Monday, November 17, 2014

Phisix: Will Kuroda’s QE 2.0 Trigger a Global Financial Market Earthquake?

It is a sobering fact that the prominence of central banks in this century has coincided with a general tendency towards more inflation, not less. [I]f the overriding objective is price stability, we did better with the nineteenth-century gold standard and passive central banks, with currency boards, or even with 'free banking.' The truly unique power of a central bank, after all, is the power to create money, and ultimately the power to create is the power to destroy. -- Paul Volcker former Federal Reserve chairman

In this issue

Phisix: Will Kuroda’s QE 2.0 Trigger a Global Financial Market Earthquake?
-Kuroda’s QE 2.0: The Nikkei’s Historical Compass
-BoJ Kuroda’s QE 2.0: Boost Return of Equity or Wealth Inequality?
-Abenomics: Mounting Political Pressures from Hope Based Policies
-Will Kuroda’s QE 2.0 Trigger a Global Financial Market Earthquake?
-Philippine Peso Vulnerable to the USD Yen Reversal!
-Chinese Government Intends to Replace Property Bubble with a Stock Market Bubble!
-Phisix: Signs of a Top: Success Stories based on Misperceptions?

Phisix: Will Kuroda’s QE 2.0 Trigger a Global Financial Market Earthquake?

When Bank of Japan Governor’s Haruhiko Kuroda shot the first monetary arrow of Abenomics[1] in April 2013 with the announcement of the doubling of Japan’s monetary base, I warned that this would trigger a global financial earthquake[2].

In a month’s period, tremors jolted global financial markets which found its trigger when former US Federal Reserve chief Ben Bernanke floated the trial balloon to taper QE 3.0.

Kuroda’s QE 2.0: The Nikkei’s Historical Compass

History is likely to function as a compass or a roadmap to the future.


First the fabulous mini boom bust cycle.

When the BoJ unleashed QE 1.0, the Japan’s equity benchmark, the Nikkei 225, skyrocketed to a breathtaking 30.18% ramp to its peak in a span of only about a month and a half. (chart from Yahoo Finance).

Unfortunately the BoJ’s honeymoon came to an abrupt halt when the Taper tantrum jarred global financial markets. The Nikkei crashed faster than its boom to stumble 20.36% into the doorsteps of the bear market in only about 3 weeks. From early April to the troughs of mid-June the fantastic roundtrip netted the Nikkei only 3.7% in nominal terms.

Next, the effect of BoJ’s QE 1.0 on Japan’s stock market.

Because the consensus thinks mostly in terms of ticker tape actions, many bear the impression that Japan’s QE benefited the real economy via the stock markets. Hardly has there been any questions on why the need for QE 2.0 if indeed the QE 1.0 delivered its targets.

Following the June 2013 nadir, the Nikkei found itself in sporadic volatility which eventually favored the bulls. By December 2013, the Japanese benchmark crept back to regain its previous high plus a premium to reward stock market participants with 35.72% returns at its climax from the onset of QE 1.0.

Yet the culmination of the Nikkei coincided with the pinnacle of JGB purchases by the BoJ which was also reflected on the deceleration of money supply growth. When money supply turned down, the Nikkei’s glory likewise faded.

So for most of 2014 the Nikkei found itself rangebound where much of the support on the stock markets came from rumors and expectations of more BoJ bailout as stream of economic data revealed more and more weaknesses.

This of course is aside from direct interventions from the BoJ (which has set record levels of stock market buying as of August[3]) and where traders say that the BoJ has an informal 1% rule—the BoJ intervenes each time domestic stocks fall by 1% or more[4].

The reemergence of the risk OFF last October 2014 weighed again on the Nikkei. This has prompted the BoJ to launch its version of “shock and awe”— ¥80 trillion yen of JGB purchases plus ¥ 3 trillion to support the stock market via ETFs and the real estate REITs complimented by Japan’s pension fund the Government Pension Investment Fund (GPIF) rebalancing of its portfolio in favor of stocks intended to accommodate PM Abe’s importunes.

From the commencement of QE 1.0 until the fleeting risk OFF October 2014 lows, the Nikkei has returned a paltry nominal one year and 6 month return of 12.11% or 8.07% per annum for domestic participants. If Japan’s statistical inflation rate averaged at 2% over the same period then real returns would have been at 6%.

The yen lost 10.34% against the US dollar during the same time frame. This means that for unhedged exposure by foreign participants, losses from the yen exceeded gains from the Nikkei, where unhedged position on the Nikkei would have translated to a 2.3% loss.

As one would note, impressions are not as they seem.

BoJ Kuroda’s QE 2.0: Boost Return of Equity or Wealth Inequality?

One of the expressed purposes of Abenomics has been to increase rewards to shareholders by improving Japan’s relatively low return on equity via an improvement in corporate governance code (aside from the monetary pump). Japan’s ROE has reportedly been lagging global peers for years which has been about half the global average says a Bloomberg report[5].

So for the Japanese government, manipulation of the markets aside from imposing superficial rules will improve returns.

How has such measures fared? So far from April to half of September, stock market buybacks according to Nikkei Asia[6] have “reached the highest level in six years, as many businesses work to step up investor rewards and return on equity”. 

So instead of investing in business opportunities to generate organic returns and improve real fundamentals, Japanese corporations have been depleting on their cash reserves or acquiring debt or in essence eroding their balance sheets in order to gain supposedly improved return on equity TODAY. Forget tomorrow. Anyway in the long run, according to the political faithful, we are all dead.

Japanese firms have likewise attained record earnings over the same period…but but but only for the 1%!!! Again from the Nikkei Asia[7] (bold): Amid fears that the economy might struggle after the April 1 consumption tax hike, the nation's publicly traded companies as a whole reported double-digit earnings growth for the April-September half, although only a handful of export-oriented winners were a driving force…But a closer look reveals a widening disparity between winners and losers. The top 10 companies reporting the largest profit gains raked in a huge portion of the country's corporate profit growth. SoftBank, Toyota, Nissan, Hitachi and six others together booked a combined gain of 1.1 trillion yen, suggesting that just 1% of companies generated around 80% of all profit increases for the half.


Add to this I pointed out previously that the equity share of financial assets of Japanese households have been at about 9.1% as of June 2014. 


Numbers can be deceiving. This doesn’t mean all households have equity exposure. This doesn’t also mean that 9% share has been equally distributed to the households. That’s the problem with statistical aggregates: they impress upon public the idea of a one-size–fits-all dimension.

