Sunday, June 07, 2015

Phisix 7,500: Surprise! Philippine Authorities Signals the Public to Brace for Lower G-R-O-W-T-H!!!

No taxation is legal without parliamentary consent. But if the government has other sources of income it can free itself from this control. If war becomes unavoidable, a genuinely democratic government is forced to tell the country the truth. It must say: “We are compelled to fight for our independence. You citizens must carry the burden. You must pay higher taxes and therefore restrict your consumption.” But if the ruling party does not want to imperil its popularity by heavy taxation, it takes recourse to inflation.—Ludwig von Mises

In this issue:

Phisix 7,500: Surprise! Philippine Authorities Signals the Public to Brace for Lower G-R-O-W-T-H!!!
 
-The Government to the Public: LOWER G-R-O-W-T-H is the Future!
-The BSP’s Foreign Direct Investment Dream
-Slowing Growth Means MORE Taxes, BIGGER DEBT and GREATER Fiscal Imbalance
-The Unseen: How Oligarchs Profit by Shaping the Political Economic Environment
-How Will LOWER G-R-O-W-T-H Impact HOPE based Stock Market
-How Will LOWER G-R-O-W-T-H Impact HOPE based Economy
-Consumer NPLs Soar in 2014!
-Market Prices Hardly Supports 5.2% 1Q GDP Data

Phisix 7,500: Surprise! Philippine Authorities Signals the Public to Brace for Lower G-R-O-W-T-H!!!

The Government to the Public: LOWER G-R-O-W-T-H is the Future!

The government, through their media messenger, looks likely to be engaged in the “conditioning” the public’s mindset to expect ‘lower’ G-R-O-W-T-H.

According to a government representative, the expressed reason for the coming ‘lower’ G-R-O-W-T-H has been due to government “underspending” as consequence of “institutional weakness” and “bureaucratic bottleneck” from “unreasonably strict” auditing by the government’s own auditing agency, the Commission on Audit (COA)[1]

The general idea floated has been that the administration should NOT be responsible for ‘lower’ statistical G-R-O-W-T-H. Instead, the “hot potato” culpability of ‘lower’ statistical G-R-O-W-T-H should be passed on to the realm of politicking, in particular the regulatory roadblocks to political activities as a result of the popular clamor against pork barrel.

In essence, the administration seems to be setting up its own agency, the COA, as the “fall guy”, as well as, popular politics for the telegraphed slowdown.

So when G-R-O-W-T-H exceeds expectations then these signify as ramifications of the administration’s policies. However, when G-R-O-W-T-H falls below expectations, then the administration has nothing to do with it. Talk about self attribution bias in action.

But here’s the rub: Take away the diversionary spin from the political finger pointing has been the admission—which most of all highlights, the government’s agitprop to the public—that the populist high expectation based statistical G-R-O-W-T-H will frustrate!!!

And it’s not just from the administration’s executive department.

In last June 3rd speech, at the General Membership Luncheon Meeting of the American Chamber of Commerce of the Philippines, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) chief, Amando Tetangco, Jr. has only reiterated his predilection for deflation risks which he NOW hedges with risks of inflation[2]:
But a prolonged period of cheap oil combined with an already low global inflation environment begets expectations of increased deflationary risk. Such a scenario could render global economic recovery difficult. On the other hand, there is also the risk that oil prices could reverse in the same speed at which they fell. If the reversal is rapid, that could dislodge inflationary expectations”…
Mr. Tetangco’s logic has been mangled by glaring inconsistencies. Early in the speech he observed that falling oil prices has juiced up G-R-O-W-T-H or “a boost to Asia’s overall growth (including that of the Philippines’)”, but backpedaled to say that a sustained oil induced price decline in an environment of “low global inflation” may incite deflation. Nowhere lies in his speech “the law of demand” or “as prices of product decreases, quantity demanded increases”. 

As a side note, has sliding oil prices really boosted “overall growth” as so claimed? Then why the statistical 5.2% 1Q GDP 2015 only??? Does the change from 4Q 6.9% or 2014’s 6% to 5.2% translate to G-R-O-W-T-H?

Falling prices will not stop people from consuming oil. Oil’s byproducts signify a basic need. Therefore, lower oil prices, which have been a symptom of an underlying cause, will not on itself trigger deflation. 

On the other hand, balance sheet impairments from overleverage will. Curiously, the BSP has been resoundingly silent about credit risks from excessive leverage here and abroad. For the Philippines, credit risks have been assumed away by citing capital ratio statistics and endorsements by credit agencies.

Yet why the fudge? To avoid arousing curiosity that may lead to a chain of reactions that stains the Potemkin imagery?

Aside from deflation, importantly Mr. Tetangco raised two other risks the Philippines G-R-O-W-T-H, namely, “weaker growth prospects in Asia” from the Federal Reserve’s actions that “could trigger higher market volatility, raising the risk of disorderly adjustments” and a China slowdown could have “a knock-on impact on Asia (including the Philippines) through trade, investment and financial linkages with the region”.

In essence, the risks seen by the BSP represents an arbitrage for safety or an escape clause that has been engineered to exonerate the institution when risks transforms into reality.

The BSP seems as already engaged in whitewashing themselves from a prospective economic downturn.

The BSP’s communication has been designed to evade the shortcomings of institutional blindness. The BSP instead sets up the return of volatility and its ramification to blame “market failure”.

But again the BSP chief hardly wants to be the bearer of bad news, so he straddles the fence by providing fuel to the hopes of the high expectations gullible crowd with an appeal to emotion: “it’s too early to abandon our 7–8 percent growth target”.

Why? Because of a pat on the back, “sufficient liquidity, and as domestic credit remains healthy, there are developments that should boost economic performance going forward”. The BSP chief didn’t bring up the issues why bank lending growth has been slowing, why the yield curve has been flattening, why money supply growth has collapsed, and why CPI and various prices in the economic realm has been sharply cascading.

He further speculated that “forthcoming election should boost growth”. Interestingly the BSP chief sees one shot spending as G-R-O-W-T-H. 

This demonstrates the obsession to statistical growth metrics relative to putting food on the table.

The BSP opines of more government spending “to mitigate El Niño can push agriculture” as well as, to “ramp up investments in infrastructure”. 

