Showing posts with label Philippine bonds. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Philippine bonds. Show all posts

Monday, June 22, 2026

Stagflation Part 10: The Politics of Contradiction—Rate Hikes, Liquidity Addiction, and External Constraint Under Balance-Sheet Stress

 

Economic interventionism is a self-defeating policy. The individual measures that it applies do not achieve the results sought. They bring about a state of affairs, which—from the viewpoint of its advocates themselves—is much more undesirable than the previous state they intended to alter—Ludwig von Mises 

In this issue:

Stagflation Part 10: The Politics of Contradiction—Rate Hikes, Liquidity Addiction, and External Constraint Under Balance-Sheet Stress

I. The Contradiction Nobody Wants to Discuss

II. The Market Rally That Allowed the BSP to Blink

III. BSP: Tightening with One Hand, Accommodating with the Other

IV. Economic Fragility, Political Fragility

V. Mounting External Constraints Under Balance-Sheet Stress

VI. USD 2.5 Billion Borrowing, Refinancing Risk, and the Deepening Dollar Short

VII. Conclusion: Stagflation and the Political Economy of Deferred Adjustment 

Stagflation Part 10: The Politics of Contradiction—Rate Hikes, Liquidity Addiction, and External Constraint Under Balance-Sheet Stress 

The BSP tightened, markets celebrated, and the government borrowed another $2.5 billion abroad. What appears as stability increasingly depends on intervention, leverage, and external financing.

I. The Contradiction Nobody Wants to Discuss 

The BSP raised rates for a second time. 

It also raised its inflation forecasts for both 2026 and 2027. The peso rallied. Treasury yields fell. The PSEi posted one of its strongest advances of the year. 

Authorities extended salary-loan maturities. 

Domestic liquidity continued expanding. 

The government returned to international markets for another USD 2.5 billion in dollar borrowing. 

Meanwhile, regulators openly warned about rising foreign exchange exposure and a growing wall of corporate refinancing obligations over the next several years. 

Viewed individually, each development appears manageable.

Viewed together, something does not fit. 

If inflation risks are rising, why are financial conditions easing? 

If tighter monetary policy is necessary, why are new forms of credit accommodation being introduced? 

If external conditions are improving, why is additional foreign borrowing required? 

If peso stability is fundamentally secure, why is increasing attention being paid to foreign exchange behavior and refinancing risk? 

The contradiction is becoming difficult to ignore because it is increasingly the structure of policy itself. 

Officially, authorities acknowledge inflation pressures, external vulnerabilities, slowing growth, and rising financial risks. 

Operationally, policy continues to prioritize liquidity preservation, leverage maintenance, and the postponement of adjustment. 


Figure 1

Even the government's own think tank, the Congressional Policy and Budget Research Department, has begun openly discussing conditions consistent with stagflation and warning against further expansionary spending. (Figure 1, upper image) 

That admission is an affirmation of this series' thesis: the symptoms — persistent inflation alongside weakening economic activity — have become too visible to dismiss even from within the policy establishment itself. 

When official diagnostics begin to register stagflation-like conditions while policy continues to operate in a mixed tightening–accommodation regime, the gap between competing explanations narrows in practice even if it remains formally unresolved. The direction of causality is therefore asymmetrical: lived and financial conditions shift first, institutional recognition follows. 

This is where stagflation is often misunderstood. 

It is treated as a statistical condition—inflation plus stagnation plus unemployment. Yet statistics are not lived reality. They are delayed summaries of processes already unfolding. 

What matters is not when the data finally “recognizes” stagflation, but what produces it. 

As previously discussed, the Philippine experience of the 1970s makes this clear. 

After the 1973 and 1979 oil shocks, the economy did not immediately register a textbook stagflationary outcome. There was no clean recession. Output did not collapse on cue. On paper, the system remained functional. (Figure 1, lower window) 

But lived conditions told a different story. 

Prices rose. Shortages emerged. Purchasing power eroded. Rationing and administrative allocation became more visible. Household welfare deteriorated even as aggregate statistics continued to suggest motion. 

But policies that suppress adjustment in order to preserve activity do not remove imbalances. They relocate them forward in time. 

External borrowing expanded. Credit was extended. State intervention deepened. Financial accommodation smoothed over the gaps. Adjustment was not eliminated; it was deferred and financed. 

The system continues to operate, but increasingly on the basis of accumulated leverage, external dependence, and postponed correction. 

The 1983 debt crisis manifested through financial distress, tightening external constraints, and systemic funding breakdown, with its statistical expression—recession, inflation pressures, and broader financial stress—appearing only in the subsequent data as a lagging record of developments already underway. 

The lesson is not that stagflation suddenly “arrived” in 1983. 

It is that it had already been produced long before, and was merely waiting for the mechanisms of suppression to fail. 

The issue is not simply empirical—whether inflation is high, growth is weak, or unemployment is rising. Those are late or lagging indicators. 