Based on Tokyo Stock Exchange’s 2012 Fact Book[8], individual investors account for only 20.3% in 2011. Since 1999, the share of individual shareholdings has been in the range of a low of 18% to a high of 21.3%. In short, current boom bust cycle will unlikely boost significantly domestic exposure on the stock market. The above numbers squares with Japan Security Dealers Association (JSDA), which has updated figures as of 2012[9]. (Note: I chose the TSE table for its historical perspective.)

Yet the segment with the biggest stock market exposure has been the financial sector, business corporations and most importantly foreign funds which has reached record highs as of April 2014 (right window). Yet not all 20% of the individuals have the same breadth of exposure. The likely distribution is weighted towards the wealthy or those whom has high income.

So essentially when the Japanese government throws money in support of the stocks, they are inflating the assets of the 20% of mostly moneyed individuals, who are likely to be part of the financial sector or business corporations coming at the expense of (or charged to) the yen holders and the 80% who are not involved in the stock markets.

And this is why despite all the arrows thrown, the picking of winners—20% individuals, finance industry, business and foreign stock market participants and the 1% corporations (who commands 80% of the record profits)—has led to an economic spasm: household spending and industrial production has recently collapsed.

The other form of redistribution is through foreigners which is why PM Abe gets high rating in the international financial world. Foreigners are benefiting from the miseries of the average Japanese. Isn’t inflationism beggar thy neighbor?

Abenomics: Mounting Political Pressures from Hope Based Policies

Destabilization of the market price mechanism from government’s massive monetary infusions and from various interventions will hardly help improve fundamentals. Why? Because such distortions undermine the entrepreneur’s economic calculation process from which leads to economic dis-coordination or misallocation of resources.[10] The subsequent or secondary outcome of which has been to consume capital.

Think of it; if price volatility will prompt the average entrepreneur to overestimate on profits or underestimate on costs, the most likely result in the deployment of resources based on such expectations will be losses.

Yet inflationism has never been a standalone policy, problems created by failed interventions will beget more demand for interventions. So QE 1.0 leads to QE 2.0 and then more… Even in the US where QE 3.0 had been technically phased out (except for the rollovers of debt acquired from the previous program), reemergence of turbulence last October has prompted some monetary policymakers to float the idea of delaying the end of QE. This goes to show anytime that turbulence will surface, the mechanical crisis resolution mechanism will be put in place—throw central bank money at the problem.

And assorted interventions will come in the many facets of the economic sphere: taxes are just part of them. So Abe’s dangling of corporate tax cuts will be symbolical as this will replaced by other taxes (presently sales tax)

Yet current interventions will pile up on the web of functionary regulations; Japan’s Tea Party founder Marc Abela gives a clue on Japan’s tax and regulatory regime[11]: The rate is 50 percent for inheritance and death taxes; corporate taxes hit 40 percent very rapidly for almost all businesses; any decent individual income will put you in the 40 percent bracket; and then you have municipal taxes, prefectural taxes, property, vehicle, liquor, tobacco, gasoline, and others taxes. The list is nearly endless. Numerous and cumbersome government regulations prevent new entries to industry and being able to compete with the archaic corporate mammoths known as “zaibatsu” (Mitsubishi, Mitsui, Sumitomo, Yasuda, and a few others) who control and own most of the industries, and make changes at a glacial pace. In fact, since government regulations are so exceedingly high, it can be argued that most businesses and most industries are defacto “nationalized” and behave like state-owned enterprises.

This shows that for as long as Japan’s political economic structure will sustain its current arrangement in support of “zombie banks”—unhealthy financial institutions laden with Nonperforming Loans[12]—and “zombie companies”—outdated industrial companies[13] where both have been secured by the interlocking corporate structures known as “Keiretsu”, which has worked to protect their interests from competition through political influence, there will unlikely be substantial fundamental improvements.

Thus the Japanese government’s contingent recourse for desperate solutions such as QE 2.0, which I noted in the past, represents the “Hail Mary Pass” or relying on HOPE as the only remaining strategy for the Japan’s pressured officials.

Another sign of hope which investors use as an excuse to push up stocks of late has been the reported delay on the tax hike as the Abe regime will gamble to shore up political capital by calling for snap elections.

A caption from this Bloomberg article captures Japan PM Abe’s conundrum[14]: While Abe’s support has slipped in recent weeks, the dip hasn’t lifted the opposition and opinion polls indicate his ruling coalition would return to power in a new vote. With the economy struggling to gain momentum and the government considering unpopular measures to contain the world’s biggest debt burden, Abe may be seeking to strike before his support softens further.

The BoJ’s QE 2.0 has been passed by a SPLIT (5-4) decision. This means that the impact from the capsizing yen will further destabilize mostly small companies and the households. This is certainly going to cost him popularity.

Adding insult to injury will be to compound consumer burdens with an increase in sales tax from 8% to 10%. Even if the sales tax hikes will be deferred, the price volatility from the falling yen will be enough to injure the said groups.

So PM Abe thinks that a December snap election may win him the reprieve to enforce his measures. So this trial balloon snap election gambit must have been based on overconfidence, but what if he overestimates his chances?

Yet even if he wins what are the chances where a surge in unpopularity will costs him his eventual ouster and be replaced by a new leadership who may overturn current policies?

Will Kuroda’s QE 2.0 Trigger a Global Financial Market Earthquake?

Will events following QE 1.0 rhyme?

Since the bottom of mid-October, the Nikkei has been furiously on the rise. The Japanese benchmark has soared for four consecutive weeks which has racked up a magnificent 20.35% in advances. The Nikkei’s ascent has been almost vertical echoing 2013.

As noted above, after the initial announcement of QE 1.0 in April 2013, the Nikkei rocketed by 30.18% in 1 and a half months.

In today’s context, Japanese stocks have surged even prior to the BoJ’s actions, as the markets heavily anticipated the GPIFs fund reallocation if not also the BoJ’s interventions. The difference is that scale of the BoJ intervention surprised the markets which electrified the upside spurt.

The upsurge in the Nikkei came along with a crashing yen, both of which have been symptoms of monetary inflationism or effects from the anticipation of the BoJ’s implementation of asset purchases.


The baptism of fire of the Nikkei during the BoJ’s QE 1.0 in 2013 resulted to a 6.2% surge in USD-yen (see top chart from yahoo) from the QE 1.0 originating reference point. Yet the ensuing Taper tantrum almost erased the entire advances from the USD-yen which had been similar to the fate of the Nikkei.