Apparently he dismisses or has been unaware about the ongoing wrangling within the government on the institutional hindrances on political spending predicated from populist politics.

The BSP’s Foreign Direct Investment Dream

Again the BSP chief further boasted of the supposed potential ramifications from the BSP’s actions “FDI inflow associated with liberalized entry of foreign banks and their corporate investors should boost manufacturing, construction”.

While liberalization of entry of foreign banks should be welcomed, this has hardly been combined with meaningful liberalization of capital flows and the easing of business conditions from manifold political roadblocks. The asymmetric liberalization of finance focuses on the form (bank entry) rather than the substance (fund flows). This can even work as a roach motel—one can check in, but they can’t check out.

The proof of the pudding is when economic turmoil surfaces, we’ll see if the BSP will reverse all the liberalization via the imposition of more capital controls or if they will pursue liberalization. Liberalization can be time inconsistent--or depend on the conditions at a given moment.



The BSP chief dreams about bank liberalization based FDI. He doesn’t mention of the other major structural disadvantage the Philippine political economy has relative to her neighbors.

In ASEAN, the Philippines have the HIGHEST corporate income taxes and HIGHEST VAT rates (charts from IMF). 

Since taxes on income are indirect taxes on investments and savings that create incomes, then the Philippines penalizes capital and savings the most among major ASEAN nations. 

How about VAT as consumption tax? Since consumption is funded by income and by savings, and where income growth is an offspring of capital investments, therefore consumption taxes have also been an implicit tax on wealth.

So based solely on the present tax regime, it could construed that the Philippine has the most anti-business climate. 

And of course there are other cost and economic factors—like regulations, bureaucracy, infrastructure, electricity costs, access to labor, labor costs, access to markets, size of markets, and etc…--that influences that investments.

But on the tax perspective alone, for project managers, the relative high tax rates translates to high hurdle rates or the minimum rate of return on a project or investment required (Investopedia)

Is it any wonder why Philippines continue to remain at the tail end of FDIs even during the era of carry trade arbitrages from low interest rates?

Yet how will liberalization of banks help if capital flows remain constrained and if the business environment remains heavily regulated?

Will bank liberalization be enough to offset the shortfalls from a high tax regime?

Does the BSP know?

As a side note, I know the Heritage Foundation has pointed to a jump in economic freedom rankings in the Philippines in 2015. The study’s score of the Philippines supposedly improved to 62.2 from about 56 in 2011.

So in 4 years the Heritage Foundation sees the Philippines as moving higher among the ranks of economic freedom. The Philippines now ranks 76th relative to Thailand 75th, Indonesia 105th and Malaysia 31st.

But again there are differences in the headlines and the internal dynamics. Most of the recent gains have been from the perception in the fight against ‘corruption’ and from bank liberalization. This has been complimented by the reduction in state subsidies—which again should be welcomed. But when it comes to trade and investment freedom and regulatory environment where it matters most, the Philippines continue to lag. Again the thrust to emphasize on the form (symbolism) via the headlines has influenced even the rankings done by the Heritage Foundation.

Slowing Growth Means MORE Taxes, BIGGER DEBT and GREATER Fiscal Imbalance

Moreover, what does the grand reverie to boost statistical G-R-O-W-T-H by public spending entail?

To be sure this won’t come for free. There will be financial costs and opportunity costs.

The financial cost would mean more taxes, more public debt (that will be also paid for by taxes) and inflation, as well as, increased financial stability risks.

This is why a growth slowdown will also extrapolate to bigger deficits and more debt, since top line revenues are sensitive to changes in economic conditions whereas political spending growth has been mandated based on political demands anchored on highly optimistic growth projections generated from the subsidies of financial repression policies, the mismatch will translate to fiscal deficits.

So when the effects of such subsidies fade, expect the low public debt façade to unravel as debts from deficits balloon.

Because the opportunity costs will not be visible, they will be ventilated in wide areas of the economy. Such will mean less investments, less jobs, less innovations, less income growth, less wage growth, higher cost of goods, lesser quality of goods, and less chances of improvements in the standards of living of the average constituency.

As the great journalist Henry Hazlitt once explained[3] (bold mine)

In our modern world there is never the same percentage of income tax levied on everybody. The great burden of income taxes is imposed on a minor percentage of the nation’s income; and these income taxes have to be supplemented by taxes of other kinds. These taxes inevitably affect the actions and incentives of those from whom they are taken. When a corporation loses 100 cents of every dollar it loses, and is permitted to keep only 60 cents of every dollar it gains, and when it cannot offset its years of losses against its years of gains, or cannot do so adequately, its policies are affected. It does not expand its operations, or it expands only those attended with a minimum of risk. People who recognize this situation are deterred from starting new enterprises. Thus old employers do not give more employment, or not as much more as they might have; and others decide not to become employers at all. Improved machinery and better-equipped factories come into existence much more slowly than they otherwise would. The result in the long run is that consumers are prevented from getting better and cheaper products, and that real wages are held down

There is a similar effect when personal incomes are taxed 50, 60, 75, and 90 percent. People begin to ask themselves why they should work six, eight, or ten months of the entire year for the government, and only six, four, or two months for themselves and their families. If they lose the whole dollar when they lose, but can keep only a dime of it when they win, they decide that it is foolish to take risks with their capital. In addition, the capital available for risk taking itself shrinks enormously. It is being taxed away before it can be accumulated. In brief, capital to provide new private jobs is first prevented from coming into existence, and the part that does come into existence is then discouraged from starting new enterprises. The government spenders create the very problem of unemployment that they profess to solve
So instead of meaningful reforms to liberalize the economy, the government and the BSP has opted to blow bubbles since 2009 in order to create impressions of G-R-O-W-T-H.

Yet blowing bubbles means the frontloading of demand based on unsound financing foundations at the expense of the future. Debt which implies present consumption will have to be paid in the future.

And that future is now!

Going back to the BSP chief’s growth outlook. 

Also Mr Tetangco points at OFW remittances to support domestic consumption. I guess the BSP chief selectively anchors on the March data without seeing the steep 3 months slowdown prior to March.