The issue is causal. 

A system that repeatedly uses policy to preserve liquidity, stabilize financial conditions, and defer balance-sheet adjustment does not eliminate economic constraints. It attenuates the feedback mechanism and the economy's innate ability to cope with changes. Instead, imbalances accumulate. 

Each intervention may stabilize the present. Collectively, they reduce the economy’s adaptive capacity. Over time, fragility increases. 

This is why focusing exclusively on whether the current data meets the textbook definition of stagflation misses the point. 

By the time the statistics confirm it, the adjustment process is already well underway. 

Recent developments suggest this same pattern is re-emerging. 

Stagflation, in this sense, is not a starting point. It is a late-stage expression of a deeper political economy problem—the attempt to maintain stability in the face of constraints that are no longer fully compatible. 

II. The Market Rally That Allowed the BSP to Blink 

The PSEi 30 posted its biggest one-day gain of 6.14% on June 15th since May 27 2021’s 5.11%, while its 3.81% weekly advance was the largest in 2026. 

Yet beneath the headline, the rally was remarkably narrow.


Figure 2

Over the week, the three largest banks accounted for more than half—or ~50.94%—of the index's gain. Their cumulative market share of the PSEi 30 bounced from 18.35% in June 11 to 19.28% in June 18. (Figure 2, topmost pane) 

Adding ICTSI raised that contribution to nearly two-thirds, or ~62.96% of the entire advance. 

Concentration was not limited to index leadership, but extended to participation and trading activities as well. 

For the week, while ICT commanded 23.84% of main board volume, the top 3 banks accounted for an average of 17.9%. Top 10 brokers averaged about 64% of main board volume—underscoring the degree to which price formation was concentrated in a small number of dominant institutional channels responsible for setting marginal prices across the index. 

This was not a broad-based repricing of Philippine growth prospects. 

It was a liquidity-driven, orchestrated repricing concentrated in heavyweight financial issues — sufficient to move the index while leaving much of the broader market still lagging, despite this week's broad-based gains. (Figure 2, second to the highest graph) 

As an aside, outsized one-day gains—as statistical tails—rarely emerge under ordinary market conditions. They tend to cluster near: 

  • major bottoms, where panic is exhausted
  • major tops, where liquidity temporarily overwhelms deteriorating fundamentals
  • or regime transitions, where expectations reprice abruptly

 Examples include:

  • Jan 22, 2001 +17.6% (EDSA II / Estrada ouster)
  • Aug 21, 2007 +9.82% (Great Financial Crisis credit panic rebound)
  • Mar 26, 2020 +7.44% (COVID collapse rebound)

The bond market delivered a similar signal. 

Treasury yields declined across the curve, particularly in the belly and long end, producing another episode of bullish flattening. (Figure 2, second to the lowest and bottom images) 


Figure 3 

Global markets interpreted the collapse in oil prices following the US-Iran ceasefire as increasing the probability of easier monetary conditions. 

The PSE’s financials responded accordingly. 

In theory, banks benefit mechanically from declining yields: improved credit demand conditions, stronger mark-to-market positions, easing funding stress, and higher collateral values. 

Yet this is where the sequence becomes more revealing. 

For months, the BSP had signaled openness to stronger ‘anti-inflation’ responses, including larger rate hikes and potential off-cycle action. 

Inflation risks were repeatedly emphasized. 

Instead, the BSP delivered another modest increase last week while simultaneously raising inflation forecasts for both 2026 (from 6.3% to 6.4%) and 2027 (from 4.3% to 4.5%). (Figure 3, upper image) 

Taken at face value, and using the BSP’s own internal trajectory assumptions, this implies CPI pressures approaching roughly 8% on a near-term horizon (remaining eight months) as cumulative effects of past policy and external shocks propagate through the system. 

The significance is not the precision of any single point estimate, but the directional signal embedded in successive forecast revisions despite incremental tightening. 

The significance is not the magnitude of the revision alone. 

It is the coexistence of three signals:

  • incremental tightening on the policy rate side
  • upward revision of inflation expectations
  • and easing in broader financial conditions 

That combination reflects a policy regime operating under conflicting constraints. 

Containing inflation requires tighter financial conditions. 

Preserving growth, managing sovereign financing, and preventing financial stress increasingly require easier ones. 

This is where the market move becomes analytically relevant—as a temporary offset to policy. 

The rally in equities, decline in yields, and strengthening peso collectively loosened financial conditions at precisely the moment policy communication was attempting to maintain an anti-inflation stance. 

In effect, markets temporarily absorbed part of the tightening dilemma by easing financial conditions through asset price and yield movements—functioning as an indirect signal transmission channel for BSP policy expectations. 

This gave policymakers additional room to avoid a sharper trade-off between inflation control and financial stability, thus, the modest rate hike that effectively buys time and reduces the immediacy of the further policy tightening. 