And along with the Nikkei, the USD-yen peaked at 8.7% vis-à-vis QE 1.0 during December 2013.

In the latest October risk OFF the USD-yen went to a low of 106.41 which still commanded a premium of 10.34%.

During the latest risk ON moment, which has been accentuated by the BoJ-GPIF interventions, the Nikkei’s spectacular 20.35% flight comes along with an even more sensational USD-yen spike of 8.8% from the lows of October.

This shows that the USD-yen has outperformed the 2013 version while the Nikkei has underperformed the currency counterpart so far.

I am not here to suggest that history will repeat exactly, as it won’t. Nonetheless unless the BoJ will continue to add to the current panoply of stimulus, given the truism that NO trend goes in a straight line, I suspect that sometime soon the soaring USD-yen will hit a wall.

And since the USD-yen’s ferocious climb has been nearly parabolic, I expect the roundtrip to be as steep as the predecessor. This also suggests that if the USD-yen reverses so will the Nikkei—sharply to the downside.

In short, history suggests that Japan’s financial markets will experience another (mini) boom bust cycle. As for how this will be triggered is beyond me. Will this be due to domestic politics? Will it be from a relapse in European or US stock markets? Will there be a contagion from a possible collapse in the emerging market oil producing economies or markets? Will it be volatility from China? Will it be from military skirmishes between Russia and NATO? Or will it be a meltdown from extremely overbought conditions premised on the excuse of poor economic data—say a recession?

It is also unclear how the internally based meltdown will impact global markets. Will it be confined or isolated? (I doubt) Or will there be a domino effect based on soured yen carry trades?

If the origins of the trigger emanates from external forces, what would be the depth and scale of contagion to Japan’s Nikkei or to other markets as the Philippines?

Will there be another post-crash recovery as with June 2013? Or will the USD yen roundtrip serve as the final nail to the coffin to the booming risk assets?

Philippine Peso Vulnerable to the USD Yen Reversal!

I also noted that the collapsing yen previously percolated to ASEAN currencies overtime[15]

History gives us a clue.

Applied to the Philippines, the peso (see lower window, chart from yahoo) weakness emerged a month after the BoJ’s QE 1.0. 

The taper tantrum hallmarked by the reversal of the USD-yen sent the US dollar-Php 9.4% up.

The peso showed signs of recovery in September but faltered anew after a month. The USD-php rose to its highest point in January 2014. The USD-php fell again as risk ON prevailed from January to September. The peso’s 2014 rally came to an end as the US dollar soared.

The plight of the Philippine currency has both domestic and international component; internally, because of the ballooning credit and inflating stock market and property bubbles, and externally because of “short dollar” or foreign debt exposures.

If the past were to rhyme, a risk OFF moment based on the reversal of the USD-yen would send the USD-peso to 47+. Should this come true, many listed firms with huge foreign debt exposure will agonize. In addition, requiring more peso to acquire foreign goods will imply inflation pressure.

This won’t be an isolated dilemma as this would be shared by most of Asia.

I know Philippine exports have been strong during the last 5 months. Nominally speaking September exports have been at record highs.

Exports, as well as, the domestic inflation data has been a curiosity for me. Where exactly has the Philippine exporters and the domestic supply side been getting their products to sell? Import growth has been sluggish. Industrial production growth has been on a steady decline for 5 months and significantly lower this year compared to 2013 which seem to reflect on the investment decline as shown by the 2Q 2014 GDP[16]. Has there been much surpluses on inventory to draw from? (If so why the recent spike in inflation which the BSP says has been a supply side problem even when contrastingly they applied monetary and bank balance sheet therapies?) Has supplies been falling from heaven? Or has government statistics been vastly underreporting imports (due to rampant smuggling?) or industrial production (due to the rise of informal economy?)?

Another interest development has been the strength of exports in the face of the BSP chief’s declaration that the Philippine economy “must boost domestic consumption and end its dependence on exports”, thus implementing aggregate demand bubble blowing policies[17]

So will the BSP chief change his tune?


And even more interesting has been that while overall banking loans for September remains vigorous, banking loan growth to the real estate and construction industry has substantially decelerated in September[18] (see left window). Have these sectors been tapping overseas financing or have they been masking loan availments through other loan categories (say intercompany loans ala China)? Has BSP regulations began to bite? Or has there been an emergent slowdown on these sectors?

Manufacturing loans have likewise slowed. Why? Have these been manifestations of slowing investments or even consumption? If export demand continues to swell, where will exporters get products to ship overseas?

Will these get reflected on 3Q GDP which will be released on the last week of November?

Nonetheless the emerging slack in the real estate and construction industry loans have been offset by sharp gains in financial intermediation (borrowing to pump up stocks?), and the hotel (more casino loans?).

And given the increasing signs of lackluster economic performance of Japan, Euro, China, many emerging markets, it’s hard to see sustained increase in domestic export growth.

While world trade has been at near record highs, signs of developing slack can be seen in year on year and quarter on quarter changes in world trade as of August based on Netherland’s CPB data[19].

At the end of the day, domestic bubbles aside from external developments—such as the coming unwinding of the USD-yen makes the peso and Philippine financial assets vulnerable.

Chinese Government Intends to Replace Property Bubble with a Stock Market Bubble!

The Chinese government appears to be desperately attempting to pump up a stock market bubble in order to camouflage her economic infirmities

The Chinese government has launched “targeted easing” last June, has resorted to selective bailouts of firms which almost defaulted last July, imposed price controls on stock market IPOs last August, injected $125 billion over the last two months and announced the schedule of the Hong Kong-Shanghai stock market link on November 17, 2014[20]

The Chinese government has ensured that foreign flow of money from Hong Kong to China will run smoothly by scrapping the yuan conversion limit[21].

Theoretically I am in FAVOR of cross listings. That’s because this allows savings to finance investments regardless of state defined boundaries, or simply, cross listings connects capital with economic opportunities around the world channeled through the stock markets.

But in today’s world where central banks across the globe has been distorting capital markets, cross listings has become conduits of bubbles. Therefore I am suspicious of the timing of the Hong Kong-Shanghai connect or liberalization.

For instance, China’s liberalization has whipped up a frenzy for US fund managers to register Exchange Traded Funds (ETFs) in order to tap China’s $9 trillion stock and bond markets[22]. So the highly leveraged stretch for yields phenomenon by US financial institutions may target Chinese assets for an asset pump. This will only compound on China’s massive malinvestments manifested through a deflating property bubble financed by excess leverage.

