Showing posts with label Philippine Banking system. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Philippine Banking system. Show all posts

Sunday, October 12, 2025

The BSP’s Seventh Rate Cut, the Goldilocks Delusion, and Technocracy in Crisis

 

Economic interventionism is a self-defeating policy. The individual measures that it applies do not achieve the results sought. They bring about a state of affairs, which—from the viewpoint of its advocates themselves—is much more undesirable than the previous state they intended to alter—Ludwig von Mises 

In this issue

The BSP’s Seventh Rate Cut, the Goldilocks Delusion, and Technocracy in Crisis

I. The Goldilocks Delusion: Rate Cuts as Ritual

II. Cui Bono: Government as the Primary Beneficiary

III. Wile E. Coyote Finance: The Race Between Bank Credit Expansion and the NPL Surge

IV. Minsky’s Warning: Fragility Beneath the Easing

V. Concentration and Contagion, The Exclusion of Inclusion: MSMEs and the Elite Credit Divide

VI. A Demand-Driven CPI? BSP’s Quiet Admission: Demand Weakness Behind Low Inflation

VII. Employment at the Edge of Fiction: Volatility, Illusion, and Structural Decay

VIII. The War on Cash and the Politics of Liquidity

IX. The War on Cash Disguised as Corruption Control

X. From Cash Limits to Systemic Liquidity Locks

XI. The Liquidity Containment Playbook and the Architecture of Control

XII. Curve-Shaping and Fiscal Extraction

XIII. When Discretion Becomes Doctrine: From Institutional Venality to Kindleberger’s Signpost

XIV. Conclusion: The Technocrat’s Mirage: Goldilocks Confronts the Knowledge Problem and Goodhart’s Law 

The BSP’s Seventh Rate Cut, the Goldilocks Delusion, and Technocracy in Crisis 

From rate cuts to cash caps: how the BSP’s containment playbook reshapes power and fragility in the Philippine economy

I. The Goldilocks Delusion: Rate Cuts as Ritual 

In delivering its “surprise” seventh rate cut for this August 2024 episode of its easing cycle, the BSP chief justified their decision on four grounds

  • 1 Outlook for growth has softened in the near term
  • 2 Growth was weaker because demand is weaker. This, in turn, is why inflation is low
  • 3 Governance concerns on public infrastructure spending have weighed on business sentiment
  • 4 “We’re still refining our estimates. We had thought that our Goldilocks policy rate was closer to 5 percent, now it’s closer to 4 percent. So we have to decide where we really are between 5 percent and 4 percent.” 

For a supposedly data-dependent political-monetary institution, the BSP never seems to ask whether rate cuts have delivered the intended results—or why they haven’t. The rate-cut logic rests on a single pillar: the belief that spending alone drives growth. 

In reality, the BSP’s spree of rate and reserve cuts, signaling channels, and relief measures has produced a weaker, more fragile economy.


Figure 1

GDP rates have been declining since at least 2012, alongside the BSP’s ON RRP rates. Yet none of this is explained by media or institutional experts. These ‘signal channeling’ tactics are designed for the public to unquestioningly accept official explanations. (Figure 1, upper chart) 

II. Cui Bono: Government as the Primary Beneficiary 

Second, cui bono—who benefits most from rate cuts? 

The biggest borrower is the government. Its historic deficit spending spree hit an all-time high in 1H 2025, reaching a direct 16.71% share of GDP. This is supported by the second-highest debt level in history—ballooning to Php 17.468 trillion in August 2025—and with it, surging debt servicing costs. (Figure 1, lower window) 

As explained in our early October post: 

  • More debt more servicing less for everything else
  • Crowding out hits both public and private spending
  • Revenue gains won’t keep up with servicing
  • Inflation and peso depreciation risks climb
  • Higher taxes are on the horizon 

The likely effect of headline “governance concerns” and BSP’s liquidity containment measures—via capital and regulatory controls—is a material slowdown in government spending. In an economy increasingly dependent on deficit outlays, this amplifies what the BSP chief calls a “demand slowdown.” 

In truth, the causality runs backward: public spending crowding out and malinvestments cause weak demand. 

III. Wile E. Coyote Finance: The Race Between Bank Credit Expansion and the NPL Surge 

Banks are the second biggest beneficiaries. Yet paradoxically, despite the BSP’s easing cycle, the growth rate of bank lending appears to have hit a wall.

Figure 2

Gross Non-Performing Loans (NPL) surged to a record Php 550 billion up from 5.4% in July to 7.3% in August. (Figure 2, topmost image)

Because lending growth materially slowed from 11% to 9.9% over the same period, the gross NPL ratio rose from 3.4% to 3.5%—the highest since November 2024. This is the Wile E. Coyote moment: credit velocity stalls and NPL gravity takes hold. 

As we noted in September: 

“Needless to say, whether in response to BSP policy or escalating balance sheet stress, banks may begin pulling back on credit—unveiling the Wile E. Coyote moment, where velocity stalls and gravity takes hold.” 

Even BSP’s own data confirms that the past rate cuts have barely permeated average bank lending rates. As of July 2025, these stood at 8.17%—still comparable to levels when BSP rates were at their peak (8.23% in August 2024). The blunting of policy transmission reveals deep internal imbalances. (Figure 2, middle graph) 

Production loans (9.8%) signaled the slowdown in lending, while consumer loans (23.4%) continued to sizzle in August. The share of consumer loans reached a historic 15.5% (excluding real estate loans). (Figure 2, lowest visual) 

IV. Minsky’s Warning: Fragility Beneath the Easing 

The BSP’s admission that the economy has softened translates to likely more NPLs and an accelerating cycle of loan refinancing. Whether on the consumer or supply side, this incentivizes rate cuts to delay a reckoning 

From Hyman Minsky’s Financial Instability Hypothesis, this deepens the drift toward Ponzi finance: insufficient cash flows from operations prompt recycling of loans and asset sales to fund mounting liabilities. (see Reference)


Figure 3

As major borrowers, lower rates also benefit banks’ own borrowing sprees. While banks trimmed their August bond and bill issuances (-0.79% YoY, -3.7% MoM, share down from 6.52% to 6.3%), both growth rates and shares remain on an uptrend. (Figure 3, topmost graph) 

The slowdown in bank borrowing stems from drawdowns from BSP accounts—justified by recent reserve rate ratio (RRR) cuts. BSP’s MAS reported a Php 242 billion bounce in liabilities to Other Depository Corporations (ODC) in August, reaching Php 898.99 billion. (Figure 3, middle diagram) 

Ultimately, the seventh rate cut—deepening the easing cycle—is designed to keep credit velocity ahead of the NPL surge, hoping to stall the reckoning or spark productivity-led credit expansion. Growth theater masks the real dynamics. 