The BSP’s reaction function therefore remains constrained not only by domestic inflation dynamics, but by the sensitivity of asset markets and funding conditions to policy signaling

And this reveals the contradiction increasingly visible throughout the framework. 

While monetary authorities continue speaking in inflation-hawk language, the system continues to rely on liquidity-sensitive transmission channels that behave as if easing conditions remain structurally necessary. 

Inflation pressures, however, did not begin with the recent oil shock. 

  • Monetary aggregates had already accelerated.
  • Credit growth remained strong.
  • Asset markets continued to reflect dependence on accommodative financial conditions. 

Oil shocks can catalyze inflation dynamics, but they do not create them in isolation. 

Sustained broad based or general inflation requires demand pressure—and in this case, that demand pressure has been increasingly supported by financial accommodation embedded in the system itself. 

The recent spike in CPI has been accompanied by a surge in M3 ahead of the oil shock. (Figure 3 lower chart) 

Despite tightening rhetoric, that accommodation remains visible across credit, liquidity, and asset pricing channels. 

III. BSP: Tightening with One Hand, Accommodating with the Other 

Perhaps the clearest example emerged from the BSP's decision to extend the maximum repayment period for salary-based general purpose loans from five years to seven years

Authorities described the measure as improving affordability without encouraging excessive borrowing. 

Yet extending maturities is itself a form of accommodation—a subsidy delivered through time.

Lower monthly amortizations increase borrowing capacity. 

Borrowers qualify for larger loans. Existing debts become easier to service. 

Financial stress is reduced not by repayment, restructuring, or liquidation, but by stretching obligations further into the future. 

In an environment of persistent inflation, this matters. 

As purchasing power erodes, households increasingly resort to balance-sheet expansion to maintain consumption and bridge the gap between stagnant real incomes and rising living costs. What cannot be financed through income growth is financed through leverage. 

The policy therefore addresses symptoms while reinforcing the mechanism that produced them. 

This is the great economist Frédéric Bastiat’s “Seen and Unseen” at work. 

The seen effect is immediate relief. Monthly payments fall. Borrowers gain breathing room. Delinquencies may temporarily stabilize. 

The unseen effects emerge gradually. Household leverage increases. Financial resilience weakens. Future income becomes increasingly encumbered by past borrowing decisions. Lenders become more exposed to a deteriorating credit cycle. Economic growth slows. 

Stress is not eliminated. It is redistributed across time. 

In many respects, the measure mirrors earlier interventions involving credit-card lending interest rate caps. 

Temporary relief mechanisms gradually evolved into semi-permanent features of the financial landscape. 

Credit expanded.

Non-performing loans expanded alongside it.

The appearance of stability was maintained through continued balance-sheet growth.


Figure 4

Salary loans now appear to be moving along a similar trajectory. 

Outstanding salary loans in pesos reached record highs during the first quarter of 2026. At the same time, peso non-performing loans continue to rise and have already neared the record set in Q2 2024. (Figure 4, topmost graph) 

Along with credit card non-performing loans, salary loans have powered consumer NPLs to record highs. (Figure 4, middle window) 

Rapid credit growth can temporarily suppress delinquency ratios through a "Wile E. Coyote dynamic" operating through the denominator effect. Bad loans continue rising, but total loans rise even faster. The result is a statistical mirage in which headline indicators appear manageable even as underlying stress accumulates. 

April's universal and commercial (UC) banking data revealed a similar pattern. 

Universal and commercial bank lending accelerated to its fastest pace in nine months.

Meanwhile, M3 growth remained above 12%, sustaining the double-digit expansion that has persisted since before the February oil shock. 

At first glance, the numbers appeared reassuring. 

Yet the composition of liquidity tells a different story. 

  • Cash in circulation growth slowed.
  • Transactional money steadied.
  • Savings deposits accelerated. 

Liquidity increasingly migrated toward precautionary balances and interest-bearing instruments. (Figure 4, lowest diagram) 

In other words, money continued expanding significantly even as economic behavior became more defensive.


Figure 5

On the other hand, universal and commercial bank credit continued growing, but where that credit flowed into continues to be revealing:

  • Net claims on the national government in pesos reached another record high in April along with the banking system’s Held to Maturity (HTM) presently reclassified as Debt Securities—net of amortization (Figure 5, topmost window)
  • Electricity-sector lending maintained its high-octane record setting growth.
  • Consumer credit growth remained robust despite signs of plateauing demand.
  • Manufacturing lending barely recovered despite persistent narratives of industrial ‘recovery’. (Figure 5, middle visual)

A growing share of credit creation appears directed toward sovereign financing, consumption maintenance, utilities, and stabilization or (energy) bailout mechanisms rather than broad-based productive investment. 

Why this matters. 

Credit expansion can sustain spending and support asset prices. It can generate the appearance of activity. It cannot, by itself, expand productive capacity. 

Debt can temporarily substitute for income. 

It cannot substitute for real savings. 

