Sunday, January 27, 2019

The Zeitgeist of 2018 GDP: The Record Deficit Spending, Was the Export Data Been Inflated?, History has Rhymed


The binary intervention of the government's budget, on the other hand, impairs this property right of every one in his own product and creates the separate process and the “problem” of distribution. No longer do income and wealth flow purely from service rendered on the market; they now flow to special privilege created by the State and away from those specially burdened by the State—Murray N. Rothbard

In this issue

The Zeitgeist of 2018 GDP: The Record Deficit Spending, Was the Export Data Been Inflated?, History has Rhymed
-History Has Rhymed: 2018 GDP Drops to 2014-2015 Level
-Consumers Allegedly Rescued 4Q GDP as All Categories of Expenditure GDP Dropped!
-Has Padding of the Export Data Been Used to Inflate the GDP?
-Did Consumers Really Open Their Wallets in the 4Q?
-The Zeitgeist of 2018 GDP: The Transition towards a Command Economy via Record Public Spending-Deficit!
-2018 GDP: More Evidence of the Deepening Command Economy, Has the Law of Diminishing Returns Been Rendered Obsolete?

The Zeitgeist of 2018 GDP: The Record Deficit Spending, Was the Export Data Been Inflated?, History has Rhymed

Two very crucial insights from the latest GDP data: 

One, the landmark fiscal deficits have led to the deepening entrenchment of the transition process towards a command or centrally planned economy.

Two, the National Government has been possibly inflating the GDP considerably.

History Has Rhymed: 2018 GDP Drops to 2014-2015 Level

The Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) announced the 4Q GDP at 6.1% last week, which was a tad higher than the revised 3Q GDP of 6.0%. The 3Q GDP had been revised down from 6.1% a before the 4Q/2018 publication.

Though higher than the previous quarter, the headline 4Q GDP print officially sealed the 2018 GDP to 6.2%, which was materially lower than 6.7% in 2017 and 6.9% in 2016. And though higher than the 10-year average of 5.8%, 2018’s real GDP has dropped to 2014 and 2015 levels of 6.1%.

Well, history has rhymed.

To recall, in 2014 the BSP raised rates to combat a crescendoing CPI as ramification to 10 successive months of ferocious 30%+++ money supply expansion.  In 2015, the 2012 base CPI plummeted to a deflationary territory in September (-.37%) and October (-.19%), that prompted the BSP to launch a massive rescue package, the nuclear option of debt monetization! 

And to rekindle the CPI, in support of the domestic version of the Quantitative Easing, in 2016, the BSP dropped policy rates to an unprecedented low with the institution of the corridor system as a camouflage.

Back then, build, build and build has yet to come to existence. 

History has rhymed, yes, but the past is the father of the future.

The 2018 GDP print has emerged in the backdrop of interest rates still at historic lows (despite the 175 bps increase from May to November), an unparalleled money printing spree by the BSP and an unrivaled fiscal deficit from unmatched public spending in Philippine history.

With fiscal and monetary stimulus, or traditionally policy stabilizers or emergency measures in full force, the paradox is, the corrosion of the GDP persists. 

In the meantime, systemic leverage rose substantially from 2015 levels. Total debt of the banking and the National Government (NG) grew by 13.05% in 2017 to place debt-to-NGDP at 89.19%. Back in 2015, the banking system’s credit portfolio expanded by 13.84% while total debt-to-NGDP was at 86.3%. With build, build and build in motion, the public sector has joined the borrowing fray.

And with total debt running at 14.38% as of November 2018, banking and NG debt-to-GDP can be expected to reach 90%.

As an aside, after the GDP, the NG is due to make critical economic and financial announcements next week: The Bureau of Treasury on the closing of the NG’s fiscal balances for the year 2018 and the BSP on the banking system’s credit and liquidity conditions also for 2018

And as the CPI raged beyond the threshold highs of 2014, the BSP panicked and raised by 175 bps their policy rates in 5 straight meetings within 7-months.