Rate cuts today are less about the economy and more about survival management within the financial system. 

V. Concentration and Contagion, The Exclusion of Inclusion: MSMEs and the Elite Credit Divide 

MSME lending—the most vital segment—continues to wane. Its share of total bank lending fell to a paltry 4.6% in Q2, the lowest since 2009. Ironically, MSME lending even requires a mandate. BSP easing has little impact here. (Figure 3, lowest visual) 

Some borrowers engage in wholesale lending or microfinancing—borrowing from banks to relend to SMEs. But if average bank lending rates haven’t come down, why would this segment benefit? 

Informal lenders, who fill the gap left by banks, absorb this risk—keeping rates sticky, as in the case of 5-6 lending

If lending to MSMEs remains negligible, who are the real beneficiaries of bank credit?

The answer: elite-owned, politically connected conglomerates.


Figure 4

In 1H 2025, borrowings of the 26 non-financial PSEi members reached a record Php 5.95 trillion—up Php 423.2 billion YoY, or 7.7%. That’s about 16.92% of total financial resources (TFR) as of June 2025. Bills Payable of the PSEi 30’s 4 banks jumped 64.55% YoY to P 859.7 billion. (Figure 4, topmost graph) 

This concentration is reflected in total financial resources/assets: Philippine banks, especially universal-commercial banks, hold 82.7% and 77.1% of total assets respectively as of July. 

Mounting systemic fragility is being masked by deepening concentration. A credit blowup in one major sector or ‘too big to fail’ player could ripple through the financial system, capital markets, interest rate channel, the USD–PHP exchange rate—and ultimately, GDP. 

The structure of privilege and fragility is now one and the same.

VI. A Demand-Driven CPI? BSP’s Quiet Admission: Demand Weakness Behind Low Inflation 

The BSP chief even admitted "demand is weaker. This, in turn, is why inflation is low."

Contrastingly, when authorities present their CPI data, the penchant is to frame inflation as a supply-side dynamic. Yet in our humble opinion, this marks the first time that the BSP confesses to a demand-driven CPI. 

September CPI rose for the second consecutive month—from 1.5% to 1.7%. If the ‘governance issues’ have exacerbated the demand slowdown, why has CPI risen? Authorities pointed to higher transport and vegetable prices as the culprit. 

Yet core CPI slowed from 2.7% in August to 2.6% in September, suggesting that the lagged effects of earlier easy money have translated to its recent rise. 

But that may be about to change. 

The drop in core CPI to 2.6% YoY was underscored by its month-on-month (MoM) movement, as well as the headline CPI’s MoM, both of which were flat in September. Historically, a plunge in MoM tends to signal interim peaks in CPI. (Figure 4, middle and lowest diagrams) 

So, while the unfolding data suggest that public spending may slow and bank lending continues to decelerate, “demand is weaker” would likely mean not only a softer GDP print but an interim “top” in CPI. 

If inflation reflects weak demand, labor data should show the same — yet the opposite is being claimed 

VII. Employment at the Edge of Fiction: Volatility, Illusion, and Structural Decay 

Authorities also produced another remarkable claim—on jobs.


Figure 5

They say employment rates significantly rebounded from 94.67% in July to 96.1% in August, even as the August–September CPI rebound supposedly showed that “demand is weaker.” This rebound was supported by a sudden surge in labor force participation—from 60.7% in July to 65.06% in August. (Figure 5, topmost and middle charts) 

The PSA’s employment data defies structural logic. Labor swings like stocks despite rigid labor laws and weak job mobility. The data also suggest that the wide vacillation in jobs indicates abrupt shifts between searching for work and refraining from doing so—as reflected in the steep changes in labor force participation. 

Furthermore, construction jobs flourished in August even amid flood-control probes, reflecting either delayed fiscal drag—or inflated data, to project immunity of labor markets from governance scandals. (Figure 5, lowest graph) 

Yet high employment masks poor-quality, low-literacy work—mostly in MSMEs—which explains elevated self-rated poverty and hunger rates. 

Additionally, both employment and labor force data have turned ominous: a rounding top in employment rates, while labor force participation also trends downward. 

Despite tariff woes, the slowdown in manufacturing jobs remains moderate. 

Nonetheless, beneath this façade, record consumer credit and stagnant wages reveal a highly leveraged, increasingly credit-dependent household sector. 

Labor narrative inflation—the embellishment of job metrics—would only exacerbate depressed conditions during the next downturn, leading to sharper unemployment. 

When investors interpret inaccurate data as fact, they allocate resources erroneously. The resulting imbalances won’t just show up in earnings losses—they’ll manifest as outright capital consumption. 

And while public spending may be disrupted, authorities can always divert “budget” caught in controversies to other areas. 

That said, jobs decay could rupture the banks propping up this high-employment illusion. 

VIII. The War on Cash and the Politics of Liquidity 

This week puts into the spotlight two developments which are likely inimical to the banking system, the economy and civil liberties. 

This Philstar article points to the banking system’s implementation of the BSP’s Php 500,000 withdrawal cap, which took effect in October. 

We earlier flagged seven potential risks from the BSP’s withdrawal limit: financial gridlock that inhibits the economy; capital controls that permeate into trade; indirect rescue of the banking system at the expense of the economy; possible confidence erosion in banks—alongside CMEPA; tighter credit conditions; rising risk premiums and capital flight; and, finally, the warning of historical precedent. (see reference) 

For instance, we wrote, "these sweeping limits target an errant minority while penalizing the wider economy. Payroll financing for firms with dozens of employees, capital expenditures, and cash-intensive investments and many more aspects of commerce all depend on such flows." 

The Philstar article noted, "Several social media users, particularly small business owners, expressed frustration over the stricter requirements and said that the P500,000 daily cash limit could disrupt operations and delay payments to suppliers."

Sentiment is yet to diffuse into economic numbers, but our underlying methodological individualist deductive reasoning is on the right track. 

IX. The War on Cash Disguised as Corruption Control

One of the critical elements in the BSP withdrawal cap is its requirement that the public use ‘traceable channels.’

The “traceable channels” clause reveals the BSP’s dual intent. 

On media, it’s about anti–money laundering and transaction transparency. In practice, it forces liquidity to remain inside the banking perimeter—deposits, e-wallets, and interbank transfers that cannot exit as cash. 

Cash, the last bastion of transactional privacy and immediacy, is being sidelined. This is not a war on crime; it’s a war on cash. 

The effect is to silo money within the formal system, preventing it from circulating freely across the real economy.