It’s odd that the BSP chief doesn’t seem to see any sparkle from the private sector to boost real ‘food on the table’ growth. 

Instead he seems to see the supply side—that supposedly should support growth—as being almost entirely dependent on political actions to spur economic activities rather than from organic economic forces.

Yet he doesn’t seem to realize that the suppression of organic economic forces via the politicization of voluntary exchanges by the citizenry and the transfer of resources and risks from the productive segments to non-productive segments will mean LESS statistical and real growth overtime.

With a narrowing breathing room for the credit financed statistical G-R-O-W-T-H, such delusions will be exposed as the chickens come home to roost.

So there you have it, the executive branch and the BSP chief have already began their conditioning campaign to dampen the public’s expectations.

In short, statistical G-R-O-W-T-H will be coming down! In central bank lingo, the forward guidance is a much lower G-R-O-W-T-H.

Interestingly, this government does not even seem to believe on their own 1Q 2015 5.2% G-R-O-W-T-H statistics for them to make such gestures!

Or perhaps they just don’t want to jolt the public!

The Unseen: How Oligarchs Profit by Shaping the Political Economic Environment

And the high tax regime can be seen in a protectionist lens: Trade and investment barriers via high taxes benefits corporate entities owned by domestic oligarchs by preventing competition, especially from foreigners.

That’s because oligarchs have the means to hire an army of accountants and tax lawyers for them to avoid taxes legally. But a high tax regime also punishes the less politically connected firms, thus enabling oligarchs to mount a protective moat against domestic and would be external competitors.

Thus, a high tax regime provides politically connected oligarchs with economic rent

And a high tax regime is also a major reason for the existence of a large informal economy here.

I will further add that the Philippine government has only liberalized restrictions to very select number of industries. Last April 2014, I quoted a World Bank study which noted since 2000 “only large retailers and casinos have experienced reductions in FORs”[4]. FORs stand for Foreign Ownership restrictions.

I also pointed out in late 2013 the government reduced regulatory permits to promote the construction industry which was highlighted by World Bank and IFC’s Doing Business rankings[5].

While any easing on the business environment again should be applauded, the selective liberalization has been in the areas which benefit no other than the interests of oligarchs again.

Think foreign retailers as lessees for shopping malls and for retail spaces of hotels. Think of foreign executives representing foreign owned corporations as customers for their condo projects and clients for their hotels. Think of construction liberalization as easing obstacles for the projects owned by the oligarchy in context of condos, hotels and shopping malls. While their financial intermediation outfits and banking institutions facilitate the credit funding requirements by foreign investors.

In effect, aside from subsidies from the financial repression (zero bound/negative real rates), selective liberalization has been designed to boost the economic interests of the oligarchs. 

And again that’s the reason why profits have been skewed towards a few entities by oligarchs. And a lot of these firms constitute the top 15 listed issues at the PSE which has been the object of the rotational pumps which lately hugged the headlines due to a milestone high that had been unshared by most of the other listed companies.

And because the public has been obsessed or fixated only with the headlines, they hardly see how the oligarchy pulls strings behind the scenes to influence the regulatory environment in order to promote their interests.

And worst, the public (including the experts) can’t seem to comprehend of the MAJOR negative repercussions from such redistributive effects in the form of widening inequality, and most importantly, the massive accumulation of imbalances or malinvestments in the form of a titanic bubble which have been seen as G-R-O-W-T-H!

For instance, media lauds the Philippine president’s trip to Japan as hauling P13.5B in investment pledges. One of the cited biggest investors has been a major Japanese retail company that has ALREADY been operating here. So media likes to portray the President as having brought home the proverbial bacon, when in reality, investment plans by the said have already been in place. The Japanese company just wanted to ingratiate herself with the President by giving him headline credit but in return for quid pro quo or possible invisible political economic privileges. 

Yet most of the touted investments have been “pledges”. Whether those pledges will become reality or not will hardly be accounted for and will be buried under media’s mountain of misinformation overtime. Wait until the G-R-O-W-T-H slowdown seeps into the headlines and watch those promises turn into…dreams!

And here is further proof that the INVISIBLE tax and redistribution policies via financial repression have signified an ideology by this government from which policies have been shaped: the Trickle-down economics from state-crony capitalism.

In another speech to promote financial inclusion last May, the BSP chief Amando M. Tetangco, Jr lets the proverbial cat out of the bag[6]: (bold mine)
While the trickle-down approach to spread the benefits of development is good, it is not enough; we want to be more proactive.
Get that? The BSP’s tacit subsidies have been designed as a trickle-down policy approach from state (crony) capitalism. Hasn’t Pope Francis been repeatedly denouncing the trickle down economics? But Pope Francis has been dead wrong to attribute inequality from “unfettered markets”. There are NO existing “unfettered” “laissez faire” markets. Current markets have all been “managed” or regulated markets.

In reality, under laissez faire capitalism, there is NO such thing as a top down approach. Instead free market capitalism represents the reverse flow: a BOTTOM-UP dynamic. Why? Because in free markets, consumers ULTIMATELY determine who will be rewarded and who won’t.

As the great Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises lucidly described[7]: (bold mine)
In the capitalistic society, men become rich — directly as the producer of consumers' goods, or indirectly as the producer of raw materials and semiproduced factors of production — by serving consumers in large numbers. This means that men who become rich in the capitalistic society are serving the people. The capitalistic market economy is a democracy in which every penny constitutes a vote. The wealth of the successful businessman is the result of a consumer plebiscite. Wealth, once acquired, can be preserved only by those who keep on earning it anew by satisfying the wishes of consumers.

The capitalistic social order, therefore, is an economic democracy in the strictest sense of the word. In the last analysis, all decisions are dependent on the will of the people as consumers. Thus, whenever there is a conflict between consumers' views and those of the business managers, market pressures assure that the views of the consumers win out eventually.
BUT under state capitalism, THE politicians determine which producers get the privileges from economic rent and those who won’t, thus the trickle-down economics! This is the political economic dogma which the BSP, and this government, espouses.

So underneath all the florid headlines have operated an invisible redistribution of wealth mechanism from state-crony capitalism.