And even worse, when bubbles blow up, liberalization becomes a convenient excuse or scapegoat for anti-market forces.

The Shanghai index soared by 2.51% this week, has returned 17.15% for the year, and trades at three year highs.

This comes as Chinese economy continues to exhibit a substantial downdraft.


As the Zero hedge notes (bold original)[23]: Fixed Asset Investment (lowest growth since Dec 2001) and Retail Sales (lowest growth since Feb 2006) missed expectations, but it was the re-slump in Industrial Production (after a small 'huge-credit-injection-driven' bounce in September) that is most worrisome as China's 2014 output is growing at its slowest since at least 2005.

Add to this the sharp decline in credit growth, as the Financial Times reported[24]: Local-currency bank loans increased by Rmb548bn ($89bn) in October from the previous month, the third-lowest monthly rise since 2012… Meanwhile, trust loans and bank acceptance bills, forms of off-balance-sheet credit associated with shadow banking, both fell for the fourth consecutive month. A series of regulations released earlier this year aimed at curbing shadow-bank activity has sharply curtailed the practice, bankers say…Total credit growth is now down Rmb1.24tn through the first 10 months of the year compared with the same period in 2013, according to central bank data.

As one would note misperceptions govern the markets—financial markets has departed from fundamentals where traditional concept of assessing markets have really gone awry.

And part of the Chinese government’s selective bailout on the economy has been to use State Owned Enterprises to take on the slack abandoned by private developers, take for instance current developments in Guangzhou, where “China's state-backed developers are making unprecedented investments in Guangzhou, as the private firms that have dominated the wealthy southern city for decades grapple with tight liquidity and Beijing's corruption crackdown. The waning fortunes of the "Guangzhou Five Tigers" - the city's big private developers - are giving state-owned enterprises the chance to muscle in on one of China's most prestigious property markets for the first time.”[25]

So the Chinese government will continue to build on inventories funded by debt, even when there have already been massive oversupplies.

Again the Chinese government validates my theory of the politics of monetary easing policies: I recognize the problem of addiction but a withdrawal syndrome would even be more cataclysmic.

Going back to pumping the market with the lure of foreign money flows, Saudi Arabia’s government did the same technique—they announced the liberalization of their stock markets last July—except that this will be implemented in 2015. Unfortunately the one month plus boom made a fascinating roundtrip—every gain from the stock market ramp has been surrendered.

The lesson here is that replacing property bubbles with a stock market bubble signify as two wrongs that won’t make things right.

Phisix: Signs of a Top: Success Stories based on Misperceptions?

clip_image011

It’s a sign of a market top when tycoons give their success story based on seeming misperceptions

Here’s the recipe on how to succeed in Asia's fast-growing markets from revered San Miguel chief

From Nikkei Asia[26]:
First, maximize the "power of business intelligence." Companies need to know how to "mine the right data." They also need to consult and hire local experts.

Second, "choose the right partner." Ang stressed the value of finding a local ally that has "a good track record" and is "transparent, bold and socially responsible."

Third, "invest in building goodwill." In the Philippines in particular, Ang said, "relationships mean a lot." Know who your "key stakeholders" are and make the effort to connect with them.

Fourth, "learn how to adjust" to new markets and find the proper balance between quality and price.

Finally, "take calculated risks."
I am in total agreement with all of the above, but they seem more theoretical than actually applied by SMC.

But let me add to the real trade secret of SMC which has been unstated by the venerable chieftain: Be a political entrepreneur, and most importantly don’t forget to borrow tons and tons of money.

Next the august SM’s Teresita Sy-Coson on the same topic…

From Nikkei Asia[27]
Boosted by $25 billion in remittances from Filipino expats and a million mostly young people employed in the business process outsourcing sector, the Southeast Asian nation managed to grow 7.2% last year. That was the second-fastest rate in the region after China. In the last four years, growth has exceeded 6%; gross domestic product per capita is nearing $3,000.

The average Filipino household income is on the rise, driven by the steady growth of the business process outsourcing industry and overseas workers' remittances," Sy-Coson said. "These have led to the growth in the consumer and property sectors."

Sy-Coson noted that there is strong demand for housing in the Philippines -- in fact, a housing shortage -- and said that "with a low-interest environment, many Filipinos are able to purchase property."
I understand that the esteemed Ms. Sy-Coson employs lots of economists in her firms. They should inform her that based on government numbers, BPOs and remittances are only about 20% of the economy. The next question is where does the 80% of income growth come from? Let me give Ms. Sy a hint, her companies have been part of the 80%. 

Next question is how has the growth by the 80% been financed? Well the same advices she gives on consumer property purchases: by credit.

I love those descriptions: housing shortages, low interest rates and able to purchase property. But there is one very significant and elementary thing that has been missing: prices.

How do prices affect demand and supply under low interest rates? How has credit affected the demand-supply balance of properties as expressed through prices? What happens if property prices rise faster than income growth? Will it increase or decrease demand or will shortages come from supply or demand?

Somebody previously whispered the answer to the BSP chief who recently said[28]:
While we have not seen broad-based asset mis-valuations, the BSP remains cognizant that keeping rates low for too long could result in mis-appreciation of risks in certain segments of the market, including the real estate sector and the stock market as markets search for yield.
The next question: how sustainable is a low interest rate regime? Did the Philippines not experience a surge of inflation of late?

How has inflation impacted interest rates? And how has interest rates affected the financial system?

Here’s a clue from the BSP which reported a ‘solid performance’ in the financial system[29]…(bold mine)
Net profit stood at P63.7 billion though affected by moderate upward movement of domestic interest rates which resulted in revaluation and mark-to-market losses in banks’ trading books.
That’s yet for a small increase in rates.

Finally, Housing shortages? One bullish international property company, Global Property Guide (GPG), admitted that the Philippines have “ghost cities” in the mid-tier markets[30] a segment which her companies cater to. The last time I checked the GPG haven’t changed their story

Who may have been misreading the housing markets?