Figure 6

In August, cash-to-deposit at 9.84% remained adrift near all-time lows, while the liquid-asset-to-deposit ratio at 47.72% hit 2020 pandemic lows—both trending downward since 2013. (Figure 6, topmost pane) 

X. From Cash Limits to Systemic Liquidity Locks 

What looks like a compliance reform is, in truth, a liquidity containment measure. 

By capping withdrawals at Php 500,000, the BSP traps liquidity in banks already facing balance sheet strain. This buys temporary stability, allowing institutions to meet reserve ratios and avoid visible stress, but it starves the cash economy—especially small businesses dependent on operational liquidity. 

Economic losses eventually translate to non-performing loans, erasing whatever short-term relief liquidity traps provided. When firms struggle to repay, banks hoard liquidity to protect themselves—contracting credit and deepening the slowdown. The policy cure becomes the crisis catalyst. 

XI. The Liquidity Containment Playbook and the Architecture of Control 

This is not an isolated act; it fits a broader policy playbook: 

  • Easy Money Policies: Reduce the cost of borrowing in favor of the largest borrowers, often at the expense of savers and small lenders. 
  • CMEPA: The Capital Market Efficiency Promotion Act, which expands regulatory reach over capital flows and market behavior, while rechanneling private savings toward state and quasi-state instruments. 
  • Soft FX Peg: The USDPHP peg, designed to constrain inflation, masks currency fragility and limits monetary flexibility. 
  • Price Controls: MSRP ceilings distort price signals and suppress market clearing, especially in essential goods. 
  • Administrative Friction: Regulatory hurdles replace fiscal support, extracting compliance and liquidity rather than injecting relief. 

Add to that the BSP’s ongoing yield curve-shaping—suppressing long-term yields to sustain public debt rollover—and what emerges is a clear strategy of financial containment: liquidity is captured, redirected, and immobilized to defend a strained financial order. 

XII. Curve-Shaping and Fiscal Extraction 

The post–rate cut yield curve behavior in the Philippines reveals a dual narrative that’s more tactical than organic. On one hand, the market is signaling unease about inflation—particularly in the medium term—yet it stops short of pricing in a runaway scenario. This ambivalence is reflected in the belly of the curve, where yields have dropped sharply despite flat month-on-month CPI and only modest year-on-year upticks. (Figure 6, middle and lowest graphs) 

On the other hand, the BSP appears to be engineering a ‘bearish steepening’ through tactical easing, likely aimed at supporting bank margins and stimulating credit amid a backdrop of rising NPLs, slowing loan growth, and liquidity hoarding. 

The rate cut, coming on the heels of July’s CMEPA and amid regulatory tightening, suggests a deliberate attempt to offset balance sheet stress without triggering overt inflation panic. 

Each of these measures—cash caps, regulatory absorption of savings, and engineered curve shifts—forms part of a single containment architecture. What looks like fragmented policy is, in reality, coordinated liquidity triage. 

In sum, fiscal extraction, liquidity controls, and curve manipulation are now moving in tandem. Each reinforces the other, ensuring that capital cannot easily escape the system even as trust erodes. 

The war on cash, then, is not about corruption or transparency—it’s about preserving liquidity in a system that has begun to run dry.

XIII. When Discretion Becomes Doctrine: From Institutional Venality to Kindleberger’s Signpost 

And then the BSP hopes to expand its extraction-based “reform.” This ABS-CBN article reports that the central bank plans to issue "a new policy on a possible threshold for money transfers which will cover even digital transactions." It would also empower banks to "refuse any transaction based on suspicion of corruption." 

Ironically, BSP Governor Eli Remolona cited as an example a contractor’s ‘huge’ withdrawal from the National Treasury—deposited into a private account—which he defended as "legitimate." 

The war on financials is evolving—from capital controls to behavioral nudging to arbitrary discretionary thresholds. BSP’s move to cap money transfers reframes liquidity as suspicion, and banks as moral adjudicators

Discretion to refuse transactions—even without proof—creates a regime where access to private property is conditional, not on law, but on institutional discomfort. 

Remolona’s defense of a bank that released a “huge amount” to a contractor despite unease confirms what we’ve recently argued: the scandal was never hidden—it was institutionally tolerated. 

Bullseye! 

Two revelations from this: 

First, it validates that this venal political-economic framework represents the tip of the iceberg—supported by deeply entrenched gaming of the system, extraction, and control born of top-heavy policies and politics. 

Two. It serves as a Kindleberger’s timeless signpost—that swindles, fraud, and defalcation are often signals of crashes and panic: 

"The propensities to swindle and be swindled run parallel to the propensity to speculate during a boom. Crash and panic, with their motto of sauve qui peut, induce still more to cheat in order to save themselves. And the signal for panic is often the revelation of some swindle, theft, embezzlement, or fraud." (Kindleberger, Bernstein)

In this sense, the BSP’s moralistic posture and arbitrary discretion may not be acts of reform, but symptoms of a system inching toward its own reckoning. The façade of prudence conceals a liquidity-starved order struggling to maintain legitimacy—where control replaces confidence, and “reform” becomes a euphemism for survival. 

All this suggests that, should implementation be rigorous, the recent earthquakes may not be confined geologically but could spill over into financial institutions and the broader economy. If these signify a “do something” parade of ningas cogon policies, then the moral decay born of the public spending spree will soon resurface. 

Either way, because of structural sunk costs, the effects of one intervention diffusing into the next guarantees the acceleration and eventual implosion of imbalances that—like a pressure valve—will find a way to ventilate. 

XIV. Conclusion: The Technocrat’s Mirage: Goldilocks Confronts the Knowledge Problem and Goodhart’s Law 

Finally, the BSP admits to either being afflicted by a knowledge problem or propagating a red herring: "We’re still refining our estimates. We had thought that our Goldilocks policy rate was closer to 5 percent, now it’s closer to 4 percent. So we have to decide where we really are between 5 percent and 4 percent." 

This confession exposes the technocratic folly of believing that economic equilibrium can be engineered by formula. It ignores the fundamental truth of human action—there are no constants—and the perennial lesson of Goodhart’s Law: when a measure becomes a target, it ceases to be a good measure. Protecting the status quo, therefore, translates to chasing short-term fixes while evading long-term consequences. 

What this reveals is not calibration but confusion—policy reduced to trial-and-error within a liquidity-starved system. The “Goldilocks” rhetoric masks a deeper instability: that each attempt to fine-tune the economy only amplifies the distortions born of past interventions. 

We close this article with a quote from our October issue: 

"The irony is stark. What can rate cuts achieve in “spurring demand” when the BSP is simultaneously probing banks and imposing withdrawal caps? 