How Will LOWER G-R-O-W-T-H Impact HOPE based Stock Market

So if both the executive branch and the BSP have been signaling of a forthcoming slowdown in the trajectory for economic G-R-O-W-T-H, then what will be the implications?

In terms of the stock market, lower statistical G-R-O-W-T-H will diffuse into reported accounting EARNINGs.

Given the nosebleed overvaluations of headline issues, which represent the constituents of the major benchmark that HARDLY offers margin of safety at all, should earnings decline faster than prices then the earnings multiple will explode to the upside!

We seem to be partially witnessing this.
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As of June 4th, 16 of the 30 index issues or 53% of benchmark issues manifested improvements in PERs as against 14 or 47% which manifested deterioration relative to the May 28 data.

But again there is more than meets the eye.

Since April 10’s record of 8,127.48, much of the headline issues posted price losses of 5% and above. Thus falling prices should, for the meantime, ease on those lofty PER levels.

But due to the recently adjusted reported earnings—perhaps to include the yearend 2014 eps performance—the PERs of firms belonging to the PSEi have radically been transformed.

So if we combine falling prices with an earnings upgrade then PERs should be lowered significantly. If we combine falling prices with flat earnings then PERs will fall modestly. However if we combine falling prices with an earnings slump then PERs will SOAR!

As I noted above there are 14 issues or 47% of firms from PSEi index where PERs have climbed. These issues should account for falling prices with deterioration in 2014 earnings. Shockingly, FGEN and ICT reveals of PERs (as of June 4) at 534 and 1,381.25 respectively! Yet week on week prices for FGEN only skidded .93% while ICT even soared 3.27%!

And of the 16 issues or 53% that have improved, 6 issues or 20% of index issues have PERs reduced by 10 or less. They are likely representative of the second category: falling prices with flat earnings hence the modest enhancements in PERs.

This leaves only 10 issues whose PERs has dramatically been reduced as revealed by 10% or more in improvements. So many from the 10 issues with formerly 40, 50, 60 PERs have supposedly come down to reflect on immense degree of 2014 earnings growth. For instance, PERs of Globe Telecoms massively improved from 68.46 to only 26.86! JGS with last week PER of 46.28 dropped to just 26.08! Also, Bloombery Resorts reversed from losses or from Negative PER of 78.23 to Positive 24.68.

So we fall back to the same story where 10 or 33% of firms from the PSEi index basket as driving the headlines. This is against 20 or 66% of the benchmark underperforming firms that have been seen as less important issues as to merit the headlines. So from a survivorship bias perspective, many expect record highs even if a majority has been UNDERPERFORMING!

Remember, the above earnings are supposed to reflect on last year’s performance. So if the government’s trajectory of lower G-R-O-W-T-H will come to fruition, then the present 25, 35, 45 PERs will again jump higher, if prices don’t adjust faster than earnings.

Again prices will likely remain “sticky” as the betting public remains captivated by the HOPE that has pillared their uncritical beliefs, as well as, the zest on the speculative spirits. And much of that HOPE depends on the headlines. So index managers have fervently worked for record HIGHs to provide HOPE by masking the real score—the deterioration of price dynamics in the silent majority of PSE listed firms.

However once the headlines will reflect on the downside adjustments then HOPE will dissipate. The process will segue from incrementalism to a panic.

This brings to the Price Earnings Trap which will eventually rear its ugly head and force prices to violently adjust to reflect on the new reality of earnings downgrade.

It will probably take successive if not deep downside earnings announcements to eventually crush the public’s HOPEs. Yet a significant downturn in the economy will raise such a risk.

Yet we have reached a state where headline bullmarket has enthralled many as to fortify their convictions into religion like devoutness. These people will not only disregard information but will censor, mock, ostracize or even harshly reprimand or chastise any opinions that questions the faith. Again significant downturn in the economy will thus crush the zealot like devotion to the supposed invincibility of the Philippine economy-financial assets which has been products of headline manipulation.

And once confidence turns 180 degrees, record overvalued prices will precipitately compress, or pump will become dump!!!

And that’s just the stock market.

How Will LOWER G-R-O-W-T-H Impact HOPE based Economy

And how about the real economy?

In terms of the malinvestments in the economy, lower statistical G-R-O-W-T-H will greatly impact the recent frantic race to build supply side bubble projects like real estate, shopping malls, hotels—which has been mostly funded by the debt. 


Even if I grant for this discussion that 1Q 2015 5.2% GDP data is acceptable, the credit intensity or the ratio of debt acquisition relative to estimated output exhibits of the susceptibility of both supply and financial side to credit risk: a slowdown in output will magnify the burdens of servicing debt!

Based on current prices, the published 1Q 2015 5.2% GDP remains heavily dependent on debt. For every percentage of GDP G-R-O-W-T-H for 1Q, for instance, depends on 2.81% of credit growth.

And it’s more than just the headlines. The bubble industries command a far large share of resources articulated via output and debt.

Outside manufacturing, the share of bubble industries to statistical 1Q GDP accounts for 38.91%; specifically construction (5.34%), real estate (10.98%), trade (15.19%) and finance (7.41%). Meanwhile BSP’s account of the banking loan share for the same industries outside manufacturing total 49%; 2.84%, 19.92%, 16% and 19.72% respectively.

So about HALF of BSP loans have been allocated to sectors that account for two-fifths of the statistical economy.

The point is that resource usage and debt acquisition has exhibited intense CONCENTRATION risks. Far too much debt financed malinvestments (as revealed by race to build supply) that will account for the coming credit strains.

Not even so-called profitable firms will be exempt when credit pressures appear.

To learn from recent example, in China a ‘profitable’ duck company has reportedly defaulted on its loans last week. Perhaps the company’s working capital has been heavily tied up with short term money market credit where a liquidity crunch exposed its vulnerability.

From the Financial Times[8]: A profitable Chinese duck processing company has defaulted on its debts after banks refused to roll over its loans — in a sign of lenders’ wariness over refinancings as China’s economy slows. Until recently, Chinese banks have been reluctant to write off big debts, preferring to keep businesses alive by rolling over their loans. But privately owned Zhongao has cited banks’ tighter lending policies as a reason why it lacked the funds to repay Rmb282m ($45m) in principal and interest despite turning a profit last year. It has now defaulted on debt from 13 banks, and warned it may not be able to repay Rmb200m in bonds maturing on June 12.