[1] Incumbent Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s economic program popularly known as ‘Abenomics’ has been anchored on three arrows which aside from the monetary aspect includes fiscal stimulus and structural reforms







[8] Tokyo Stock Exchange Fact Book 2012 p .90 TSE.or.jp

[9] Japan Security Dealers Association Fact Book 2013 JSDA.or.jp


[11] Marc Abela Austrian Economics and Interventionism in Japan Mises.org January 3, 2014







[18] Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas Bank Lending Expands in September October 31, 2014

[19] CPB Netherlands Bureau for Economic Policy Analysis CPB World Trade Monitor August 2014 October 24, 2014





[24] Financial Times China credit growth slows as regulatory curbs bite November 14, 2014





[29] Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas Philippine Financial System Registers Solid Performance in H12014 November 4, 2014

Saturday, November 15, 2014

Misleading Article on Philippine Bonds

Dear valued email subscribers

Since I have exceeded the maximum, the post below will not be included in your mailbox, so you may click the on the article to read it


Back to regular programming

This Bloomberg article entitled “Philippine Bonds Advance This Week on Central Bank Rate Signal” (dated November 14, 2014) portrays that Philippine bonds have rallied this week, and that the rally has been due to expectations on central bank actions.  (italics mine)
Philippine three-year bonds posted the biggest five-day gain in three weeks after a central bank board member signaled interest rates will stay on hold at least for the rest of the year.

Felipe Medalla said in an interview this week that inflation has eased, giving policy makers scope to maintain borrowing costs. “Barring any surprises, I don’t see a rate hike or a cut at least up to the first quarter,” Medalla said.

The yield on the 4.125 percent government notes due November 2017 fell nine basis points this week and today to 3.11 percent, according to noon fixing prices from Philippine Dealing & Exchange Corp.

image

The article refers to 3 year Philippine bonds as shown above, which it extrapolates as representative of the Philippine sovereign bond spectrum. 

From this basis, an interpretation has been deduced which supposedly has been reinforced by a quote from an expert conducted during an interview unrelated to the bond actions.

Let me say that the actions in 3 year bonds hardly represents of the activities in the overall domestic bond markets this week.  The article doesn’t even give an explanation why the 3 year bond should carry the proverbial flag for the entire domestic bond market except that it assumes such a role.

This implies that to read the activities in 3 year bonds as the Philippine bond market has been based on the fallacy of composition

image

Next, contrary to the article’s assertion, the big moves had been on the opposite direction of the other bond maturities. This can be seen in 20, 10, 1 and 2 year bonds (left to right, arrows last Friday’s close). Meanwhile other bonds, 4 and 25 years rallied (yields declined) mildly while 5 and 7 years had been little change.

In other words, the most visible and dominant actions in Philippine bonds markets for the week had mostly been a SELL OFF rather than an "advance".

Also, it is unclear if the expert quoted in the article will make the same extrapolation based on the above outcome.

I didn't write this post to make any interpretations but to reveal of the flagrant inaccuracies of the mainstream article. 

As to whether this is about "advertising" or about hastily beating deadlines or something else, the above strengthens what British essayist, critic, poet, and novelist Gilbert Keith Chesterton warned about mainstream media  
Journalism is popular, but it is popular mainly as fiction. Life is one world, and life seen in the newspapers is another.

Geopolitical Risk Theater Links: Obama’s Commitment to Asia, ISIS’s gold standard, Syrian Hero Boy a Fake, and more…


1 A submarine intrusion on Swedish waters has been validated, claims the Swedish government. Mystery mini-sub vindicates Swedish navy Financial Times Blog, November 14, 2014. Yet could the sighting have been instead the Nessie (Loch Ness Monster) gone astray? (pun intended)

2 Possibly stunned by the unfortunate encounter in the Black Sea, the US parades modern hardware : US Navy deploys laser weapon to Persian Gulf for first-ever combat mission RT.com November 14, 2014.

​Washington's allies in the Asia Pacific can transform the region into a better place if threats like ISIS, Ebola, and "aggressive Russia" are contained – and this can be done with America's leadership, US President Barack Obama told Australian students.
How valid is the POTUS commitment, when the US government has been fighting multiple wars around the world simultaneously?

4 More of Russia’s military caper; NATO Jets Intercept Russia Military Plane Over Baltics Bloomberg.com November 14, 2014


6 It’s ok for the US and allies to intervene in Ukraine politics but the same does not hold true for Putin: G20: David Cameron warns Russia of more Ukraine sanctions BBC.com November 15, 2014

7 Why the absence of the downing of MH17 in western media? Has it been because evidence have been turning against previous claims? : Russia claims this satellite image shows moment flight MH17 was shot down by fighter jet Mirror.co.uk November 14, 2014

8 More Big stick strategy by the Chinese government? :China's New Submarine-Hunting Ship Shows How Beijing Is Countering The US Pivot To The Pacific Business Insider November 13, 2014


...or has this been part of the CIA plot?

10 conflicting reports. Has the ISIS been in control or have they been losing, which to believe? : US Airstrikes Not Slowing ISIS Campaign in Iraq: Jane’s Antiwar.com November 15, 2014 or Isis: the Kurds strike back - Iraqi army retakes control of oil refinery town as Kurds stand firm against overstretched Islamic State Independent.co.uk November 15, 2014

11 ISIS gains new ally: AP sources: IS, al-Qaida reach accord in Syria November 14, 2014

12 French government in a quandary; to deliver or not to deliver on military hardware to Russia? :  France hits back after Russia warns of Mistral compensation Reuters.com November 14, 2014 

13 Propaganda to justify interventions? : Syria ‘Hero Boy’ Video Revealed to be Government Propaganda Lewrockwell.com November 14, 2014

Writes Daniel Adams
One problem: the whole thing was a fake. The Norweigan Film Institute, funded by the government of NATO-member Norway, chipped in $30,000 for the film to be produced in Malta and released publicly without informing viewers that it was not authentic footage.

The filmmakers made it clear to the Norwegian government in their funding application that they would not reveal that the footage was fake and authorities raised no objection to the operation.

The BBC wrote about how so many people were fooled by the film:

"So once the film was made, how did it go viral? “It was posted to our YouTube account a few weeks ago but the algorithm told us it was not going to trend,” Klevberg said. “So we deleted that and re-posted it.” The filmmakers say they added the word “hero” to the new headline and tried to send it out to people on Twitter to start a conversation."

By the time its in authenticity had been established, millions were outraged at the Assad government. Propaganda depends on framing the issue first. No one reads corrections once a false story is printed.

Italian Politician Beppe Grillo Says Italy at War with the ECB

Italian politician, comedian and blogger, Beppe Grillo founder of the Five Star Movement which in the 2014 Italy’s European parliamentary election placed second says Italy has been at “war” with the European Central Bank (ECB), from the ANSA.it:
The European Central Bank is a greater foe than Islamic militant group ISIS, said Beppe Grillo, leader of the 5-Star Movement (M5S), as he headed for a meeting Wednesday with the president of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker.