And more: what can they do when authorities themselves admit that CMEPA triggered a “dramatic” 95-percent drop in long-term deposits, or when households are hoarding liquidity in response to new tax rules—feeding banks’ liquidity trap?" 

____

References 

Ludwig von Mises, Bureaucracy, p.119 NEW HAVEN YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1944, mises.org 

Hyman P. Minsky, The Financial Instability Hypothesis The Jerome Levy Economics Institute of Bard College, May 1992 

Charles P Kindleberger & Peter L. Bernstein, The Emergence of Swindles, Manias Panics and Crashes, Chapter 5, p.73 Springer Nature link, January 2015 

Prudent Investor Newsletter, The Philippine Flood Control Scandal: Systemic Failure and Central Bank Complicity, Substack, October 5, 2025 

Prudent Investor Newsletter, Q2–1H Debt-Fueled PSEi 30 Performance Disconnects from GDP—What Could Go Wrong, Substack, August 24, 2025 

Prudent Investor Newsletter, Minsky's Fragility Cycle Meets Wile E. Coyote: The Philippine Banking System’s Velocity Trap, Substack, September 14, 2025

 

Sunday, August 31, 2025

Goldilocks Meets the Three Bad Bears: BSP’s Sixth Rate Cut and the Late-Cycle Reckoning

 

Perhaps more than anything else, failure to recognize the precariousness and fickleness of confidence—especially in cases in which large short-term debts need to be rolled over continuously—is the key factor that gives rise to the this-time-is-different syndrome. Highly indebted governments, banks, or corporations can seem to be merrily rolling along for an extended period, when bang!, confidence collapses, lenders disappear, and a crisis hits—Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff 

In this Issue 

Goldilocks Meets the Three Bad Bears: BSP’s Sixth Rate Cut and the Late-Cycle Reckoning

I. The BSP’s Sixth Cut and the Goldilocks-Sweet Spot Illusion

II. Data-Driven or Dogma-Driven? The Myth of Low-Rate Growth

III. The Pandemic Rescue Template Returns, The MSME Credit Gap

IV. Fintech’s Limits, Financial Concentration: Banking Cartel by Design

V. Treasury Market Plumbing: Who Really Benefits?

VI. Crowding Out: Corporate Issuers in Retreat

VII. The Free Lunch Illusion: Debt and Servicing Costs

VIII. Banks as the Heart of the Economy: Palpitations in the Plumbing

IX. Q2 2025 Bank Profit Plummets on Credit Loss Provisions

X. Conclusion: Goldilocks Faces the Three Bad Bears 

Goldilocks Meets the Three Bad Bears: BSP’s Sixth Rate Cut and the Late-Cycle Reckoning 

The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas’ latest rate cut is a "Goldilocks" illusion masking a late-cycle reckoning driven by crowding out, surging leverage, and mounting stress in the financial system 

I. The BSP’s Sixth Cut and the Goldilocks-Sweet Spot Illusion 

Reinforcing its "easing cycle," the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) cut policy rates last week—the sixth reduction since August 2024. Officials claimed they had reached a “sweet spot” or “Goldilocks level”—a rate neither inflationary nor restrictive to growth, as the Inquirer reported

We’ve used “sweet spot” before, but not as a compliment. In our framing, it signals ultra-loose monetary policy—part of a broader “Marcos-nomics stimulus” package that fuses fiscal, monetary, and FX regimes into a GDP-boosting mirage. A rescue narrative sold as reform. 

II. Data-Driven or Dogma-Driven? The Myth of Low-Rate Growth 

The idea that “low rates equal growth” has calcified into public gospel

But if that logic holds, why stop at 5%? Why not abolish interest rates altogether—and for good measure, tax 100% of interest income? By that theory, we’d borrow and spend our way to economic utopia. In short: Such (reductio ad absurdum) logic reduces policy to absurdity: prohibit savings, unleash debt, and expect utopia.


Figure 1

The BSP insists its decisions are data-driven. But have they been? Since the 1998 Asian Crisis, rate cuts have been the default posture. 

And since the 2007–2009 Global Financial Crisis, each successive cut has coincided with slowing headline GDP—through the pandemic recession and beyond. The decline was marginal at first, barely noticed. But post-pandemic, the illusion cracked. (Figure 1 upper pane)

A historic rescue package—Php2.3 trillion in injections, rate cuts, RRR reductions, a USD-PHP soft peg, and sweeping relief measures—combined with unprecedented deficit spending, triggered a temporary growth spike. This extraordinary intervention, combined with global reopening, briefly masked structural weaknesses. 

But since 2021, GDP has resumed its downward drift, with the deceleration becoming conspicuous through Q2 2025. Inflation forced the BSP to hike rates, only to restart its easing cycle in 2024. 

So where is the evidence that low rates boost the economy?

III. The Pandemic Rescue Template Returns, The MSME Credit Gap 

Today’s “sweet spot” eerily mirrors the pandemic-era rescue templateminus the direct injections and relief measures. For now. 

Meanwhile, over half the population still self-identifies as borderline or poor (self-rated poverty surveys—SWS and OCTA). 

GDP, as a measure, fails to capture this disconnect—possibly built on flawed inputs, questionable categorization and assumptions, as well as politically convenient calculations. 

Meanwhile, the BSP’s easy money regime and regulatory bias have allowed banks to monopolize the financial system, now accounting for 83% of total financial assets as of Q2 2025. (Figure 1, lower graph) 

Yet MSMEs—the backbone of employment at 67% (as of 2023, DTI)—remain sidelined. 

Ironically, Republic Act No. 9501 mandates banks to lend 10% of their portfolio to MSMEs (8% to micro and small, 2% to medium enterprises).


Figure 2

But compliance has collapsed—from 8.5% in 2010 to just 4.63% in Q1 2025. (Figure 2, topmost image) 

Banks, unable to price risk appropriately, prefer paying penalties over lending to the sector. The result: the credit boom inflating GDP primarily benefits 0.37% of firms—the large enterprises that employ only a third of workers. 

While RA 9501 mandates banks to allocate 10% of their loan portfolio to MSMEs, BSP regulations restrict risk-based pricing—directly through caps on consumer and financing loans (BSP Circular 1133) and indirectly in MSME lending through microfinance rules (Circulars 272, 364, 409, and related issuances).   

Again, unable to fully price in higher default risks, banks often find it cheaper to pay penalties than to comply. 

IV. Fintech’s Limits, Financial Concentration: Banking Cartel by Design 

At the same time, banks are aggressively expanding into consumer credit, while the unbanked majority continues to rely on the informal sector at usurious or punitive rates. 

Fintech e-wallets have gained traction, but they remain mostly transactional platforms. Banks, by contrast, are custodial institutions. Even if convergence is inevitable, bridging the informal credit gap will remain elusive unless rates reflect real distribution and collection risks.