And not only have interest rates surged in 2018, but the sovereign yield curve has also significantly flattened at relatively higher rates than the past, to indicate tightening of financial conditions, which should be a recent milestone. 

And with it, the banking system went into a massive fund-raising binge as deposit growth and cash reserves tumbled and as the Hold-Until-Maturity (HTM) asset became the accounting sanctuary for the industry’s mounting losses.    

At the same time, while the stock market rampaged in 2017 financed by excess liquidity from the aggressive build, build and build boondoggles, the BSP led Financial Stability Coordinating Council admitted to their international central banking peers at the Bank for International Settlements that the Philippines encountered a “dislocation of crisis proportions” from the emergence of the “3Rs (repricing, refinancing and repayment risks)”.

And not long after such published financial concerns, regulatory relief or implicit bailouts had been activated by the Insurance Commission on pre-need firms and by the BSP on the banking system’s capital reserves through the Countercyclical Capital Buffer (CCyB) rule.

That stated, not only has the BSP’s reaction to 2015 has begun to take its toll as evidenced by the weakening GDP, but the profligate public spending projects have also been exacerbating the financial system’s entropy. 

Consumers Allegedly Rescued 4Q GDP as All Categories of Expenditure GDP Dropped!

But the headline numbers have masked the real score in the 4Q GDP, thereby 2018’s GDP.
Figure 1

The GDP consists of two aspects: the expenditure GDP (demand) and the Industry GDP (supply). (see figure 1)

4Q Expenditure GDP revealed a stunning broad-based deterioration. Excluding consumer spending, government spending, capital investments, exports and imports fell!

Consumer spending or Household Final Consumption Expenditure (HFCE) increased by 20 bps to 5.4% in the 4Q from 5.2%, a quarter ago. and from 5.9% in 2Q.

Government Final Consumption Expenditure (GFCE) GDP decelerated to 11.9% in 4Q from 14.3% and was at the same level in the 2Q.

Capital Formation GDP shockingly plummeted to 5.5% from 18.2% in the 3Q and 21.5% in the 2Q. Without the boom in the Construction GDP (19.3%, 16.4% and 13.6%), Fixed Capital GDP (9.8%, 17.74%, 21.2%) may have turned sharply lower.
That’s because three of the four major categories of durable equipment slumped thereby sending its GDP fumbling 3.1% (4Q) from 18% (3Q), and from 28.2% (2Q). Specialized machinery registered 4Q GDP of 13%, 3Q 14.7% and 2Q 34.1%. General industrial machinery and equipment had 4.4%, 7.7%, and 17.3% and Transport -.4%, 25.3%, and 33.9%. Only the Miscellaneous Equipment eked out a growth increase 2.6%, -.3%, and 18%.  The first three has a % share weight of 18%, 14.11% and 48% of the durable equipment GDP while Miscellaneous Equipment has a 20.3% share.

If capital investments are the harbingers to future economic activities what does this imply?

Has Padding of the Export Data Been Used to Inflate the GDP?

And here’s the thing.

The PSA’s export trade data and its export GDP contain an astonishing discrepancy!
Figure 2

Export GDP clocked in a hefty 13.2% in the 4Q, 13.3% in the 3Q and 12.6% in the 2Q. Import GDP dropped to 11.8% from 17.9% and 18.5% over the same period.

However, based on the PSA’s merchandise USD denominated trade data, export growth contracted by .25% in November and was hardly robust with a 5.5% growth in October. (figure 2, upper window)

And yet the magnificent variance in growth numbers between the GDP and trade data! Such remarkable deviance emerged in Q2 and Q3! And I’d suspect that 4Q won’t be any different.

The PSA has yet to publish its December numbers.

To do away with the currency effect, using the monthly average USD to convert PSA’s trade data to peso, current export growth in peso exhibits minor difference with those in USD. Export growth in peso was up 3.21% in November and 10.99% in October.

For nominal peso exports to reach the GDP equivalent, December exports would require a growth rate spike of about 20%! Otherwise, the distance between the export GDP and trade numbers would signify an ocean!