So profitable firms may not be entirely immune from a liquidity crunch.

And going back to the local arena, the implication is that for as long as credit growth outpaces output or income growth, then eventually credit will become, or may have become, a baggage to real growth as more resources will be funneled into debt servicing

Hence a G-R-O-W-T-H downturn will have a feedback mechanism to the real economy. Highly levered firms will suffer from rising financial costs that will squeeze profits. And profit compression will force firms to be on the defensive by cutting back on expansions, trimming organizational excesses and focus on raising cash for debt payments.

However a pronounced slowdown will accelerate the squeeze which likely would mean asset liquidations (balance sheet contraction) to meet debt obligations.

And if the system has been overleveraged, then frantic race to build bubble projects will see the opposite dynamic, a frenetic race to monetize assets to raise liquidity!

So in both stocks and the real economy the outcome will be the same: erstwhile PUMP will mutate into DUMP!

Yet how much more if 5.2% 1Q GDP has been OVERSTATED?

Consumer NPLs Soar in 2014!

And we seem to have already reached the stage where credit strains have emerged.

This week’s BSP data on 2014 consumer loan growth gives us a clue.

While the BSP continues to heap praise on the banking system by citing capital buffer ratio and NPL statistics for Universal-Commercial and thrift banks, they don’t seem to realize that the numbers they showcase already present itself signs of trouble.

True, banking lending to consumers continue to roar. At the end of 2014 on an annualized basis consumer loans expanded 25.09%! On a quarterly basis the rate of growth was at 6.23%.[9]

But here is what the BSP didn’t tell you. From their own data, Non-Performing loans (NPLs) jumped 12.74% annualized and 3.42% on a quarterly basis. Meanwhile the loan loss reserves have even shrunk by 3.23% and 2.61% respectively.

The reason NPLs have hardly become statistically significant has been because current consumer total loan portfolio (TLP) growth (25.09% year on year) continues to eclipse the rate of NPL growth (12.74% y-o-y). In terms of BSP’s calculation of NPLs: Gross NPL Ratio (Gross NPL to Gross TLP) and Net NPL Ratio (Net NPL to Gross TLP).

Yet those headline aggregate numbers don’t tell of the whole picture.

Total portfolio loan growth has been derived from newly acquired loans during the stated period. However, NPLs have emanated from loans acquired from the past that have gone sour during the abovestated reporting period. The BSP defines non-performing loans in different loan categories based on different periods[10]

So what you have is a ratio that compares the results of aging loans with present (freshly acquired) loans. Thus, the current NPL ratios exhibits credit health in the context of quantitative rather than qualitative conditions. This shows again why politics have been about emphasizing on the form rather than of the substance.

For consumer NPL at 12.74% to rise faster than the statistical output, or household final consumption expenditure (8.2% current) already represents an alarm bell.

The point is that for as long as new loans outpace growth in NPLs then the statistical metric of loan coverage on NPLs will remain depressed even if NPLs have been growing.

And because NPLs have represented ageing loan portfolio performance, any slowdown in new loan growth will magnify NPLs. In addition, because of the furious pace of new loans growth rate, today’s big growth in loans will become tomorrow’s NPLs.

And that’s just from the statistical angle.

From an economic angle, for NPLs to grow in the face of lower growth then this should begin to hurt bank balance sheets which eventually should filter on the headlines.

The great thing is that consumer loans remains a speck to overall loans in the banking system.

However, given the perspective that based World Bank’s findex (financial inclusion index) that bank borrowers constitute only 12% of the population, then this means that the frenetic pace of consumer bank borrowing growth has been concentrated to a few segment of the population.

Again the growing CONCENTRATION also means greater risks on the portfolio of those with access to the formal banking sector. Again this will not be seen in BSP’s statistics because they are aggregated, when loan portfolio risks are individualized and when the dispersion of the loan portfolio has been skewed to the select few.

Yet the BSP ignores all other risks such as off balance sheet loans, or shadow banks or unreported foreign loans.

Those assumed bank reserve buffers are only good enough when there is no turmoil.

The proof of the pudding will always be in the eating. We will know how sturdy or resilient the banking system is, only when they are faced with pressures.

Statistics only works to manage expectations through headlines but they don’t and won’t solve malinvestment as expressed by bank balance sheet imbalances or insolvencies

Statistics in the framework of political economic –financial conditions can be perntinently conveyed by this quote attributed to former US President Abraham Lincoln:
You can fool some of the people all of the time, and all of the people some of the time, but you can't fool ALL of the people ALL of the time
Market Prices Hardly Supports 5.2% 1Q GDP Data

The establishment interprets the economy in the lens of statistical framework where prices have been a sideshow.

Yet pricing system represents a decentralized conveyance of information that coordinates the market process that balances demand and supply. 

The Philippines has been reported by the government agency to have grown 5.2% in 1Q 2015. 

Nonetheless various prices in the financial markets and the prices in the economy contradict such numbers.

Stock Market Prices.

In the stock market, a narrowing number of issues have been reporting earnings growth outperformance. Meanwhile the spreading of the bears at the broader markets highlights on the growing disappointment in earnings conditions. Despite the recent record highs which have mostly been a product of index manipulation intended for headline management, the growing breadth of bear markets hardly has been supportive of 5.2% 1Q GDP growth.

Treasury Prices.

In the treasury markets, the flattening yield dynamic has been gaining momentum. Recently, the narrowing spreads has even accelerated into yield curve inversions. The flattening yield curve and the recent inversions reveals of intensifying market based credit tightening and could be symptoms of the short term funding pressures from stress in some of the bank’s balance sheet/s. 

The successive decline in broad based banking loans may have likely also been symptoms of market based liquidity entropy. Thus, for the past two weeks, the treasury markets have seen increased volatility from what appears as interventions to forcibly steepen the yield curve by mostly a pump on short term securities.

Oddly, recent central bank communications seems increasingly cluttered, or has accounted for as misinterpretations by media, or signifies as desperate attempts to alleviate concerns from pressures building at the core by managing external communications where the result has been conflicting signals.