This convergence may democratize leverage—but banks still dominate credit usage, reinforcing a top-heavy system

Deepening concentration, paired with price restrictions, resembles a cartel. A BSP-led cartel. 

And the first beneficiaries of this low-rate regime? Large enterprises and monied consumers. 

V. Treasury Market Plumbing: Who Really Benefits? 

And like any cartel, it relies not only on market power but also on control of the pipes—the very plumbing of the financial system, now evident in the Treasury market 

The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas has dressed up its latest rate cut as part of a “Goldilocks easing cycle,” but the bond market tells a different story.

Even before the policy shift, the Philippine BVAL Treasury yield curve had been flattening month after month, with long rates falling faster than the front end.  (Figure 2, middle and lower charts) 

That is not a picture of renewed growth but of markets bracing for a slowdown and disinflation. 

The rate cut simply ratified what the curve had preemptively declared: that the economy was softening, and liquidity needed to be recalibrated.


Figure 3

From the Treasury market’s perspective, the real beneficiaries weren’t households or corporates—they were institutional actors navigating a crowded, distorted market. 

Trading volumes at the Philippine Treasury market raced to all-time highs in August, just before and during the cut! (Figure 3, topmost diagram) 

This wasn’t retail exuberance—it was plumbing. 

BSP’s direct and indirect liquidity injections, coupled with foreign inflows chasing carry (data from ADB Online) amid global easing and macro hedges created a bid-heavy environment. The rate cut amplified this dynamic, lubricating government borrowing while sidelining private credit. (Figure 3, middle visual) 

VI. Crowding Out: Corporate Issuers in Retreat 

Meanwhile, the collateral damage is clear: corporate bond issuance has been trending downward, regardless of interest rate levels—both in nominal terms and as a share of local currency debt. (Figure 3, lowest window) 

This is evidence of the crowding-out syndrome, which suggests that BSP easing isn’t reviving private investment—it’s merely accommodating fiscal expansion

In the cui bono calculus, the winners of rate cuts are clear: the state, the banks, and foreign macro hedgers. 

The losers? Domestic firms, left behind in a market—where easing no longer means access. 

VII. The Free Lunch Illusion: Debt and Servicing Costs


Figure 4

The deeper reason behind the BSP’s ongoing financial plumbing lies in social democracy’s favorite illusion: the free lunch politics

Pandemic-era deficit spending has pushed public debt to historic highs (Php 17.27 trillion in June), and with it, the burden of debt servicing. (Figure 4, topmost chart) 

July’s figures—due next week—may breach Php 17.4 trillion. 

Even with slower amortizations temporarily easing the burden in 2025, interest payments for the first seven months have already set a record.

Rising debt means rising servicing obligations—even at the zero bound. The illusion of cheap debt is just that: an illusion. 

Crowding out isn’t just theoretical. 

It’s visible in the real economy—where MSMEs and half the population (per self-poverty surveys) are squeezed—and in the capital markets, where even the largest firms are feeling the pinch. 

The entropy in financial performance among PSE-listed firms, especially the PSEi 30, underscores that the spillover has reached even the politically privileged class. (see previous discussion—references) 

Monthly returns of the PSEi 30 similarly reflect the waning impact of the BSP’s cumulative easing measures since 2009. (Figure 4, middle image) 

In a world of scarcity, there is no such thing as a permanent free lunch. 

VIII. Banks as the Heart of the Economy: Palpitations in the Plumbing 

If the government is the brain of the political economy, banks are its heart. And the pulse is showing increasing signs of palpitations.

The banking system’s books reveal the scale of the plumbing, most visible in the record-high net claims on central government (NCoCG) held by the banking system and Other Financial Corporations (OFCs). 

Bank NCoCG surged 7.5% YoY to an all-time high Php 5.591 trillion in Q2 2025, pushing Held-to-Maturity (HTM) assets up 1.8% YoY to a milestone Php 4.075 trillion. (Figure 4, lowest graph)


Figure 5 

OFCs saw an even sharper jump—14.7% in Q1 to a record Php 2.7 trillion! (Figure 5, topmost diagram) 

According to the BSP, OFCs are composed of non-money market investment funds, other financial intermediaries (excluding insurance corporations and pension funds), financial auxiliaries, captive financial institutions and money lenders, insurance corporations, and pension funds. 

Yet despite these massive reallocations—and even with banks drawing a staggering Php 189 billion from their freed-up reserves (Claims on Other Depository Corporations) after March’s RRR cut—liquidity remains tight. (Also discussed last August, see references) (Figure 5, middle chart) 

Cash reserves continue to decline. Though cash-to-deposit ratios bounced in June from May’s all-time low, the trend remains downward—accelerating even as RRR rates fall to 5%. (Figure 5, lowest image) 

Liquid assets-to-deposit ratios have slumped to levels last seen in May 2020, effectively nullifying the supposed benefits of the BSP’s Php 2.3 trillion pandemic-era injections. 

This strain is now reflected in bank stocks and the financial index—dragging down the PSE and the PSEi 30. 

Goldilocks, eh? 

After the rate cut, the BSP immediately floated the possibility of a third RRR reduction—“probably not that soon.” Highly doubtful. Odds are it lands in Q4 2025 or Q1 2026. 

But even if the BSP dismantles the Reserve Requirement entirely, unless it confronts the root cause—the Keynesian dogma that credit-financed spending is a growth elixir—the downtrend will persist. 

At zero RRR, the central bank will run out of excuses. And the risk of bank runs will amplify.

IX. Q2 2025 Bank Profit Plummets on Credit Loss Provisions


Figure 6 

The toll on banks is already visible—profits are unraveling. From +10.96% in Q1 to -1.96% in Q2.  (Figure 6, upper visual) 

The culprit? 

Losses on financial assets—driven by surging provisions for credit losses, which ballooned 89.7% to Php 43.78 billion in Q2. That’s pandemic-recession territory—December 2020. (Figure 6, lower graph) 

X. Conclusion: Goldilocks Faces the Three Bad Bears 

The cat is out of the bag. 

The “stimulative effect” is a political smokescreen—designed to rescue banks and the elite network tethered to them. It’s also a justification for continued deficit spending and the rising debt service that comes with it. 

But “sweet spots” don’t last. They decay—subject to the law of diminishing returns. 

Paradoxically, under the Goldilocks fairy tale, there were three bears. In our case: three ‘bad’ bears:

  • Crowding out and malinvestments
  • Surging systemic leverage
  • Benchmark-ism to sanitize worsening fundamentals 

Even the Bank for International Settlements has quietly replaced Philippine real estate pricing bellwethers with BSP’s version—one that paints booming prices over record vacancies. 