"We are not at war with ISIS or with Russia, but with the ECB," said Grillo.

The M5S leader was planning to present his campaign for a referendum on pulling Italy out of the single-currency euro to the European Parliament in Brussels.

"We are tired of the sacrifices, we want to regain sovereignty over our currency, (and) save our businesses," said Grillo
As I have previously noted, not only has the ECB been faced with legal and technical hitches on their recently implemented credit easing (QE) programme, political roadblocks like in Germany or the above have likewise been mounting, thus narrowing the window of ECB’s Risk ON joy ride.

The ECB has essentially been underwriting the demise of the euro

Tick tock.Tick tock.

BIS Chief Jaime Caruana Warns of the Three Troubles from Debt and its Outcome: the Debt Trap

In a recent speech by Jaime Caruana, General Manager, Bank for International Settlements at the International Finance Forum 2014 Annual Global Conference in Beijing last 1 November 2014, Mr. Caruana resonating  the admonitions of the Austrian school of economics via the Austrian Business cycle (ABCT), warns AGAIN for the fourth time this year of the risks of debt asset inflation. (hat tip zero hedge)

Let it not be forgotten that the BIS was one of the prescient institutions whom has foreseen and equally warned of the 2008 global crisis.

I will excerpt much of Mr. Caruana’s speech (bold added)
Globally, debt – of households, non-financial corporates and governments combined – has risen from around 210% of GDP at the end of 2007 to around 235% of GDP according to the latest available figures in 2014. That’s a rise of more than 20 percentage points in the course of just over six years. The increase has been faster in emerging market economies, albeit from a lower initial level, but debt has risen in advanced economies as well. 

Not surprisingly, I find myself agreeing with the question posed in the title of a recent Geneva Report – “Deleveraging? What deleveraging?” – though not necessarily with all the policy conclusions drawn by the authors.

Today I would like to share with you a few thoughts about debt and its consequences. I will first take stock of where we are by highlighting a few additional figures on debt and sharing some observations on why the current pattern and dynamics of borrowing do not seem to fully reflect the performance of economically sound functions. I will then reflect on the consequences of higher debt levels. I am tempted to call this section “Debt trouble comes in threes”, paraphrasing the saying “Trouble comes in threes”. In other words, trouble usually doesn’t come alone

Taking stock

How is the 20 percentage point increase in global debt divided between the private and the public sector?

In advanced economies, government debt has risen by close to 40 percentage points of GDP since end-2007 to over 110% of GDP, while private sector debt has fallen by about 10 percentage points.

In emerging market economies, the picture is reversed, with private sector debt growing by more than 40 points during the same period to over 120% of GDP, while government debt has risen only slightly.

The total debt levels in emerging market economies are mostly still significantly lower than those in advanced economies.

In other words, despite a damaging global financial crisis that resulted from excessive leverage, and despite the deleveraging of specific sectors, there really has been little or no deleveraging in aggregate. Some countries – for example, the United States, the United Kingdom and Spain – have managed to reduce excessive household debt since the crisis, but their government debt has increased substantially. Others, especially among the emerging market economies, have kept public sector borrowing largely under control, but borrowing by their firms and households has run rampant 
My comment—This is what I have been warning about too!!! What seems as a present day benefit—low Public sector debt financed by zero bound subsidies via artificially lowered debt servicing charges PLUS inflated tax revenues are not benefits—they are future costs, applied to the Philippines: “The principal cost to attain lower public debt has been to inflate a massive bubble. The current public debt levels have been low because the private sector debt levels, specifically the supply side, have been intensively building.” 

To continue…
The figures I have cited so far refer to the debt taken on by end borrowers. By contrast, leverage among major banks – at least when measured in relation to their equity – has declined since 2007. In particular, banks worldwide have become better capitalised, thanks to stronger regulation and market discipline.

And from a global perspective, aggregate cross-border bank lending, largely driven by the banks most affected by the crisis, has been relatively subdued since then, although it has shown some signs of growth in the past year. These cross-border banking flows are useful for channelling savings to countries that need resources for investment, but research has found that historically they tend to amplify domestic credit booms and busts – on both the upside and the downside. So, given the initial conditions, cross-border banking flows “taking a breather” may on balance be good news – especially since it has stopped adding fuel to those countries that have been experiencing financial booms.
My comment the BIS understands how capital flows are HARDLY the cause of boom bust cycles which are internally generated. Capital or cross border flows only AMPLIFIES on it, as foreign money (mostly financed by carry trades) piggybacks on sentiment in both directions: stampeding inflows during manias, flight during panics.
That said, we see that, at the same time, international bond issuance has hit record highs, especially for emerging market corporates. This development requires some attention.

Let me emphasise that debt, by itself, is not necessarily bad. It performs a useful, indeed vital, economic function. To quote from a 2011 BIS Working Paper by Cecchetti, Mohanty and Zampolli:

“Finance is one of the building blocks of modern society, spurring economies to grow […] individuals can consume even without current income. With debt, businesses can invest when their sales would otherwise not allow it. And, when they are able to borrow, fiscal authorities can play their role in stabilising the macroeconomy.” The authors’ empirical analysis supports the view that, at moderate levels, debt enhances growth, but beyond a certain threshold it becomes a drag on growth – very much in the spirit of the findings by Reinhart and Rogoff as well as some other authors.
My comment: there are productive debt and there are unproductive debt, democratization of debt via zero bound encourages accumulation of unproductive debt.

Mr Caruana’s example: household debt...
In many emerging market economies, the increasing debt stocks reflect, at least in part, progress in the development of their financial systems. Financial deepening contributes to economic well-being and to lower financial and macroeconomic volatility. As more households and businesses gain access to credit, this gives them greater flexibility to smooth out their consumption and to make long-term investments.

In practice, however, debt is often used in ways that don’t seem to correspond to economically sound functions. For example, in some of the countries that were hit hard by the financial crisis, households have tended to extract equity from their homes in good times while paying down their debts in bad times. In other words, the availability of housing finance has reinforced the economic cycle, instead of smoothing it. And a recent study by the Swedish central bank found that, despite high levels of household debt in that country, roughly four out of 10 borrowers are not reducing or amortising their debts.
Mr Caruana’s example Corporate debt…
Corporate borrowers also tend to be procyclical – paying down debt in recessions and borrowing to buy back shares during an upswing. The present cycle seems to be no exception. Corporations in advanced economies hoarded cash during the crisis, and more recently they have been issuing debt in order to buy back shares or to fund leveraged acquisitions. Meanwhile, in many economies, high corporate profitability is not being matched by spending on real investments. 