The BSP lately tinkered with the idea of using a liquidity easing (bailout) tool copied from the US Federal Reserve called Term Auction Facility (TAF). The BSP chief likewise followed up with his deflation risk spiel which he raised last February in this week’s speech. The bottom line is that the BSP chief seems concerned about the deflationary impact from an economic slowdown thus signaling an implied intent to ease despite the repeated public statements to maintain current stance.

But international media attempted to portray the BSP as having caused recent spikes in coupon yields from the soaking of excess cash. Given the market based erosion of liquidity, the BSP will not tighten. So for me, the confused signals from the BSP could be signs of trouble that is being concealed.

Besides last week’s crash in global bond markets are likely to spillover to the region or to the local markets.

Nonetheless, shrinking market liquidity as seen by a downfall in the growth of money supply and falling credit growth doesn’t support a 1Q 2015 5.2% GDP growth.

Philippine Peso

Following the taper tantrum where the BSP have used 6.9% of forex reserves to support the peso from episodes of thrashing, the peso may be headed back to the January 2014 highs at 45.41 to a US Dollar. This comes even as the post market stress has only recovered by 1.8% of the consumed foreign reserves.

June 5 Friday evening, when the US government announced job growth of 280k in May, the USD-Php zoomed to 45.3 before retracing much of the US dollar’s gains.

Should the pressures from the global bond vigilantes remain; the peso can be expected to breach the January 2014 highs.

The pesos’ weakness will likely be accompanied by a crescendo in foreign outflows that may impact financial assets which likewise will trigger a feedback loop between the peso and financial assets, predicated on activities by foreign money.

Also the pesos’ weakness will likely impact the real economy through higher import prices and higher debt servicing costs on foreign debts by both government and by several big companies with substantial exposure on foreign debts.

A sustained weakness in the Peso will escalate and be transmitted to an extension of the slowdown in 1Q GDP.

General Prices


Based on consumer prices there have been LITTLE signs of sprightly consumer spending activities in 4Q 2014, in 1Q 2015 or in the 2Q GDP. 

Unless the Philippines has absorbed a barrage of consumer good products from a surge in domestic manufacturing output, or consumer good imports, plunging CPI likewise seem to suggest of a deepening slowdown in consumer demand.

So I don’t know where the NSCB plucked their growth statistical numbers. My guess is that they pulled so many rabbits from the magician’s hat to generate 1Q numbers.

Yet the BSP cites May CPI as “the lowest in 20 years” at 1.6% year on year. This 1.6% CPI growth has been at the lower border of the BSP’s range of forecast.

Since the BSP makes those numbers they can dovetail these numbers to fit their projections.

On a month on month basis, CPI descended by NEGATIVE .1% or a CPI deflation. This month’s deflation accounts for the second contraction in 3 months and fourth shrinkage in eight months.

The above data exhibits why the BSP chief raised anew deflation risks in his latest speech.


The supply side segment of consumer activities or the PSA’s Retail Price index seems to somewhat resonate with the government’s CPI index. 

Again there seems hardly any price pressure even when bank loans to the entire supply side industry and to consumers continue to swell but at a much abridged pace from last year.


These numbers have hardly been supportive of the NSCB’s growth data in 4Q 2014 and in 1Q 2015. The initial numbers don’t point to a recovery in 2Q 2015 either.
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The trend of manufacturing input prices (PSA producer’s price survey) still remains in deep red territory. Why? Lack of demand or excess surplus supply or both?

Again manufacturing input prices hasn’t been consistent with the sector’s credit activities and statistical GDP output.

Where has all the money being borrowed from the banks flowed into?

And none of the price data (CPI, retail, and PPI) has been supportive of 4Q 2014 and 1Q 2015 GDP numbers.

Nonetheless, if the price measures represent a thermometer of economic activities, then the past growth numbers have been far from reality and the present conditions looks even worse than the 1Q.

And seeming worsening conditions have been giving the government less statistical rabbits to play around with, so they have embarked on a signaling channel to reduce the public’s high growth expectations.



[1] Inquirer.net Growth seen to continue slowing down June 4, 2015

[2] Amando M Tetangco, Jr Progress and challenges in the Philippine financial system bis.org June 3, 2015 bis.org

[3] Henry Hazlitt CHAPTER 5 Taxes Discourage Production Part Two: The Lesson Applied Economics in One Lesson p 23-24 Mises.org



[6] Amando M. Tetangco, Jr Acting Together for Financial Inclusion; Speech on the Luzon Regional Consultation on the National Strategy for Financial Inclusion May 20, 2015 BSP.gov.ph

[7] Ludwig von Mises Part 3. PRODUCTION FOR CONSUMPTION Section 2. THE NATURE AND ROLE OF THE MARKET Chapter 3 THE CAUSES OF THE ECONOMIC CRISIS: AN ADDRESS (1931) p.158 Mises.org


[9] Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas Banks' Consumer Credit Continues to Grow June 4, 2015

[10] Non-performing loans (NPLs) As defined by the BSP, NPLs refer to past due loan accounts where the principal and/or interest is unpaid for thirty (30) days or more after due date (applicable to loans payable in lump sum and loans payable in quarterly, semi-annual or annual installments), including the outstanding balance of loans payable in monthly installments when three (3) or more installments are in arrears, the outstanding balance of loans payable daily, weekly or semi-monthly installments when the total amount of arrearages reaches ten percent (10percent) of the total loan receivable balance, restructured loans which do not meet the requirements to be treated as performing loans under existing rules and regulations, and all items in litigation. Effective September 2002, NPLs exclude loans classified as Loss in the latest BSP examination which are fully covered by allowance for probable losses and applicable to a bank with no unbooked valuation reserves and other capital adjustments required by the BSP (Circular No. 351)-- Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas GLOSSARY OF TERMS; Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas Circular 772: Amendments to Regulations on Non Performing Loans