Nonetheless, the bears are already in the house. The porridge is cold. And the bedtime story is over. What remains is the reckoning—and the question of who’s prepared to face it without the comfort of fairy tales 

All signs point to a late-stage business cycle in motion. 

___

references 

Prudent Investor Newsletters, Q2–1H Debt-Fueled PSEi 30 Performance Disconnects from GDP—What Could Go Wrong, August 24, 2025 Substack 

Prudent Investor Newsletters, Philippine Banks: June’s Financial Losses and Liquidity Strains Expose Late-Cycle Fragility, August 17, 2025 Substack

 

Sunday, August 17, 2025

Philippine Banks: June’s Financial Losses and Liquidity Strains Expose Late-Cycle Fragility


Debt-fueled booms all too often provide false affirmation of a government’s poli­cies, a financial institution’s ability to make outsized profits, or a country’s standard of living. Most of these booms end badly—Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff 

Philippine Banks: June’s Financial Losses and Liquidity Strains Expose Late-Cycle Fragility 

In this issue: 

Part 1: Earnings Erosion and the Mask of Stability

1.A NPLs Fall, But Provisions Rise: A Tale of Two Signals

1.B Philippine Bank’s Profit Growth Falters: Q2 Deficit Breaks the Streak

1.C Universal and Commercial Banks Lead the Weakness; PSE Listed Banks Echo the Slowdown

1.D Income Breakdown: Lending Boom Masks Structural Risk

1.E CMEPA’s Gambit: Taxing Time Deposits to Diversify Bank Income

1.F The Real Culprit: Exploding Losses on Financial Assets

1.G San Miguel’s Share Plunge: A Canary in the Credit Mine? Beneath the Surface: Banks Signal Stress

1.H The NPL Illusion: Velocity Masks Vulnerability

1.I Benchmark Kabuki: When Benchmark-ism Meets Market Reality

Part 2: Liquidity Strains and the Architecture of Intervention

2.A Behind the RRR Cuts: Extraordinary Bank Dependence on BSP

2.B RRR Infusions: Liquidity Metrics Rebound; Weak Money Creation Amid Record Deficit Spending

2.C Rising Borrowings Reinforce Funding Strains, Crowding Out Intensifies, Record HTM Assets

2.D Divergence: Bank Profits, GDP and the PSE’s Financial Index; Market Concentration

2.E OFCs and the Financial Index: A Coordinated Lift?

2.F Triple Liquidity Drain; Rescue Template Risks: Inflation, Stagflation, Crisis; Fiscal Reflex: Keynesian Response Looms

2.G Finale: Classic Symptoms of Late-Cycle Fragility 

Philippine Banks: June’s Financial Losses and Liquidity Strains Expose Late-Cycle Fragility 

From earnings erosion to monetary theatrics, June’s data shows a banking system caught in late-cycle strain.

Part 1: Earnings Erosion and the Mask of Stability 

1.A NPLs Fall, But Provisions Rise: A Tale of Two Signals 

Inquirer.net August Bad loans in the Philippine banking system fell to a three-month low in June, helped by the central bank’s ongoing interest rate cuts, which could ease debt servicing burden. However, lenders remain cautious and have increased their provisions to cover possible credit losses. Latest data from the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) showed nonperforming loans (NPL), or debts that are 90 days late on a payment and at risk of default, cornered 3.34 percent of the local banking industry’s total lending portfolio. That figure, called the gross NPL ratio, was the lowest since March 2025, when the ratio stood at 3.30 percent. 

But the NPL ratio masks a deeper tension: gross NPLs rose 5.5% year-on-year to Php 530.29 billion, while total loans expanded 10.93% to Php 15.88 trillion. The ratio fell not because bad loans shrank, but because credit growth outpaced them. 

Loan loss reserves rose 5.5% to Php 505.91 billion, and the NPL coverage ratio ticked up to 95.4%. Past due loans climbed 9.17% to Php 670.5 billion, and restructured loans rose 6.27%. Provisioning for credit losses ballooned to Php 84.19 billion in 1H 2025, with Php 43.78 billion booked in Q2 alone—the largest since Q4 2020’s pandemic-era spike. 

So, while the establishment cites falling NPL ratios to reassure the public, banks are quietly bracing for defaults and valuation hits—likely tied to large corporate exposures. The provisioning surge is a tacit admission: risk is rising, even if it hasn’t yet surfaced in headline metrics.

1.B Philippine Bank’s Profit Growth Falters: Q2 Deficit Breaks the Streak


Figure 1

Philippine banks posted their first quarterly profit contraction in Q2 2025, down -1.96% YoY—a sharp reversal from Q1’s 10.64% growth and Q2 2024’s 5.21%. This marks the first decline since Q3 2023’s -11.75%. (Figure 1, upper window) 

Even more telling, since the BSP’s historic rescue of the banking system in Q2 2021, net profit growth has been trending downward. Peso profits etched a record in Q1 2025, but fell in Q2. 

The Q2 slump dragged down 1H performance: bank profit growth slipped to 4.14%, compared to 2H 2024’s 9.77%, though slightly higher than 1H 2024’s 4.1%. 

1.C Universal and Commercial Banks Lead the Weakness; PSE Listed Banks Echo the Slowdown 

Earnings growth of universal-commercial (UC) banks sank from 8.6% in Q1 2025 to a -2.11% deficit in Q2. 

UC bank profits grew 6.33% in Q2 2024. Still, UC banks eked out a 3.1% gain in 1H 2025 versus 5.3% in the same period last year. UC banks accounted for 93.1% of total banking system profits in 1H 2025—underscoring their dominance or concentration but also their vulnerability. 

PSE listed banks partially echoed BSP data. (Figure 1, Lower Table) 

Aggregate earnings growth for all listed banks hit 6.08% in Q2 and 6.77% in 1H—down from 10.43% and 9.95% in the same periods last year. The top three banks in the PSEi 30 (BDO, BPI, MBT) reported combined earnings growth of 4.3% in Q2 and 5.31% in 1H 2025, substantially lower compared to 13.71% and 15.4% in 2024. 

The discrepancy between BSP and listed bank data likely stems from government, foreign, and unlisted UC banks—whose performance may be masking broader stress. 

1.D Income Breakdown: Lending Boom Masks Structural Risk 

What explains the sharp profit downturn?


Figure 2

Net interest income rose 11.74% in Q2, while non-interest income increased 14.7%—slightly higher than Q1’s 11.7% and 14.5%, respectively. However, net interest income was lower than Q2 2024’s 14.74%, while non-interest income rebounded from -5.71% in the same period. (Figure 2, topmost chart) 

In 1H 2025, net interest income grew 11.7%, and non-interest income rose 14.6%, compared to 15.53% and -8.83% in 1H 2024. Net interest income now accounts for 82.5% of total bank profits—a fresh high, reflecting the lending boom regardless of BSP’s rate levels. 