International demand principally determines exports. The PSA’s October and November trade data dovetails with the world trade conditions based on CPM Netherlands Data. These numbers have pointed to a downturn in global trade. (see figure 2 middle window)

In contrast, the 4Q export GDP numbers have departed from these.

Even more, exports are sourced mostly from domestic manufacturers. However, manufacturing GDP slowed to 3.2% in 4Q from 3.3% in 3Q and 5.5% in 2Q. Perhaps transshipments could be a source, yet import GDP slowed materially to 11.8% in the 4Q from 17.9% 3Q and 18.5% 2Q. And imports have mostly manifested domestic demand. Yes, imports tell us that the real economy has slowed significantly (regardless of what the GDP says)

To put it more bluntly, not only do these numbers contradict each other, these defy economic logic.

As I noted last week,

But, of course, since the GDP is a government constructed statistics, and since the government is driven by political incentives, GDP may exhibit what the NG desires to project for political or even economic reasons. For instance, boost GDP to lower credit risk to allow the NG to fund its record deficit cheaply.  


Tweaking the GDP from this perspective is easy.

To get the expenditure GDP:

GDP= HFCE+ GFCE+ Capital Formation + (Exports- Imports)+ Statistical Discrepancy

The difference between exports and imports are added to the other factors to compute for the GDP. Thus, the wider the spread of imports over exports (net imports), the more the reduction of the NGDP. Hence, from a statistical perspective, imports contribute negatively to the economy.

The latter shouldn’t be the case, though. Imports are the benefits. The cost to attain such benefits would be through exports. Or, we export to pay for our imports.  

The real reduction to the (actual) GDP is the GFCE. Because the government produces hardly anything but survive on coercive transfers via its political mandate, whatever the Government spends represent consumption that comes at the expense of the productive sectors.

Back to exports.

By reducing the negative gap from a larger volume of imports, padding up the export data INCREASES the GDP!

Lo and behold, the national GDP numbers look better than it really is, because the PSA may have been inflating the EXPORT GDP!

Did Consumers Really Open Their Wallets in the 4Q?

With net imports contributing to a reduced 12% share of the RGDP, inflating the GDP would need more participation from other sectors than the export alone.

So what sector would that be? No other than the consumer spending!

Because consumer spending controls the most significant share of the real GDP (72%), an uptick pushed the GDP higher!

Again to uphold the PSA’s claim, the banking system’s data on consumer loans and liquidity must dramatically improve on December to more than offset the weakness manifested in the first two months of the 4Q.
Figure 3

Because consumers spent more, the PSA must have assumed that trade grew too.

So the PSA must have boosted the trade data which is a subsector of services under the industry GDP. Trade GDP registered 5.9% growth in 4Q, from 5.2% in 3Q and 6.2%. Again, with slowing growth in cash in circulation, bank credit growth for consumers and even the trade industry, how were consumers able to fund their improved purchases in the 4Q? (see figure 3)
Have consumers pulled savings from their cans and jars? Has the peso rained like manna from heaven? But even if the latter had been true M1 would have jumped!

So has the falling CPI provided buying power to the consumers?

It has been popularly held that the plunge in CPI has been from abundant rice harvests. Has this been true?

Well if the NG’s data is accurate, then the answer is NO. That’s because palay (real) output shrank -2.2% in the 4Q, -5.4% in the 3Q and -1.2% in the 2Q.

Perhaps rice imports did the job. With many bidding failures in the last quarter of 2018, perhaps not. Perhaps a slowdown in demand had been the elemental factor behind it. If so, the slowdown in CPI didn’t add to consumer spending, it was just assumed by the PSA.

The 4Q and annual reports from publicly listed retail firms which are due soon should shed some light on this.

We shall see.

The Zeitgeist of 2018 GDP: The Transition towards a Command Economy via Record Public Spending-Deficit!

The most critical insight provided by the GDP figures is the transition towards a command economy channeled through the record fiscal deficits.

If the expenditure GDP was mostly lower, it was more a nuanced view for the industry GDP.