Friday, June 05, 2015

George Selgin: Ten Things Every Economist Should Know about the Gold Standard

At the Ideas for an Alternative Monetary Future (Alt-M) website, George Selgin director of the Cato Institute's Center for Monetary and Financial Alternatives, Professor Emeritus of economics at the Terry College of Business at the University of Georgia, and an associate editor of Econ Journal Watch addresses 10 controversial issues (myths & facts) surrounding the classic Gold Standard
1. The Gold Standard wasn't an instance of government price fixing. Not traditionally, anyway.
2. A gold standard isn't particularly expensive. In fact, fiat money tends to cost more.
3. Gold supply "shocks" weren't particularly shocking.
4. The deflation that the gold standard permitted  wasn't such a bad thing.
5.  It wasn't to blame for 19th-century American financial crises.
6.  On the whole, the classical gold standard worked remarkably well (while it lasted).
7.  It didn't have to be "managed" by central bankers.
8.  In fact, central banking tends to throw a wrench in the works.
9.  "The "Gold Standard" wasn't to blame for the Great Depression.
10.  It didn't manage money according to any economists' theoretical ideal.  But neither has any fiat-money-issuing central bank.
Below are four of my favorites: (bold mine)

1.  The Gold Standard wasn't an instance of government price fixing.  Not traditionally, anyway.
As Larry  White has made the essential point as well as I ever could, I hope I may be excused for quoting him at length:
Barry Eichengreen writes that countries using gold as money 'fix its price in domestic-currency terms (in the U.S. case, in dollars).'   He finds this perplexing:
But the idea that government should legislate the price of a particular commodity, be it gold, milk or gasoline, sits uneasily with conservative Republicanism’s commitment to letting market forces work, much less with Tea Party–esque libertarianism.  Surely a believer in the free market would argue that if there is an increase in the demand for gold, whatever the reason, then the price should be allowed to rise, giving the gold-mining industry an incentive to produce more, eventually bringing that price back down. Thus, the notion that the U.S. government should peg the price, as in gold standards past, is curious at the least.
To describe a gold standard as "fixing" gold’s "price" in terms of a distinct good, domestic currency, is to get off on the wrong foot.  A gold standard means that a standard mass of gold (so many grams or ounces of pure or standard-alloy gold) defines the domestic currency unit.  The currency unit (“dollar”) is nothing other than a unit of gold, not a separate good with a potentially fluctuating market price against gold.  That one dollar, defined as so many grams of gold, continues be worth the specified amount of gold—or in other words that one unit of gold continues to be worth one unit of gold—does not involve the pegging of any relative price. Domestic currency notes (and checking account balances) are denominated in and redeemable for gold, not priced in gold.  They don’t have a price in gold any more than checking account balances in our current system, denominated in fiat dollars, have a price in fiat dollars.  Presumably Eichengreen does not find it curious or objectionable that his bank maintains a fixed dollar-for-dollar redemption rate, cash for checking balances, at his ATM.
Remarkably, as White goes on to show, the rest of Eichengreen's statement proves that, besides not having understood the meaning of gold's "fixed" dollar price, Eichengreen has an uncertain grasp of the rudimentary economics of gold production:
As to what a believer in the free market would argue, surely Eichengreen understands that if there is an increase in the demand for gold under a gold standard, whatever the reason, then the relative price of gold (the purchasing power per unit of gold over other goods and services) will in fact rise, that this rise will in fact give the gold-mining industry an incentive to produce more, and that the increase in gold output will in fact eventually bring the relative price back down.
I've said more than once that, the more vehement an economist's criticisms of the gold standard, the more likely he or she knows little about it.  Of course Eichengreen knows far more about the gold standard than most economists, and is far from being its harshest critic, so he'd undoubtedly be an outlier in  the simple regression, y =   α + β(x) (where y is vehemence of criticism of the gold standard and x is ignorance of the subject).  Nevertheless, his statement shows that even the understanding of one of the gold standard's most well-known critics leaves much to be desired.

Although, at bottom, the gold standard isn't a matter of government "fixing" gold's price in terms of paper money, it is true that governments' creation of monopoly banks of issue, and the consequent tendency for such monopolies to be treated as government- or quasi-government authorities, ultimately led to their being granted sovereign immunity from the legal consequences to which ordinary, private intermediaries are usually subject when they dishonor their promises. Because a modern central bank can renege on its promises with impunity, a gold standard administered by such a bank more closely resembles a price-fixing scheme than one administered by a commercial bank.  Still, economists should be careful to distinguish the special features of a traditional gold standard from those of  central-bank administered fixed exchange rate schemes. 
5.  It wasn't to blame for 19th-century American financial crises.
Speaking of 1873, after claiming that a gold standard is undesirable because it makes deflation (and therefore, according to his reasoning, depression) more likely, Krugman observes:
The gold bugs will no doubt reply that under a gold standard big bubbles couldn’t happen, and therefore there wouldn’t be major financial crises. And it’s true: under the gold standard America had no major financial panics other than in 1873, 1884, 1890, 1893, 1907, 1930, 1931, 1932, and 1933.  Oh, wait.
Let me see if I understand this.  If financial  crises happen under base-money regime X, then that regime must be the cause of the crises, and is therefore best avoided.  So if crises happen under a fiat money regime, I guess we'd better stay away from fiat money.  Oh, wait.

You get the point: while the nature of an economy's monetary standard may have some bearing on the frequency of its financial crises, it hardly follows that that frequency depends mainly on its monetary standard rather than on other factors, like the structure, industrial and regulatory, of the financial system.