While some governments have been able to use fiscal policy to counteract demand shortfalls in the aftermath of the crisis, their ability to perform this stabilising function has sooner or later become constrained by the high debt accumulated during the crisis (or even before). The result has been adverse debt dynamics – despite record low interest rates – with government debt stocks not yet returning to a clearly sustainable path. And some countries, especially on the European periphery, have even been forced to cut spending during the downturn.
Three types of debt trouble…
What are some of the implications of excessive debt? In my introduction, I said that the debt trouble comes in threes. At the origin is the build-up of financial imbalances that leads to excessive credit growth. What are the three types of trouble? The first and the most obvious: the build-up of financial imbalances risks a future financial crisis, an impaired financial sector and a debt overhang. 

The leverage that builds up during the boom weakens balance sheets, which reduces borrowers’ capacity to repay and their resiliency to shocks. This vulnerability, in turn, magnifies creditors’  losses, amplifies market participants’ responses and contributes to generating market dynamics that are abrupt and non-linear.
Reliance on debt heightens sensitivity to declines in asset prices..
Relatively small declines in asset prices can force borrowers to cut back their activities, and in some cases default or reschedule their debts, which is costly for lenders and a potential drag on borrowers’ finances. We have seen this type of effect most recently in response to the sharp falls in house prices in countries such as the United States, Spain and Ireland. Similar adverse dynamics can occur if problems hit an overleveraged corporate sector, as several Asian economies learnt in the crises of the 1990s.

This excess sensitivity is just a symptom of the fact that leverage increases procyclicality. Small downside shocks to the economy become transformed, through various channels, into large ones. But the seeds of the problems that materialise in the bust are in fact sown during the boom. There, the procyclicality operates on the upside: borrowers can expand their balance sheets and take on risks too easily, pushing up asset prices and making it easier still to borrow more. The boom sets the stage for the subsequent bust.
Wow. Thoroughly the Austrian Business Cycle from the BIS’ perspective.

Now why emerging markets are faced with high credit risks…
History has taught us that large external debt is correlated with greater vulnerabilities and potentially sudden stops.Indeed, research at the BIS has found that when private sector credit-to-GDP ratios are significantly above their long-term trend, banking strains are likely to follow within three years. And right now, a number of emerging economies, as well as some advanced ones, have reached this point in the financial cycle.  

And the subsequent debt overhang holds back growth. Households and firms seek to pay back what turn out to be excessive debt burdens, built on the illusory promise of permanent prosperity that the boom had fostered. Expansionary aggregate demand policies lose effectiveness. And, unless the financial sector is fixed quickly, it restricts and, more importantly, misallocates credit: reluctance to take losses keeps credit available for the weaker borrowers and curtails or makes it more expensive for the healthier ones. The damage caused by delayed balance sheet repair following the bust of the boom in Japan is well documented
Tick tock tick tock.
The second, but less obvious, kind of trouble is that debt accumulation fosters misallocations of real resources.

The GDP and credit growth in the pre-crisis boom years were not evenly spread. They were concentrated disproportionately in specific sectors. For instance, in countries like Spain and Ireland, growth in the boom years was largely propelled by the construction sector as well as finance.

Leverage can distort investment decision-making, giving incentives to put resources into projects that promise quick, measurable returns, rather than into longer-term ventures with less certain but potentially more valuable rewards. Such incentives are arguably stronger when leverage is cheap.

The consequence of this association between debt accumulation and real resource misallocation is important. When boom turns to bust, the bloated sectors will have to shrink. Reviving growth in this kind of recession requires flexibility and capacity in the economy to reallocate resources efficiently from less productive to more productive sectors.
As I recently noted applied to the Philippines: A fifth major cost is that resources channeled to the bubble sectors are resources that should have been used by the market for real productive growth. Much of these resources are now awaiting reappraisal from the marketplace via a shift in consumer’s preferences which will render much of these misallocated capital as consumed capital.

Also: And since the current credit boom translates to intensive leveraging of the balance sheets of entities with access to the formal banking system and to the capital markets, the current BSP actions eventually shifts the risk equation from inflation to levered balance sheets…In short, there is concentration of credit risk from mostly heavily levered firms.
Third, financial booms mask deficiencies in the real economy.

Credit booms can act as a smokescreen. They tend to mask the sectoral misallocations that I just described, making it difficult to detect and prevent these misallocations in time.
Boom times also tend to hide other slow-moving forms of deterioration in real growth potential. One such example is the trend decline in productivity growth in the advanced economies that started decades ago. Arresting this decline is crucial to achieving sustainable economic growth. Additional examples are adverse demographics and the secular decline of job reallocation rates. What appears fantastically harmonious on the way up thanks to the flattering effect of the credit-driven boom becomes cacophony and fragmentation on the way down
My comment: credit booms, which are seen by the public as this time is different, are illusory. The greater the boom, the more harrowing the crash. Let me paraphrase Newton’s third law of motion; for every boom, there is a near proportional and opposite bust.

Mr Caruana’s conclusion…
And so that’s why I said debt trouble comes in threes. The combination of these three types of debt-related phenomenon together with policies that neglect the power of financial cycles can give rise to serious risks in the long term. A sequence of such boom-bust cycles can sap strength from the global economy. And policies–fiscal, monetary and prudential –that do not lean sufficiently against the build-up of the financial booms but ease aggressively and persistently against the bust risk entrenching instability and chronic weakness: policy ammunition is progressively eroded while debt levels fail to adjust. A debt trap looms large.

Moving away from the debt-driven growth model of the last few decades is in my view essential in order for the global economy to truly recover from the crisis. This will require efforts from the public and the private sector alike to restore the resilience and reliability of the financial system. But no less importantly, it will require a rebalancing of economic policies so as to support greater flexibility and productivity in the real economy. In other words, a wider but country -specific reform agenda is needed.
Every crisis has been sown from the seeds of artificial booms. There is now way out now except to let the markets clear.
But the boom cannot continue indefinitely. There are two alternatives. Either the banks continue the credit expansion without restriction and thus cause constantly mounting price increases and an ever-growing orgy of speculation, which, as in all other cases of unlimited inflation, ends in a “crack-up boom” and in a collapse of the money and credit system. Or the banks stop before this point is reached, voluntarily renounce further credit expansion and thus bring about the crisis. The depression follows in both instances.—Ludwig von Mises

Friday, November 14, 2014

Obamacare’s Architect: American voters are too stupid

The following news reports accompanied by controversial videos reveals of the mindset of (many/most?) political agents (e.g. how they think about their subjects or of each other) and of the public choice dimension—advancement of self interest than that of public welfare.