Two of the three major categories of the Industry GDP registered gains. Agriculture GDP reversed course to post 1.7% growth in the 4Q from the previous decline of -.2% in the 3Q. The industry subsector GDP jumped 6.9% from 6.1% over the same period.

The principal contributor to the industry subsector’s GDP was the construction sector which clocked in another growth spurt with a blazing 21.3% pace in the 4Q from 18.2% in the 3Q while Utilities GDP (Electricity, Gas, and Water) also increased 6.6% from 4.7% in the same period.
Figure 4

Interestingly, for the first time since the 1Q of 2017, Private construction spending (20.2% 4Q, 14.1% 3Q) outgrew public construction spending (+16.3% 4Q, 25.5% 3Q) to suggest that the private sector has taken more active role in the Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) in the “build, build and build” projects. (figure 4, upper window)

Fascinatingly, the inflation in construction material prices seems to resonate with such changes. The construction material wholesale price index (CMWPI), which monitors “the price escalation of construction materials for various government projects” appears to be decelerating based on the 2000 prices. The CMWPI index peaked at 8.79% in June has slipped to 7.81% inDecember.

The BSP’s net claim on National Government appears to track the movement of price changes of the CMWPI. (figure 4, middle window) Has the BSP been the principal source of build, build and build?

On the other hand, construction material retail price index (CMRPI) which measures price escalation of construction materials in the private sector has reaccelerated to 2.35% in December. The price bump could be signs of increased participation of the private sector in the build, build and build projects via PPPs.

As one would note, while the CPI has declined, the main entry point of money via the “build, build, and build” projects which emanates either from the BSP’s printing press or from the banking system’s loans continue to manifest robust inflation in the said sector. Unless counterbalanced by reduced money supply due liquidity drains in the banking system, such money inflation would percolate or diffuse into the economy

And for as long the avalanche of money injections to the sector persists, the CPI will remain vulnerable to spikes.

As been said before, stagflation is our future.

And another thing, one way for the NG to do away with inflation is to rebase the price index. That said, the CMWPI will be rebased from 2000 to 2012. So from 7.8% (2000 index), the December CMWPI has been recalculated (2012 index) lower to 5.69%. Boom! Lower Inflation! (see Figure 4, lowest window)

2018 GDP: More Evidence of the Deepening Command Economy, Has the Law of Diminishing Returns Been Rendered Obsolete?

Again, the record fiscal deficit by the NG continues to critically shape or substantially influence the GDP.
Figure 5

Aside from construction, education GDP accelerated by a torrid 17.3% clip in the 4Q from 14.2% a quarter ago.

Though public administration GDP pulled back to 12.6% from 17.8% over the same timeframe, its growth rate remained at double digits in the four quarters of the year compared to the single-digit rates in the previous years.

The financial intermediation GDP grew by less at 6.0% from 6.9% as the industry continued with its workaround on the financing of the NG's unprecedented deficit spending.  Meanwhile, sewage expenditures, as part of the infrastructure projects, grew by 5% from 4.1%.

On the other hand, real estate and manufacturing GDP decreased to 4.4% and 3.2% in the 4Q from 5.5% and 3.3% in the 3Q, respectively. These sectors representing the first (24.06% in 4Q) and the third (10.72%) largest, respectively, accounted for 34.78% share of the real GDP. 

The acceleration in private construction GDP in the face of a tepid real estate GDP reinforces the perspective of the increased participation of the private sector in the NG's infrastructure projects.  

Meanwhile, the second largest share (+17.7%) of the industry GDP is the Trade sector, which grew by 5.9% in the 4Q from 5.2% a quarter ago, reflected the expansion of consumer spending.

From the bank credit perspective, bank lending to the political sectors remained robust in November in support of the GDP: Public administration 32.05%, Education 24.45%, Financial Intermediation 29.4% and Construction 38.07%.

The slowdown in transport GDP likewise resonated with the deceleration of the sector's bank loan growth of 17.09% 

All these demonstrate that the zeitgeist of the 4Q and annual GDP of 2018 has been the transition of the Philippine political economy towards a neo-socialist state channeled through the record deficit spending.