And ultimately it is real savings—not liquidity, leverage, or credit expansion—that determine an economy's capacity to sustain investment, absorb shocks, adapt to changing conditions, and expand productive output over time. 

IV. Economic Fragility, Political Fragility 

This is where the present policy contradiction becomes most visible. 

Even as authorities acknowledge inflation risks and tighten at the margin, the broader policy response continues to favor accommodation, balance-sheet preservation, and the postponement of adjustment. 

Yet, politics dominates mainstream incentives. Record-low approval ratings for the national administration are not merely a consequence of weaker growth, high inflation, and fragmented institutions — they are also the reason policymakers keep choosing accommodation over adjustment. (Figure 5, lowest graph) 

A government with cratering approval cannot afford the short-term pain that genuine adjustment requires

The objective is clear: preserve status quo activities, maintain confidence, and avoid financial stress. 

The consequence is equally clear. The longer adjustment is deferred, the more resources remain committed to existing arrangements rather than reallocated toward productive conditions. Credit sustains the structure of the economy as it exists, not necessarily as it needs to evolve. 

The result is apparent stability. 

The cost is declining adaptive capacity, rising fragility, and a widening gap between reported conditions and underlying economic reality. That gap does not stay statistical indefinitely. When lived experience and official narrative diverge long enough, confidence erodes because the data stopped describing what people feel. 

That erosion is itself a political risk. A population that no longer trusts the official account of its own conditions does not simply vote differently. It begins disengaging from the institutional channels through which grievances are normally mediated and resolved. As that gap widens, political fragility compounds economic fragility, increasing the risk that future shocks are expressed through social instability rather than orderly adjustment

This is the convergence this series has been tracking from the start: economic fragility and political fragility are not parallel risks. They share a single root cause. Both are downstream of the same decision — to repeatedly postpone adjustment while the underlying constraints continue to build. 

Stagflation, in this sense, was never just a statistical condition. It is what postponement looks like once it has run long enough for the costs to surface in both the balance sheet and the body politic. 

V. Mounting External Constraints Under Balance-Sheet Stress 

The external sector increasingly reveals the same contradiction visible elsewhere in the economy.


Figure 6

One of the more curious developments during the first quarter of 2026 was the easing in external debt growth despite a record balance-of-payments deficit. Although the BoP registered a marginal $131 million surplus in April, the cumulative deficit remained at roughly USD 7.28 billion, still higher than the 2022 annual of USD 7.26 billion. (Figure 6, topmost pane) 

Persistent external deficits imply greater dependence on external financing because they must be financed, through borrowing, through capital inflows or through reserve deployment or a combination of these. 

If external debt remained relatively stable despite a record deficit, reserves likely absorbed a larger share of the adjustment burden. 

That said, authorities remain actively engaged in managing peso stability. 

Gross international reserves fell to USD 103.99 billion in May, their lowest level since January 2025. 

Despite the modest (+.42% YoY) growth in external debt during the Q1 2026, total external obligations continue to exceed reserve levels. (Figure 6, middle image) 

At the same time, the economy remains structurally dependent on imported fuel, imported capital goods, and external financing. 

The problem is not merely the stock of obligations. It is the growing uncertainty surrounding both the flow of dollars needed to sustain them, and importantly, the domestic conditions upon which expectations of profits, refinancing, and repayment ultimately depend

Organic sources of foreign exchange are showing signs of strain. 

  • OFW remittance growth slowed to 2% in April, the weakest pace in nearly four years. Middle East tensions create additional uncertainty for overseas workers. (Figure 6, lowest chart)
  • Tourism continues to underperform expectations.
  • Global growth is slowing.
  • The BPO industry increasingly faces pressure from the diffusion of AI-driven automation across segments of its business model. 

Taken as a whole, these developments suggest that future foreign-exchange generation may become less certain amid an insufficient domestic stock of dollar liquidity, precisely when demand for dollars remains elevated. 

The BSP’s latest Financial Stability Report offers a glimpse into the harsh reality of external dependence.


Figure 7

Regulators cited potential market risk involving roughly Php 1.6 trillion in debt maturities and foreign-exchange obligations—a “wall of maturities” concentrated among major conglomerates between 2027 and 2029. This includes “US dollar-denominated debt averaging 37.6 percent of conglomerate debt over the next five years” (Figure 7, upper graph) 

The largest exposures are concentrated in real estate, power, energy, and ICT. (Figure 7, lower chart) 

These sectors benefited enormously from years of abundant liquidity, low financing costs, stable exchange rates, and favorable refinancing conditions. 

They are also among the most exposed to higher energy costs, tighter global dollar liquidity, elevated interest rates, and refinancing risk. 

This configuration matters because it links past conditions of abundant external liquidity to future vulnerabilities under tighter global financial conditions. 

It is within this context that the BSP’s concern over activity in non-deliverable forwards (NDFs) becomes particularly revealing. 