This share has reversed course since 2013, rising from ~60% to 77% by end-2024—driven by BSP’s easy money policy and historic pandemic-era rescue efforts. Banks’ income structure resembles a Pareto distribution: highly concentrated, and extremely susceptible to duration and credit risks. 

BSP’s easing cycle has not only failed to improve banks’ core business, but actively contributed to its decay.

1.E CMEPA’s Gambit: Taxing Time Deposits to Diversify Bank Income 

The government’s response has been the Capital Market Efficiency Promotion Act (CMEPA). CMEPA, effective July 2025, imposes a flat 20% final withholding tax on all deposit interest income, including long-term placements. 

By taxing time deposits, policymakers aim to push savers into capital markets, boosting bank non-interest income through fees, trading, and commissions. But in reality, this is financial engineering. (Figure 2, middle graph) 

With weak household savings and low financial literacy, deposit outflows will likely shrink banks’ funding base rather than diversify their revenues. 

It would increase time preferences, leading the public to needlessly take risks or gamble—further eroding savings. 

Or, instead of reducing fragility, CMEPA risks layering volatile market income on top of an already over-concentrated interest income model. 

We’ve previously addressed CMEPA—refer to earlier posts for context (see below) 

1.F The Real Culprit: Exploding Losses on Financial Assets 

Beyond this structural weakness, the real culprit behind the downturn was losses on financial assets. 

In Q2 2025, banks posted Php 43.78 billion in losses—the largest since the pandemic recession in Q4 2020—driven by Php 49.3 billion in provisions for credit losses!  (Figure 2, lowest image) 

For 1H 2025, losses ballooned 64% to Php 73.6 billion, with provisions reaching Php 84.19 billion. 

Once again, this provisioning surge is a tacit admission: while officials cite falling NPL ratios, banks themselves are bracing for valuation hits and potential defaults, likely tied to concentrated corporate exposures. 

1.G San Miguel’s Share Plunge: A Canary in the Credit Mine? Beneath the Surface: Banks Signal Stress


Figure 3

Could this be linked to the recent collapse in San Miguel [PSE: SMC] shares? 

SMC plunged 14.54% WoW (Week on Week) as of August 15th, compounding its YTD losses to 35.4%. (Figure 3, upper diagram) 

And this share waterfall happened before its Q2 17Q 2025 release, which showed debt slipping slightly from Php 1.511 trillion in Q1 to Php 1.504 trillion in 1H—suggesting that the intensifying selloff may have been driven by deeper concerns. (Figure 3, lower visual) 

SMC’s Q2 (17Q) report reveals increasingly opaque cash generation, aggressive financial engineering, and unclear asset quality and debt servicing capacity. 

Yet, paradoxically, Treasury yields softened across the curve—hinting at either covert BSP intervention through its institutional cartel, a dangerous underestimation of contagion risk, or market complacency—a lull before the credit repricing storm. 

If SMC’s debt is marked at par or held to maturity, deterioration in its credit profile wouldn’t show up as market losses—but would require provisioning. This provisioning surge is a tacit admission: banks are seeing heightened risk, even if it’s not yet reflected in NPL ratios or market pricing. 

We saw this coming. Prior breakdowns on SMC are archived below. 

Of course, this SMC–banking sector inference linkage still requires corroborating evidence or forensic validation—time will tell.

Still, one thing is clear: banks are exhibiting mounting stress—underscoring the BSP’s resolve to intensify its easing cycle through rate cuts, RRR reductions, deposit insurance hikes, and a soft USDPHP peg. The ‘Marcos-nomics’ debt-financed deficit spending adds fiscal fuel to this monetary response. 

1.H The NPL Illusion: Velocity Masks Vulnerability


Figure 4

NPLs can be a deceptive measure of bank health. Residual regulatory reliefs from the pandemic era may still distort classifications, and the ratio itself reflects the relative velocity of bad loans versus credit expansion. 

Both gross NPLs and total loans hit record highs in peso terms in June—Php 530.29 billion and Php 15.88 trillion, respectively—but credit growth outpaced defaults, keeping the NPL ratio artificially low at 3.34%. (Figure 4, topmost pane) 

The logic is simple: to suppress the NPL ratio, loan velocity must accelerate faster than the accumulation of bad debt. Once credit expansion stalls, the entire kabuki collapses—and latent systemic stress will surface. 

1.I Benchmark Kabuki: When Benchmark-ism Meets Market Reality 

This is where benchmark-ism hits the road—and skids. The system’s metrics, once propped up by interventionist theatrics, are now showing signs of exhaustion. 

These are not isolated anomalies, but worsening symptoms of prior rescues—now overrun by the law of diminishing returns. 

And yet, the response is more of the same: fresh interventions to mask the decay of earlier ones. Theatrics, once effective at shaping perception, are now being challenged by markets that no longer play along. 

The system’s health doesn’t hinge on ratios—it hinges on velocity. Velocity of credit, of confidence, of liquidity. When that velocity falters, the metrics unravel. 

And beneath the unraveling lies a fragility that no benchmark can disguise. 

Part 2: Liquidity Strains and the Architecture of Intervention

2.A Behind the RRR Cuts: Extraordinary Bank Dependence on BSP 

There are few signs that the public grasps the magnitude of developments unfolding in Philippine banks. 

The aggregate 450 basis point Reserve Requirement Ratio (RRR) cuts in October 2024 and March 2025 mark the most aggressive liquidity release in BSP history—surpassing even its pandemic-era response. (Figure 4, middle chart) 

Unlike previous easing cycles (2018–2019, 2020), where banks barely tapped BSP liquidity, the current drawdown has been dramatic. 

As of July, banks had pulled Php 463 billion since October 2024 from the BSP (Claims on Other Depository Corporations)—Php 84.6 billion since March and Php 189.2 billion in June. Notably, 40.9% of the Php 463 billion liquidity drawdown occurred in July alone. 

This surge coincides with mounting losses on financial assets and record peso NPLs—masked by rapid credit expansion, which may be a euphemism for refinancing deteriorating debt. Banks’ lending to bad borrowers to prevent NPL classification is a familiar maneuver. 

When banks incur significant financial losses—whether from rising NPLs, credit impairments, or mark-to-market declines—the immediate impact is not just weaker earnings but a widening hole in their funding structure. The December 2020 episode, when the system booked its largest financial losses, highlighted how such shocks create a liquidity vacuum: instead of recycling liquidity through lending and market channels, banks are forced to patch internal shortfalls, draining capital buffers and eroding interbank trust. 