And as one would note, the NG’s ambitious and aggressive "build, build and build" projects, as well as, other political expenditures expressed via record deficits continue to siphon off resources, labor, and financing from productive investments. In doing so, such forces an increase in the public’s time preference (short term orientation), leading to changes in the economy’s production structure that consequently results to an increase the consumption/saving ratio. Such imbalance would reduce savings and capital accumulation, or at worse, lead to capital consumption, thereby resulting in a lower standard of living.  

And while domestic establishment experts have been ebulliently falling over themselves over the prospects of a stronger economy in 2019, analysts from foreign institutions have pushed back, forecasting that the current GDP levels will persist citing various reasons (tightening liquidity, slower exports, and decrease infrastructure spending, sub-optimal infrastructure spendingand public procurement, higher debt levels, leveling investment growth and weak business sentiment)

In contrast to them, expect the unexpected in 2019.

As a final note, the gist of the GDP data is its per capita data. Per capita GDP means GDP per head/individual (GDP divided by the population) or economic growth per person.

Real per capita GDP growth in 2018 was at 4.5% modestly lower than 2017’s 5.1%.

On a quarterly basis, 4Q GDP per capita of 4.4% fell to a 2Q 2015 (4.3%) low. (figure 5, lowest window).

On the other hand, per capita household spending at 3.8% in 4Q was modestly up from 3.5% in the 3Q but has operated on a Q4 2014 low of 3.6%

Both per capita GDP and HFCE have trended south for a period of time.

With monetary and fiscal stimulus running in full throttle, what tool/s has remained available for the NG to use to boost the GDP, especially if the downturn in the real economy becomes conspicuous or self-evident?

Has fundamental law of diminishing returns been forgotten? Of has it been rendered obsolete?

Sunday, January 20, 2019

Mania at Phisix 8,050! Beware of the January Effect, Will 4Q GDP Be Lower Than the 3Q?



But the evils of paper money have no end. Its uncertain and fluctuating value is continually awakening or creating new schemes of deceit. Every principle of justice is put to the rack, and the bond of society dissolved: the suppression, therefore, of paper money might very properly have been put into the act for preventing vice and immorality.—Thomas Paine, one of the Founding Fathers of the US

In this issue

Mania at Phisix 8,050! Beware of the January Effect, Will 4Q GDP Be Lower Than the 3Q?
-Going Gaga over 8,050! Beware the January Effect
-Two Major Secular Tops Occurred In January: 1979 and 1997; Inflation Targeting
-Will 4Q GDP Be Lower Than the 3Q? Vehicle Sales Plunge in 2018
-What Justifies Forecasts of a Strong Return for the PSEi in 2019?
-Global Central PUT Launched in the face of Sharply Slowing Global Economy and Displacements in the Financial Plumbing

Mania at Phisix 8,050! Beware of the January Effect, Will 4Q GDP Be Lower Than the 3Q?

Going Gaga over 8,050! Beware the January Effect

Wow! The PSEi 30 closed at 8,049 last Friday, and the establishment has been slavering over, and piling into each other, in extolling how great 2019 will be for the equity markets, and thus, the economy. 

Such dopamine triggered mania typically occurs when breakthroughs occur.  Not so this time. The latest rally must have functioned as a relief valve to the recent angst experienced by them from the latest bear market. Thus, the “I told you so’s”, “markets will always come back”, “markets have nowhere else to go but up” and the other 'pat in the back', jubilant rationalizations!

With a stunning 7.78% return in just 13-days, of course, this is strong!

But what exactly are the factors to justify sustained strength from such explosive rates of increases?
Figure 1

More than anything else, January has functioned as the bulwark month of the bulls. Since 2012, only January 2016 has registered a decline. The over 7% gains of 2012 and 2013 have resulted in diametric annual outcomes, i.e. 32.95% and 1.33%. (see figure 1, upper window)

Yes, of course, January gains may accelerate further considering the imminence of the ‘golden cross’ which may send chart based buyers chasing prices. The golden cross represents a bullish momentum indicator which shows of the crossover of the 50-day with the 200-day moving averages. 