Authorities have warned banks against speculative peso positioning using NDFs

Yet firms facing refinancing needs, energy exposure, and substantial foreign-currency liabilities increase their demand for dollar protection. 

Under conditions of uncertainty—rather than quantifiable risk in the Knightian sense—the distinction between hedging, insurance, liquidity management, and speculation becomes inherently blurred. The same action can simultaneously function as protection against loss, adjustment to perceived funding constraints, and positioning for potential gain. 

What matters is not the label attached to the behavior, but the environment that makes increased demand for dollar assets a rational response across multiple motives at once. 

The BSP may discourage specific transactions. 

Yet it cannot eliminate the underlying conditions that generate reflexive demand for protection

That demand emerges endogenously from the structure of the system: persistent external deficits, refinancing obligations, exposure to foreign-currency liabilities, limited domestic dollar buffers, and uncertainty over future dollar availability. 

In that sense, dollar demand is not a discrete behavioral category. It is a system-wide reflex under conditions of uncertainty. 

Speculation thus becomes the visible symptom—or a political scapegoat—of deeper underlying pressures. 

VI. USD 2.5 Billion Borrowing, Refinancing Risk, and the Deepening Dollar Short 

The contradiction becomes clearer when viewed alongside the government’s latest USD 2.5 billion bond issuance

Officials highlighted strong demand and oversubscription. 

But oversubscription only indicates willingness to lend. It does not address why continued external borrowing remains structurally necessary. 

Foreign borrowing functions as a balance-sheet extension mechanism:

  • It supports reserve adequacy.
  • It finances fiscal and external gaps.
  • It smooths rollover pressures.
  • It maintains access to foreign-currency liquidity. 

Yet each issuance also expands the stock of foreign-currency liabilities that must eventually be serviced through foreign-exchange earnings. 

The result is not simply higher debt, but a progressively more leveraged external balance sheet in which refinancing becomes a recurring requirement rather than a contingent event. 

This is the logic of a rising “dollar short” at the economy-wide level: a structural condition in which foreign-currency liabilities increasingly exceed the economy’s internally generated and reliably convertible foreign-exchange capacity. 

In such a configuration, external borrowing is not a policy choice operating in isolation. It is a response to an underlying constraint: a persistent record savings–investment gap in which domestic spending and investment requirements exceed domestically generated savings, particularly in foreign-currency form. 

For an extended period, this gap was accommodated by abundant global liquidity, low interest rates, and stable capital flows. Under those conditions, refinancing appeared routine rather than fragile. 

That regime condition is no longer stable. 

As external liquidity tightens, the underlying balance-sheet structure is revealed more clearly. 

Balance-of-payments deficits, repeated external issuance, and growing reliance on FX-linked financing mechanisms all point to the same configuration: external obligations accumulating faster than reliable foreign-exchange generation capacity. 

In this setting, the exchange rate does not determine the constraint. It reflects it. 

USDPHP movements are the price signal of a balance sheet increasingly exposed to FX mismatch and refinancing dependence. 

The vulnerability is not created by exchange rate movements or external liquidity shifts. Those are transmission channels

The vulnerability is created and nurtured internally, through the accumulation of FX-denominated obligations against a constrained and uneven foreign-exchange earning base. 

External liquidity conditions do not determine the existence of the vulnerability, but they shape its expression, timing, and intensity by affecting refinancing terms, rollover capacity, and the pricing of FX risk. Even in periods of abundant global liquidity, as seen post-2008, balance-sheet fragilities in several emerging markets (e.g., Pakistan, Sri Lanka) still culminated in stress when domestic constraints became binding despite favorable external conditions. 

This is also the mechanism through which sudden-stop dynamics emerge: not as an exogenous shock, but as a binding constraint on an already leveraged external position when refinancing and rollovers can no longer be smoothly refinanced. 

VII. Conclusion: Stagflation and the Political Economy of Deferred Adjustment 

The contradiction is increasingly difficult to ignore. 

Authorities acknowledge inflation risks, domestic and external vulnerabilities, and slowing growth. Yet policy remains focused on preserving liquidity, extending credit, supporting asset prices, and securing additional external financing. 

None of these measures eliminate underlying constraints. They merely postpone their recognition. 

Rising inflation, a weakening peso, and growing debt are not the disease. They are symptoms — the visible residue of a policy regime that increasingly relies on accommodation to manage the consequences of earlier accommodation. Each round of intervention treats the damage from the last one, while leaving the underlying constraint untouched. 

That is the central lesson of stagflation. Stability purchased through ever-greater intervention becomes progressively more costly to maintain — in finance, in adaptability, in wealth generation, and eventually in social order. 

The feedback loop compounds. Interventions beget further Interventions, and the economy that results is not stable but sclerotic: rigid, slow to adjust, and increasingly dependent on the next intervention to avoid confronting the constraints the previous one deferred. 

Left to run, this is a trajectory toward socio-political decay, not merely economic stagnation. 