Into this vacuum steps the BSP. Reserve requirement cuts, while framed as policy easing, have functioned less as a growth stimulus and more as a liquidity lifeline. By drawing on their balances with the BSP, banks convert regulatory reserves into working liquidity—filling gaps left by financial losses. The outcome is growing dependence on central bank support: what appears as easing is in fact the manifestation of extraordinary support, with liquidity migrating from market sources to the BSP’s balance sheet. 

This hidden dependence underscores how financial repression has hollowed out market-based liquidity, leaving the BSP as the primary lender of first resort 

2.B RRR Infusions: Liquidity Metrics Rebound; Weak Money Creation Amid Record Deficit Spending

The liquidity drawdown has filtered into banks’ cash positions. As of June, peso cash reserves rebounded—though still down 19.8% year-on-year. Cash-to-deposit ratios rose from 9.87% in May to 10.67% in June, while liquid assets-to-deposits climbed from 47.29% to 49.24%. (Figure 4, lowest image)


Figure 5

RRR-driven cash infusions also lifted deposits. Total deposit growth rebounded from 4.96% in May to 5.91% in June, led by peso deposits (3.96% to 6.3%) and supported by FX deposits (4.42% to 6.8%). (Figure 5, topmost graph) 

Yet paradoxically, despite a 10.9% expansion in Total Loan Portfolio and ODC drawdown, deposits only managed modest growth—suggesting a liquidity black hole. CMEPA’s impact may deepen this imbalance. 

Despite record deficit spending in 1H 2025, BSP currency issuance/currency in circulation growth slowed from 9% in June to 8.1% in July, after peaking at 14.7% in May during election spending. Substantial money creation has not translated into higher CPI or GDP, and the slowdown suggests a growing demand problem. (Figure 5, middle diagram) 

Even with July’s massive ODC drawdown, BSP’s cash in circulation suggests a financial cesspool has been absorbing liquidity—offsetting whatever expansionary efforts are underway. 

2.C Rising Borrowings Reinforce Funding Strains, Crowding Out Intensifies, Record HTM Assets 

After a brief slowdown in May, bank borrowings surged anew by 24% in June to Php 1.85 trillion, nearing the March record of Php 1.91 trillion. Escalating liquidity strains are pushing banks to increase funding from capital markets. (Figure 5, lowest pane) 

This intensifies the crowding-out effect, as banks compete with the government and private sector for access to public savings.


Figure 6

Meanwhile, as predicted, record-high public debt has translated to greater bank financing of government via Net Claims on the Central Government, showing up in banks’ record-high Held-to-Maturity (HTM) assets. HTM assets have become a prime contributor to tightening liquidity strains in the banking system. (Figure 6, topmost graph) 

2.D Divergence: Bank Profits, GDP and the PSE’s Financial Index; Market Concentration 

Despite slowing profit growth, the PSE’s Financial Index—composed of 7 banks (BDO, BPI, MBT, CBC, AUB, PNB, SECB) plus the PSE—hit a historic high in Q1 2025, before dipping slightly in Q2. (Figure 6, middle visual)

Meanwhile, the sector’s real GDP partially echoed profits, reinforcing the case of a downturn. 

Financial GDP dropped sharply from 6.9% in Q1 2025 and 8% in Q2 2024 to 5.6% in Q2 2025. It accounted for 10.4% of national GDP in Q2, down from the all-time high of 11.7% in Q1—signaling deeper financialization of the economy. (Figure 6, lowest chart)


Figure 7

Bank GDP slowed to 3.7% in Q2 from 4.9% in Q1 2025, far below the 10.2% growth of Q2 2024. Since Q1 2015, bank GDP has averaged nearly half (49.9%) of the sector’s GDP. (Figure 7, topmost window) 

Thanks to the BSP’s historic rescue, the free-float market cap weight of the top three banks (BDO, BPI, MBT) in the PSEi 30 rose from 12.76% in August 2020 to 24.37% by mid-April 2025. As of August 15, their share stood at 21.8%, rising to 23.2% when CBC is included. (Figure 7, middle chart) 

This concentration has cushioned the PSEi 30 from broader declines—suggesting possible non-market interventions in bank share prices, while amplifying concentration risk. 

2.E OFCs and the Financial Index: A Coordinated Lift? 

BSP data on Other Financial Corporations (OFCs) reveals a dovetailing of ODC activity with the Financial Index. OFCs—comprising non-money market funds, financial auxiliaries, insurance firms, pension funds, and money lenders—appear to be accumulating bank shares, possibly at BSP’s implicit behest. 

In Q1 2024, BSP noted: "the sector’s claims on depository corporations rose amid the increase in its deposits with banks and holdings of bank-issued equity shares." 

This suggests a coordinated effort to prop up bank share prices—masking underlying stress. (Figure 7, lowest graph) 

Once a bear market strikes key bank shares and the financial index, losses will add to liquidity stress. Economic reality will eventually expose the choreography propping up both the PSEi 30 and banks. 

2.F Triple Liquidity Drain; Rescue Template Risks: Inflation, Stagflation, Crisis; Fiscal Reflex: Keynesian Response Looms 

In short, three sources of liquidity strain now pressure Philippine banks:

  • Record holdings of Held-to-Maturity assets
  • Rising Financial losses
  • All-time high non-performing loans 

If BSP resorts to its 2020–2021 pandemic rescue template, expect the USDPHP to soar, inflation to spike, and rates to rise—ushering in stagflation or even possibly a debt crisis. 

With the private sector under duress from mounting bad credit, authorities—guided by top-down Keynesian ideology—are likely to resort to fiscal stimulus to boost GDP and ramp up revenue efforts. 

2.G Finale: Classic Symptoms of Late-Cycle Fragility 

The Philippine banking system is showing unmistakable signs of late-cycle fragility.

Velocity-dependent metrics are poised to unravel once credit growth stalls. Liquidity dependence is paraded as resilience. Market support mechanisms blur price discovery. Policy reflexes recycle past interventions while ignoring structural cracks. 

Losses are being papered over with liquidity, fiscal deficits are substituting for private demand, and the veneer of stability rests on central bank backstops. This choreography cannot hold indefinitely. If current trajectories persist, the risks are stark: stagflation, currency instability, and a potential debt spiral. 

The metrics are clear. The real story lies in the erosion of velocity and the quiet migration from market discipline to state lifelines. What appears resilient today may be revealed tomorrow as fragility sustained on borrowed time. 

As the saying goes: we live in interesting times. 

____

Prudent Investor Newsletter Archives: 

1 San Miguel

Just among the many…

2 CMEPA