However, in 40 years, big returns (5% up) from January have been trending down. (see figure 1, lower window)

Because of the base effect that would be natural. For instance, it would be a cinch to have returns double when the originating base is at 100 than it is at 1,000.

Furthermore, despite the base effect, it hasn’t been true that the strong January effect leads to even stronger yearend returns as popularly held.

The biggest January return 23.56% occurred in 1987 where the month’s seasonal strength served as a springboard to its marvelous 91.42%. The PSEi index closed at 813.17 in 1987.

The most phenomenal annual return of 154.42% occurred in 1993 where January returns registered 7.15%. The Phisix ended 1993 at 3,196.08.

There were 16 Januarys that had over 5% returns in 40 years. Of that 16 years, 7 or 43% of Januarys registered negative returns. Half or eight of annual returns were lower than January returns.

Of course, every January is fundamentally different.

Two Major Secular Tops Occurred In January: 1979 and 1997; Inflation Targeting

And sure enough, TWO of the MAJOR SECULAR stock market cycle TOPS occurred in January.

January returns of 1979 and 1997 were 9.77% and 7.93% to deliver annual returns of -10.52% and -41.04%, respectively.
Figure 2
The culmination of the stock market cycle in the early 1980s resulted to an 81% collapse while the turning point brought about by the Asian crisis in 1997 registered a 68.6% crash in one and a half years for the headline index. The Phisix bottomed at 1,000 levels in 2003 (figure 2, upper window)

Recall, last year, the Sy-led Phisix climaxed to a milestone 9,058.62 also in January (29). January 2018 returns of 2.4% pale in contrast to the current setting, although the Phisix ended with a -12.76% return last year.

Please note that the composition of the Phisix has been changing. So while we may be referring to a single index, the composite members have changed overtime.

And as an aside, in the 1965-1985 cycle, the Phisix and the CPI moved almost in tandem. That is, the Phisix rose and fell concomitantly with the CPI. (figure 2, lower pane) And that has also been the case of Phisix during the 2014-2015 mini-cycle.

So when the mainstream says that the slowing CPI leads to significant returns - history shows that such hasn’t been the case. 

Under the current operating environment of the fiat money-fractional banking standard, growth in money supply, mainly from bank credit expansion function as the principal pillars to the GDP, revenues, and earnings growth, as well as, stock market returns.

So when the CPI skids as a result of the slowdown in bank credit expansion, the same factors will abate to signify tightening money conditions.

That’s the reason why the BSP has for its principal policy tool: inflation targeting.

Will 4Q GDP Be Lower Than the 3Q? Vehicle Sales Plunge in 2018

And to carryover this premise, the National Government will be announcing the 4Q and 2018 GDP next week.
Figure  3

There have been little signs of improvements thus far in the 4Q.

November’s plummeting rate of growth in tax revenues, the sharp slowdown in merchandise trade backed by industrial production, as with slumping consumer credit hardly suggest of a GDP stronger than the 3Q. [Why Deficit-to-GDP May Reach 3.5% in 2018; November BIR and BoC Revenues Plunge on the Economic and Credit Weakness; Public and Bank Debt Hit Php 15.06 Trillion! January 13, 2019]

And bank credit and its ramification, M3, have, thus far, dovetailed with the direction of the GDP.

Trends of critical monetary indicators have been heading south to signify financial tightening. Going by its correlation, 4Q GDP should be lower than the 3Q. 3Q GDP may be revised ahead of the actual 4Q and 2018 GDP announcement

But, of course, since the GDP is a government constructed statistics, and since the government is driven by political incentives, GDP may exhibit what the NG desires to project for political or even economic reasons. For instance, boost GDP to lower credit risk to allow the NG to fund its record deficit cheaply.  

Yet more signs of a 4Q slowdown.
Figure 4

The plunge in car sales in December has also exhibited the slowdown in both (total) bank credit expansion and money supply.

December car sales plunged 29.8% year-on-year but had been higher 2.2% month-on-month. Fourth quarter sales crashed 21.54%. Total car sales for the year of 2018 dived 16.02%.

