infrastructure as the main reasons for the low ranking.”
 
As we  earlier said investments is a function of returns. The ‘sluggishness’ of  investment means that the returns have not been attractive enough to  convince local or international capitalists to fill in the  infrastructure deficiencies or that returns have not met what we call as  the “hurdle rate”-minimum acceptable returns. Not perhaps unless you  are associated with the political class. 
 
And the  reasons cited by the World Economic Forum for the paucity of  competitiveness constitute as symptoms and NOT the source of the  problems. In short, ADB’s congenial words are euphemisms for collective  government failure.
 
The fundamental shortcoming of the Philippines is our  overdependence on politicians and politics for economic development,  much like Waiting for Godot. 
 
We have been blighted by the  lack of economic freedom, bloated bureaucracy, high taxes, the onus of  regulatory compliance, the lack of respect for property rights,  deficiency in contract enforcement, a maze of complex and  incomprehensible laws, politicization of industries, protectionist laws  or legal barriers to more competition, politicization of the justice and  legal system and public institutions, regulatory capture by the  political-economic class, regulatory arbitrage (e.g. legalized  smuggling) based on political connections, state instituted cartels and  monopolies and many other political obstacles (permits, labor  regulation, starting or closing business, registering property and  etc.). 
 
All  these has translated to high transactions costs, high input and overhead  costs (including corruption costs-estimated at $ 3 billion per year), which all add up to a high cost  of doing business-the Philippines is ranked 144th out of 183  countries in World Bank’s Doing Business 2010. 
 
And  worst we have a public caught ambling between hopes of immediate  deliverance from the delusion of an omniscient and virtuous state with  that of grinding reality based on the limitations of state authorities  with regards to the knowledge over the individual, human relations,  incentives guiding people’s actions, as well as their own personal  motivations (as officials are human beings too!), and importantly, the  supremacy of basic economic laws over politics. 
 
Although  we have many aspiring political leaders rambling about political  correctness which are all majestically flawed in logic, they only make  good electoral themes, hopefully not for real policies.
 
At the  end of the day, to paraphrase US President Abraham Lincoln, “Politicians  can fool almost all the people some of the time,  and some of the people all the time, but economic reality ensures that  you cannot fool all the people all the time."
  Bastiat, Frederic  That  Which is Seen, and That Which is Not Seen, 1850
  Wikipedia.org, Maslow’s Hierarchy Of Needs
  Jollibee Food Corporation, About us-milestone history
  Hub Pages, Jollibee Vs McDonalds - Filipino burger kings fight against  global giant
  Jollibee Food Corporation, Investor Relations
  Wall Street Journal, Jollibee Captures Top Spot in Philippines
  Businessweek, HAPPY MEALS FOR A McDONALD'S RIVAL (int'l edition) July 1996
  Ludwig von Mises, The  Sovereignty of the Consumers
  Jollibee Foods Corporation, About  us, Community 
  Studwell, Joe, Asian  Godfathers Money and Power in Hong Kong and Southeast Asia p.37
  Casey Doug, Doug  Casey on Race, lewrockwell.com
 
  Wikipedia.org, May 13 incident
  Wikipedia.org, Bumiputera  (Malaysia)
  Heritage Foundation, 2010 Index of Economic  Freedom
  US State Department, Smoot-Hawley  Tariff
 
“The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of June 1930 raised U.S. tariffs  to historically high levels. The original intention behind the  legislation was to increase the protection afforded domestic farmers against  foreign agricultural imports... 
 
“The Smoot-Hawley Tariff was  more a consequence of the onset of the Great Depression than an initial  cause. But while the tariff might not have caused the Depression, it  certainly did not make it any better. It provoked a storm of foreign  retaliatory measures and came to stand as a symbol of the  "beggar-thy-neighbor" policies (policies designed to improve one's  own lot at the expense of that of others) of the 1930s. Such policies  contributed to a drastic decline in international trade. For example,  U.S. imports from Europe declined from a 1929 high of $1,334 million to  just $390 million in 1932, while U.S. exports to Europe fell from $2,341  million in 1929 to $784 million in 1932. Overall, world trade  declined by some 66% between 1929 and 1934. More generally,  Smoot-Hawley did nothing to foster trust and cooperation among nations  in either the political or economic realm during a perilous era  in international relations. 
  Rothbard, Murray N. Man, Economy and the State Chapter  8—Production: Entrepreneurship and Change
  Asian Development Bank, Outlook  2010 p.239 
  Spero news, Philippines:  Corruption and waste in Philippines election
  World Bank, Reforming  Through Difficult Times, Doing Business 2010