The timing of any inflection point cannot be known. What can be known is the direction. As imbalances accumulate and adaptive capacity weakens, the gap between official stability and underlying conditions widens — quietly, then not quietly at all. 

Markets do not ease into that recognition. They reprice it. Political-economic reality reasserts itself. It always does. 

____

References:

Stagflation Part 9: The Good News Mirage — Statistical Stability Amid Structural Fragility 

Stagflation Part 8: Manufacturing Resilience — The PSEi 30 Under Stagflationary Pressure, BSP Accommodation, and the Financialization of Fragility

Stagflation Part 7: The Return of Constraint—Oil Shock, Treasury Revolt, and the Politics of Inflation Suppression

Stagflation Part 6: The Banking System Under Siege—Bond Selloffs, Liquidity Illusions, and the Coming Balance Sheet Reckoning

Stagflation Part 5: The Q1 2026 GDP Illusion and the Gathering Recession Risk Beneath Price Suppression 

Stagflation Then and Now: Why Philippine Markets Are Repricing Like the 1970s (Part 4)

The Anatomy of Philippine Stagflation: BSP Rate Hikes, Record External Deficits, and Fiscal Expansion (Part 3)

Stagflation by Design: Policy Contradictions and the Return of the Pandemic Rescue Playbook 

Stagflation Is Already Here—Emergency Policies Are Now Entrenching It 

Seed Article 

EO-110 and the Politics of Price Suppression: How the Energy Emergency Is Becoming a Nationwide Economic Intervention

 


Monday, March 23, 2026

Philippine Oil Shock Politics Meets Systemic Fragility: Crisis Without a Crisis and a Deepening Web of Interventions

 

The picture of the free market is necessarily one of harmony and mutual benefit; the picture of State intervention is one of caste conflict, coercion, and exploitation—Murray N. Rothbard

 In this issue:

Philippine Oil Shock Politics Meets Systemic Fragility: Crisis Without a Crisis and a Deepening Web of Interventions

I. Crisis Without a Crisis

II. Oil Shock Politics and Organized Interests

III. The Ratchet Effect of Crisis Policy

IV. The Oil Shock Is Already Affecting the Real Economy

V. When Price Signals Are Suppressed

VI. Interventions Beget Interventions

VII. Markets Are Already Responding

VIII. Conclusion: Deepening Interventions Intensify Systemic Fragility 

Philippine Oil Shock Politics Meets Systemic Fragility: Crisis Without a Crisis and a Deepening Web of Interventions 

“Crisis Without a Crisis”: As officials urge calm, subsidies, price caps, and emergency policies spread across the economy. 

I. Crisis Without a Crisis 

The Marcos administration is urging the public not to panic: "Everything is normal. No need to hoard." 

Officials have repeatedly warned consumers against hoarding while insisting that the Philippine economy remains stable despite the surge in global oil prices. 

Yet the government’s own policy actions suggest a very different reality

Within days of the oil shock, authorities introduced a rapidly expanding set of interventions across multiple sectors of the economy: 

At the same time, the political debate is widening. 

Senator Tito Sotto has filed legislation to repeal the Oil Deregulation Law, while economist Winnie Monsod has proposed a wealth tax to finance expanding subsidies. 

Taken together, these measures resemble a broad attempt to suppress the transmission of rising energy costs throughout the economy. 

But the deeper story may lie in the political incentives behind such policies. 

II. Oil Shock Politics and Organized Interests 

The response to the oil shock reflects dynamics long described by political economist Mancur Olson. 

In Olson’s theory of collective action, small, well-organized interest groups often exert disproportionate influence over economic policy. Because their benefits are concentrated while the costs are widely dispersed, these groups are able to secure subsidies, protections, or regulatory advantages from government. 

Energy shocks tend to accelerate this process. Some examples: 

  • Transport operators seek subsidies to offset fuel costs.
  • Food producers lobby for relief from input price pressures.
  • Agricultural sectors push for price supports.
  • Infrastructure operators also seek regulatory relief when shocks threaten profitability. 

For instance, the Energy Regulatory Commission (ERC) is considering power rate adjustments in April that would allow utilities to recover rising generation costs and financial losses. Similar pressures have already appeared in earlier policy discussions—from real property tax (RPT) relief for power producers to increased GEA-All subsidies benefiting renewable producers, as well as negotiated asset transfers in the SMC–Meralco–AEV energy deal—illustrating how fragile sectors increasingly rely on regulatory protection when market conditions deteriorate. 

Each group frames its demands as necessary for stability, employment, or consumer protection. 

The result is an expanding patchwork of sector-specific interventions. 

Individually, each measure may appear justified. Collectively, however, they create a growing system of economic management in which prices and incentives are increasingly shaped by political decisions rather than market signals. The result is an expanding patchwork of sector-specific interventions. Intensifying competition for public resources drives rising demands for government spending, crowding out the productive economy and accelerating the centralization of the economy. 