The downturn in BSP’s consumer car loan growth validated the steep fall in November’s car sales growth. The BSP has yet to publish the banking system’s December car loan data.

Yes, excise taxes, the frontloading of pre-TRAIN sales and higher CPI have contributed too. But do note that since peaking in August 2016, the rate of vehicle sales growth has been in descending. TRAIN 1.0 only accelerated its downturn. (figure 4)

So from the Transport GDP perspective instead of increase, it could be a (substantial) decrease.

What Justifies Forecasts of a Strong Return for the PSEi in 2019?

So if 4Q GDP underperforms, what factors should juice up 1Q 2019 GDP for the stock market to justify its 7.78% 13-day return? Where will the GDP get its momentum?

Only 2/3 of January has passed as of this writing. Except for the stock market, what spectacular economic development has occurred in 3 weeks of 2019?

Is the stock market pricing in a miracle from an even larger deficit spending by the NG? Does the stock market believe that instead of competition for funds and resources, expansive and aggressive government spending will lead to MORE resources at cheaper costs?

Does the stock market also believe that the crowding out syndrome, as a consequence of the law of scarcity, will be abolishedand replaced by abundance?  

Have they been pricing in free money from the coming elections? But if banks have been slowing down on credit issuance, then electoral free money can only emanate from increased BSP financed deficit spending.  Wouldn't the accelerated BSP monetization of deficits lead to more and not less inflation?  Wouldn’t this spur further declines in the peso that would enlarge the US dollar shortage in the economy and magnify leverage denominated in USD? Wouldn’t such monetization also indicate that the BSP’s year-end target of 3.2% would fall short?

Is the stock market pricing in an economic bounty from the BSP by first reducing reserve requirement ratios and next, interest rate cuts?

Have the stock market come to believe in the promise of the BSP to expand liquidity to double digits without understanding how this can be achieved? The BSP’s RRR cuts have not been about easing, but about plugging the banking system’s liquidity shortfall along with the thrust to align peso liquidity conditions with its falling international reserve assets in USD.

Is the BSP expecting that policy rate cuts would reignite the banking system’s already blazing credit growth rate that may hit uncharted levels? Does the BSP believe that the Hanjin debacle would be isolated even when they have warned against such risks (3Rs) in their 2017 Financial Stability Report?

Does the stock market believe that record bank credit debt of Php 7.86 trillion PLUS record public debt of Php 7.195 trillion whichtotaled Php 15.055 trillion last November 2018 or about 90.5% of estimated real GDP in 2018 would have little impact on the economy, earnings and liquidity conditions operating under relatively higher rates with a very flat to partially inverted yield curve?

Or has the stock market been bewitched by the BSP?

Or could it be that some liquidity constrained financial institutions may have been in collusion to force up stock prices to generate trading revenues with the aim to attain interim or short-term profits?  Or could this be part of the attempt to hide or conceal escalating balance sheet impairments and or puff up collateral values through artificially elevated assets?

Or could it be that as a result of constant manipulations of the index, the stock market’s pricing system has become so deformedthat prices reflect, not of actual economic, financial and or capital conditions, but about excessively destabilizing speculative impulses? 

Global Central PUT Launched in the face of Sharply Slowing Global Economy and Displacements in the Financial Plumbing

Of course, the domestic facet represents just part of the larger prism.

It has not just been the Philippines, but global stocks have been on fire.

Risk ON has almost been ubiquitous.

US equity markets charged feverishly to post astounding weekly and phenomenal 13-days returns. The Dow Jones Industrials soared 2.96% for a 13-day return of 5.91%, the S&P 500 2.87% and 6.54%, the technology-heavy Nasdaq 2.66% and 7.87%, and the small-cap Russell 2000 2.43% and 9.93%.

Asian equity markets revved up this week to post a significant average weekly return of .94%.  An overwhelming 89% or 17 of the 19 national benchmarks registered gains. 