ObamaCare architect Jonathan Gruber apparently doesn't think much of the intelligence of the American people.

A new tape has surfaced showing Gruber, once again, claiming the health care law's authors took advantage of the "stupid" American public.

The tape, played on Fox News' "The Kelly File," showed Gruber speaking at an October 2013 event at Washington University in St. Louis.

Referring to the so-called "Cadillac tax" on high-end health plans, he said: "They proposed it and that passed, because the American people are too stupid to understand the difference."

Gruber specifically was referring to the way the "Cadillac tax" was designed -- he touted their plan to, instead of taxing policy holders, tax the insurance companies that offered them. He suggested that taxing individuals would have been politically unpalatable, but taxing the companies worked because Americans didn't understand the difference.

This is similar to remarks he made at a separate event around the same time in 2013. In a clip of that event, Gruber said the "lack of transparency" in the way the law was crafted was critical. "Basically, call it the stupidity of the American voter or whatever, but basically that was really, really critical for the thing to pass," he said.
More of Gruber faux pas,  this time Mr Gruber thinks that Obamacare has to be sold to public as a health cost reduction policy, from the Washington Examiner:


Elsewhere in the address, Gruber suggested that American voters are callous by nature and would have been much more strongly opposed to Obamacare if the reduction of healthcare costs had not been framed as its chief aim.

“The dirty secret is the American voter doesn’t actually care about the uninsured," Gruber said. "The dirty secret is: You can’t really get a law passed by saying, ‘We’re helping the uninsured.’ You have to make it about cost control to get it passed. Because that’s what the American public cares about. So they had to make this law not just about the uninsured, but about cost control. That was a challenge,” he added.

In the above video, House minority leader Nancy Pelosi’s shifting stance on Mr. Gruber as the controversy surfaced.

Again from the Washington Examiner:
Rep. Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., in a 2009 press conference, praised MIT health economist Jonathan Gruber’s work on the Affordable Care Act, advising that reporters inspect his findings on the topic.

Today — on Nov. 13, 2014 — Pelosi told reporters that she “didn’t know who [Gruber] is,” adding that the noted economist didn’t help congressional Democrats draft the massive healthcare law.
The smoke and mirror world of politics.

Former Fed Chief Paul Volcker Chides Yellen et al.: Do we want prices to double every generation?

It’s interesting to see the revered former US Federal Reserve Paul Volcker assail at the policies adapted by his successors.

Having known for being an inflation fighter today Mr. Volcker questions on the wisdom of inflation targeting.

A 2% inflation target? Long-term, detailed forecasts of activity? Pledges to keep rates very low well into the future? For Mr. Volcker, who led the Fed from 1979 to 1987, these are all overly precise policy choices that promise more than any central bank can deliver. What’s worse, the policies that have come to define modern Fed policy can even be counterproductive, making central bank goals harder to achieve.

Mr. Volcker, 87, weighed in on monetary policy while participating at a conference held at the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia on Thursday. The former central banker occupies a hallowed place in the institution’s history, having helmed the effort that decisively killed the high inflation that boiled out of the 1970s, albeit by way of creating a sharp economic downturn. His blunt-force approach to central bank policy making stands in sharp relief to the increasingly complex web of communications and tools that have come to define the Ben Bernanke and Janet Yellen eras of central bank leadership.

Mr. Volcker, who believes the Fed’s main goal is to defend the dollar’s stability, said he doesn’t even understand why the Fed adopted a 2% target for inflation. He asked, “Do we want prices to double every generation?”

Mr. Volcker said that “any price index is an approximation of reality,” and it would be better if the Fed was “fuzzy” about what level of prices it wished to achieve. What’s more important, he said, is that “you want a situation where people generally expect prices will be stable,” and the Fed appears to have that right now.
Apparently the article's author attempts to contradict Mr. Volcker by interjecting “Fed appears to have that right now” in allusion to stable prices. 

The problem with author’s perspective, being a seeming apologist of the modern day FED, has been to cheerlead on the tunnel vision of statistically derived consumer prices. Such statistics has been assumed to reflect on objective reality even when the components reveal different degree of inflation (yes inflation’s impact to individuals are subjective as the basket of everyone’s consumption are like thumbprints, they are distinct), when statistical smoke and mirrors have been used to determine price levels, when statistics downplay prices in the real economy (e.g. food and rental) to instead rely on surveys (e.g. owner’s equivalent rent), when  purchasing power of the US dollar has been undergoing a slomo boiling of the proverbial frog (even the US government's Bureau of Labor Statistics inflation calculator exhibits this), and most importantly, the exclusion of financial assets in the evaluation or assessment of price stability.  For the consensus, consumer prices have no apparent link to financial assets.
 
Mr. Volcker likewise rebuked the FED for shaping their policies based on inaccurate forecasts:
Mr. Volcker also said the Fed’s decision to provide long-term forecasts for key economic variables is simply folly.

“The fate of the Federal Reserve can’t depend on the accuracy of the forecasts it makes two years ahead,” he said. Offering up forecasts with greater frequency and details–the Fed now does this on a quarterly basis–simply demonstrates to the public “more frequently the forecasts aren’t that accurate.” 

Fed guidance that has at points pointed to calendar-date expectations of rate increases, as well as official guidance that rates will stay very low for a long time to come, are ultimately unproductive, he said. “If you make it precise in terms of interest rates, then the market begins working against you,” and any disconnect between what the Fed promised and what it’s delivering can cause market trouble, he said.
Mr Volcker’s point: Policies based on wrong analysis and forecasts equals unintended consequences 

The Fed’s communications ambiguity came also under Mr. Volcker’s scrutiny:
Mr. Volcker also said that officials, other than the Fed leader, are talking too much these days and making it harder for the central bank leader to deliver a coherent message about the policy outlook
In sum, Mr. Volcker’s tirade can be seen in the context of the great Austrian economist F.A. Hayek’s censure of central planners: The Fatal Conceit
The curious task of economics is to demonstrate to men how little they really know about what they imagine they can design. To the naive mind that can conceive of order only as the product of deliberate arrangement, it may seem absurd that in complex conditions order, and adaptation to the unknown, can be achieved more effectively by decentralizing decisions and that a division of authority will actually extend the possibility of overall order. Yet that decentralization actually leads to more information being taken into account.