III. The Ratchet Effect of Crisis Policy 

Economic historian Robert Higgs described a recurring pattern in government responses to crises: what he called the "ratchet effect." 

During emergencies—wars, financial crises, pandemics, or commodity shocks—governments introduce extraordinary interventions to stabilize politically sensitive sectors of the economy. These measures are typically framed as temporary responses to exceptional circumstances. 

Yet once the crisis subsides, the state rarely returns fully to its previous size or scope

Instead, some interventions remain in place, while others leave behind new fiscal commitments, regulatory authorities, or political expectations of continued support. Each crisis therefore pushes the boundary of government involvement forward in a stepwise fashion—much like a mechanical ratchet that moves only in one direction. 

The Philippines’ pandemic episode illustrates this dynamic clearly.


Figure 1

During the COVID crisis, fiscal deficits widened to record levels, justified as emergency stimulus designed to cushion the economic collapse. (Figure 1, upper window) 

Yet much of that spending expansion became structurally embedded in the fiscal framework. Political pressures for continued subsidies and transfers, created under the purview of social democratic free-lunch politics, have made these programs difficult to unwind even after the emergency has passed. 

As a result, the country’s savings–investment gap widened to unprecedented levels, financed by historically high public borrowing and still-elevated liquidity conditions, as reflected in measures such as the M2-to-GDP ratio. These dynamics have increased the economy’s sensitivity to inflation while intensifying crowding-out pressures already evident in domestic output, consumption, and credit markets. 

Energy shocks historically amplify this ratchet dynamic. 

Subsidies introduced to stabilize transport costs become permanent programs. Temporary price controls evolve into long-term regulatory oversight. Emergency fiscal transfers create new political expectations that governments will shield key sectors from market fluctuations.

The Philippine response to the current oil shock risks reinforcing this pattern. Policies such as fare subsidies, price caps, toll suspensions, and regulatory enforcement may begin as short-term measures to contain inflation and social unrest. 

But once introduced, they often prove politically difficult to reverse. 

Over time, repeated crisis interventions accumulate into a broader system of economic management—expanding the role of the state while leaving the underlying structural vulnerabilities unresolved. 

IV. The Oil Shock Is Already Affecting the Real Economy 

Signs of strain were emerging. 

Automobile sales had already begun to decline, even before the latest surge in oil prices, suggesting that rising fuel costs have yet to add to the erosion of discretionary consumption. (Figure 1, lower chart) 

Transport activity is now reflecting the same pressures. 

Reports indicate that the MMDA expects vehicle traffic in Metro Manila to decrease by around 30,000 units. Meanwhile, bus trips at the Parañaque Integrated Terminal Exchange (PITX) have dropped significantly, as operators scale back services and commuters reduce their travel. 

Air travel is also absorbing the shock. Airlines have begun imposing higher jet fuel surcharges, raising the cost of domestic and international flights. 

The shock is also beginning to affect overseas labor flows. Filipino workers continue to be repatriated from conflict areas in the Middle East, with roughly 2,000 overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) already returning to the country. While still modest in scale, such movements highlight another channel through which geopolitical shocks can affect the Philippine economy. Remittances from OFWs have long served as a stabilizing source of foreign exchange for the peso. Disruptions to overseas employment—particularly in energy-sensitive regions—therefore risk amplifying pressures already visible in labor, currency and financial markets. 

These adjustments illustrate the normal transmission mechanism of an energy shock: rising fuel prices ripple through transport, logistics, and consumer spending. 

Instead of allowing those adjustments to occur through price changes, the government is intervening across multiple points in the transmission chain. 

V. When Price Signals Are Suppressed 

Economists such as Friedrich von Hayek emphasized that prices function as a decentralized information system: "the knowledge of the particular circumstances of time and place." 

Prices communicate knowledge about scarcity, costs, and consumer preferences across millions of economic actors. 

When governments suppress those signals—through fare freezes, price caps, subsidies, or regulatory pressure—the information embedded in prices becomes distorted

Consumers may continue to demand goods whose true costs are rising. 

Producers may reduce supply when prices no longer cover costs. 

Adjustments that would normally occur through prices instead emerge as reduced service, shortages, declines in quantity or quality, and even fiscal transfers. 

In this sense, partial price controls recreate elements of the problem identified by Ludwig von Mises in his critique of socialist planning: when prices are manipulated, rational economic calculation becomes increasingly difficult. As the great Mises explained

Without calculation, economic activity is impossible. 

VI. Interventions Beget Interventions 

Once price controls begin to distort economic signals, additional interventions often follow. 

This dynamic was emphasized by Murray Rothbard, who argued that government interventions frequently generate secondary effects that policymakers then attempt to correct with further interventions. 

  • Fare caps create losses for transport operators, prompting subsidies.
  • Price freezes create supply pressures, prompting enforcement actions.
  • Rising fiscal costs generate calls for new taxes or regulatory changes. 

Each policy attempts to fix the unintended consequences of the previous one. 