Leading the week’s winners were South Korean KOSPI (+2.35%), the Philippine PSEi 30 (+1.81%), Australia’s All Ordinaries (+1.82%), China’s SSEC (+1.65%) and Hong Kong’s Hang Seng (+1.59%).

For the year, 89% or 17 of the region’s benchmarks also posted advances. The 3-week return has averaged 2.97%. And the Philippines maintained its second spot in returns with 7.78% next to Bangladesh Dhaka’s 8.17%. Pakistan’s K100 (+6.04%), Singapore STI (+5.07%) and Hong Kong’s Hang Seng (+4.82%) were the next in the line of winners.

Weekly and 2019 returns were similarly robust for other American national benchmarks of Canada (weekly) 2.44% and (3-weeks) 6.85%, Brazil 2.6% and 9.34%, Chile 2.36% and 7.32%, and Mexico 1.57% and 6.25%.

European bellwethers also surged. National equity benchmarks of Germany (weekly) 2.92% and (3-weeks) 6.12%, France 1.98% and 3.02%, Switzerland 2.22% and 7.05%, Netherlands 2.22% and 4.47%, Austria 2.88% and 8.8% and Sweden 2.34% and 6.46% were among the biggest weekly gainers.

Why the sudden spurt?

The simple answer: The central bank put has gone live! Global central banks came to the rescue!
Figure 5

Because of the ‘surprisingly’ weak December trade and factor data, the Chinese government has signaled more stimulus possibly via tax cuts and fees and allow local governments to raise bonds.

Moreover, monetary tightening hasn’t just been a Philippine phenomenon, similar symptoms have appeared globally.  Global M1 has plunged to recessionary levels. (figure 5, third from the top window)

A week ago, the primary dealer holding data of US Treasuries rocketed to record levels (Bloomberg’s Tracey Alloway).

Primary dealers are financial institutions (banks or security broker-dealer) which act as market makers of government securities. Primary dealers also engage in “trades in order to implement monetary policy” the US Department of Treasury notes.

In the US, repurchase agreements (repo) are exclusively transacted by the primary dealers with Treasury, agency debt or agency mortgage-backed debt as collateral, according to the NY Fed. 

Collateral issues have most likely been the cause for the primary dealer’s panic stashing of USTs. While there have not been any indications in the treasury trade fails data as to signal mounting stress within the US financial institutions, the likely counterparties could be foreign official institutions such as central banks.

Also, enlarged dealer holdings mean less UST available in the system for repo and shadow repo trades to conduct offshore US dollar transactions.

Primary dealers went into panic hoarding of USTs during the Great Recession in 2007-2008 and during the European debt crisis of 2011. It has happened again in late 2018! (figure 5 lowest window)

Note that primary dealer holdings of UST have been on an uptrend which suggests a continuing buildup in financial stress. The spikes highlight the period of accelerated or intensified stress.

So mounting collateral issues from intensifying liquidity drain in the global financial system may have prompted global central banks to respond by expanding their balance sheets in 2019 that has spawned a monster risk ON and a dramatic short squeeze.

That said, a record 560 billion yuan ($83 billion) had been reportedly injected by China’s central bank, the People’s Bank of China (PBOC).

The PBOC’s actions could be part of the overall activities of major central banks, led by the European Central Bank (ECB), the US Fed and the Bank of Japan (BoJ), which appears to have coordinated the expansion of their balance sheets to put a floor on the world’s stock markets. (figure 5, upper two charts)

Though the popular pretext for the recent stock market surge has been the improving odds of a prospect of a US trade deal with China, dislocations in the world’s financial plumbing could be one of the principal factors behind January 2019’s central bank put.

Until how long will such band-aid fixes work? Will the FED reverse course soon?  Will every major central bank follow?

Last week, ironically, a Reuters article entitled "ANALYSIS: Global economy is headed for recession" was republished by local media ABS-CBN. Leading indicator from the OECD suggests of the heightening risks of global recession, though the article tilts towards a soft landing.

Does recent market moves indicate a soft landing? Or will the consensus be body slammed with a shock as a result of trend-following activities?

Expect the unexpected in 2019.
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