Over time, what begins as a limited intervention can evolve into a broad regime of economic management, representing a gradual transition toward centralization. As the dean of Austrian economics, the great Murray Rothbard wrote,

Whenever government intervenes in the market, it aggravates rather than settles the problems it has set out to solve. This is a general economic law of government intervention. 

VII. Markets Are Already Responding 

While policymakers attempt to stabilize prices and shield consumers from the oil shock, financial markets appear to be reacting to the broader macroeconomic implications.


Figure 2

The PSEi 30, the primary equity benchmark of the Philippine Stock Exchange, has declined, although the drop has been relatively muted—likely reflecting institutional support and collateral management dynamics. (Figure 2, topmost graph) 

Other markets are sending a more cautionary signal. The peso has weakened significantly, with the USD/PHP exchange rate reaching a record high of 60.1 this week, making it one of the worst-performing currencies in Asia. 

At the same time, the government bond market has undergone a structural shift. 

Philippine Treasury yields have moved from bearish flattening to bearish steepening, with long-term yields rising faster than shorter maturities over the past week. Such shifts often reflect growing concerns about inflation persistence, fiscal sustainability, or sovereign risk. (Figure 2, lower chart)


Figure 3

As of March 19, Philippine 10-year Treasuries ranked as the worst-performing bond market segment in Asia (Figure 3, upper table) 

Although the current spike in T-bill yields may not yet prompt a response from the BSP, it is important to note that its policies are shaped more by market developments than by its own actions. The directional movement of one-month T-bill yields has historically preceded BSP policy shifts, including rate cuts in 2018 and 2023–2024, and rate hikes in 2022. (Figure 3, lower image) 

Thus, if the upward trajectory of T-bill rates persists, rate hikes are likely to come onto the BSP’s radar.


Figure 4

These concerns are not unfounded. The Philippines already faces record debt-service burdens amid persistent fiscal deficits. (Figure 4, topmost pane) 

Expanding subsidies and price controls risk adding further pressure on the government’s balance sheet. 

According to ADB data, the Philippines has recorded the largest increase in credit default swap (CDS) spreads since the outbreak of the Middle East conflict—indicating that markets are pricing in higher default risk for Philippine debt. (Figure 4, middle and lower charts)

VIII. Conclusion: Deepening Interventions Intensify Systemic Fragility 

What is unfolding may not simply be a temporary response to a spike in global oil prices. 

Rather, the episode illustrates how modern interventionist economies evolve when confronted with external shocks. 

As Mancur Olson observed, mature political systems tend to accumulate powerful distributional coalitions—organized groups capable of securing targeted protections, subsidies, and regulatory advantages from the state. Energy shocks often accelerate this process as sectors facing sudden cost increases mobilize to shift those costs elsewhere. 

The result is a widening network of state interventions designed to stabilize politically sensitive sectors. 

But crisis interventions rarely remain temporary. Economic historian Robert Higgs described this dynamic as the ratchet effect: during periods of emergency, governments expand their role in managing the economy, and once the crisis passes, those powers rarely return fully to their previous limits. 

Each shock therefore leaves behind a larger structure of fiscal commitments, regulatory authority, and political expectations of continued support. 

Once prices begin to be suppressed in this way, the informational role of markets deteriorates—a problem emphasized by Friedrich Hayek. Prices no longer convey reliable signals about scarcity and cost, making economic coordination increasingly difficult. 

This is where the broader critique developed by Ludwig von Mises becomes relevant. When governments repeatedly intervene to correct the unintended consequences of earlier policies, economic management gradually expands across more sectors of the economy. Mises described this process as the dynamic of interventionism—a cycle in which policy distortions generate new problems that invite further intervention. 

The Philippine response to the oil shock increasingly reflects this pattern. 

  • Fare caps require subsidies.
  • Price freezes invite enforcement.
  • Rising fiscal costs trigger proposals for new taxes or regulatory changes. 

Each populist band-aid policy attempts to stabilize the distortions created by the previous one. 

What emerges is not a single intervention but an expanding system of economic management—one reinforced by the ratchet effect of successive crises. 

And when such systems face external shocks—particularly commodity shocks that simultaneously affect inflation, trade balances, and fiscal accounts—the pressures tend to migrate toward the weakest macroeconomic points: the government’s fiscal position, the sovereign debt market, and the currency. 

The oil shock may therefore be revealing something deeper about the Philippine economy. 

Rather than simply confronting higher energy prices, policymakers appear to be navigating the accumulated tensions of an interventionist regime already stretched across multiple sectors—and increasingly across the economy as a whole. 

Suppressing the immediate price effects of the shock may buy time—but it also risks amplifying underlying maladjustments. 

Importantly, it cannot eliminate the adjustment the economy must eventually make. At best it postpones that process, increasing the risk that the eventual correction will be larger and more disorderly. 

And markets—especially currency and sovereign bond markets—tend to recognize that reality long before policymakers do.