That U.S. financial crises during the gold standard era had more to do with U.S. financial regulations than with the workings of the gold standard itself is recognized by all competent financial historians.    The lack of branch banking made U.S. banks  uniquely vulnerable to shocks, while Civil-War rules linked the supply of banknotes to the extent of the Federal government's indebtedness., instead  of allowing that supply to adjust with seasonal and cyclical needs.   But there's no need to delve into the precise ways in which  such misguided legal restrictions to the umerous crises to which  Krugman refers. It should suffice to point out that Canada, which employed the very same gold dollar, depended heavily on exports to the U.S., and (owing to its much smaller size) was far less diversified, endured no banking crises at all, and very few bank failures, between 1870 and 1939.
6.  0n the whole, the classical gold standard worked remarkably well (while it lasted).
Since Keynes's reference to gold as a "barbarous relic" is so often quoted by the gold standard's critics,  it seems only fair to repeat what Keynes had to say, a few years before, not about gold per se, itself, but about the gold-standard era:
What an extraordinary episode in the economic progress of man that age was which came to an end in August, 1914! The greater part of the population, it is true, worked hard and lived at a low standard of comfort, yet were, to all appearances, reasonably contented with this lot.  But escape was possible, for any man of capacity or character at all exceeding the average, into the middle and upper classes, for whom life offered, at a low cost and with the least trouble, conveniences, comforts, and amenities beyond the compass of the richest and most powerful monarchs of other ages.  The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth, in such quantity as he might see fit, and reasonably expect their early delivery upon his doorstep; he could at the same moment and by the same means adventure his wealth in the natural resources and new enterprises of any quarter of the world, and share, without exertion or even trouble, in their prospective fruits and advantages… He could secure forthwith, if he wished it, cheap and comfortable means of transit to any country or climate without passport or other formality, could despatch his servant to the neighboring office of a bank or such supply of the precious metals as might seem convenient, and could then proceed abroad to foreign quarters, without knowledge of their religion, language, or customs, bearing coined wealth upon his person, and would consider himself greatly aggrieved and much surprised at the least interference.  But, most important of all, he regarded this state of affairs as normal, certain, and permanent, except in the direction of further improvement, and any deviation from it as aberrant, scandalous, and avoidable.
It would, of course, be foolish to suggest that the gold standard was entirely or even largely responsible for this Arcadia, such as it was.  But it certainly did contribute both to the general abundance of goods of all sorts, to the ease with which goods and capital flowed from nation to nation, and, especially, to the sense of a state of affairs that was "normal, certain, and permanent." 

The gold standard achieved these things mainly by securing a degree of price-level and exchange rate stability and predictability that has never been matched since.  According to Finn Kydland and Mark Wynne:
The contrast between the price stability that prevailed in most countries under the gold standard and the instability under fiat standards is striking. This reflects the fact that under commodity standards (such as the gold standard), increases in the price level (which were frequently associated with wars) tended to be reversed, resulting in a price level that was stable over long periods. No such tendency is apparent under the fiat standards that most countries have followed since the breakdown of the gold standard between World War I and World War II.
The high degree of price level predictability, together with the system of fixed exchange rates that was incidental to the gold standard's widespread adoption, substantially reduced the riskiness of both production and international trade, while the commitment to maintain the standard resulted, as I noted, in considerably lower international borrowing costs. 

Those pundits who find it easy to say "good riddance" to the gold standard, in either its classical or its decadent variants, need to ask themselves what all the fuss over monetary "reconstruction" was about, following each of the world wars, if not achieving a simulacrum at least of the stability that the classical  gold standard achieved.  True, those efforts all failed.  But that hardly means that the ends sought weren't very worthwhile ones, or that those who sought them were "lulled by the myth of a golden age."  Though they may have entertained wrong beliefs concerning how the old system worked, they weren't wrong in believing that it did work, somehow.
Finally: 9.  "The "Gold Standard" wasn't to blame for the Great Depression.
I know I'm about to skate onto thin ice, so  let me be more precise.  To say that "The gold standard caused the Great Depression " (or words to that effect, like "the gold standard was itself the principal threat to financial stability and economic prosperity between the wars”), is at best extremely misleading.  The more accurate claim is that the Great Depression was triggered by the collapse of the jury-rigged version of the gold standard cobbled together after World War I, which was really a hodge-podge of genuine, gold-exchange, and gold-bullion versions of the gold standard, the last two of which were supposed to "economize" on gold.    Call it "gold standard light."

Admittedly there is one sense in which the real gold standard can be said to have contributed to the disastrous shenanigans of the 1920s, and hence to the depression that followed.  It contributed by failing to survive the outbreak of World War I.  The prewar gold standard thus played the part of Humpty Dumpty to the King's and Queen's men who were to piece the still-more-fragile postwar arrangement together.  Yet even this is being a bit unfair to gold, for the fragility of the  gold standard on the eve of World War I was itself largely due to the fact that, in most of the belligerent nations, it had come to be administered by central banks that were all-too easily dragooned by their sponsoring governments into serving as instruments of wartime inflationary finance.

Kydland and Wynne offer the case of the Bank of Sweden as illustrating the practical impossibility of preserving a gold standard in the face of a major shock:
During the period in which Sweden adhered to the gold standard (1873–1914), the Swedish constitution guaranteed the convertibility into gold of banknotes issued by the Bank of Sweden.  Furthermore, laws pertaining to the gold standard could only be changed by two identical decisions of the Swedish Parliament, with an election in between. Nevertheless, when World War I broke out, the Bank of Sweden unilaterally decided to make its notes inconvertible. The constitutionality of this step was never challenged, thus ending the gold standard era in Sweden.
The episode seems rather less surprising, however, when one considers that "the Bank of Sweden," which secured a monopoly of Swedish paper currency in 1901, is more accurately known as the Sveriges Riksbank, or "Bank of the Swedish Parliament."

If the world crisis of the 1930s was triggered by the failure, not of the classical gold standard, but of a hybrid arrangement, can it not be said that the U.S. , which was among the few nations that retained a full-fledged gold standard, was fated by that decision to suffer a particularly severe downturn?  According to Brad DeLong,
Commitment to the gold standard prevented Federal Reserve action to expand the money supply in 1930 and 1931–and forced President Hoover into destructive attempts at budget-balancing in order to avoid a gold standard-generated run on the dollar.
It's true that Hoover tried to balance the Federal budget, and that his attempt to do so had all sorts of unfortunate consequences.   But the gold standard, far from forcing his hand, had little to do with it.  Hoover simply subscribed to the prevailing orthodoxy favoring a balanced budget.  So, for that matter, did FDR, until events forced him too change his tune: during the 1932 presidential campaign the New-Dealer-to-be assailed his opponent both for running a deficit and for his government's excessive spending.

As for the gold standard's having prevented the Fed from expanding the money supply (or, more precisely, from expanding the monetary base to keep the broader money supply from shrinking), nothing could be further from the truth.  Dick Timberlake sets  the record straight:
By August 1931, Fed gold had reached $3.5 billion (from $3.1 billion in 1929), an amount that was 81 percent of outstanding Fed monetary obligations and more than double the reserves required by the Federal Reserve Act.  Even in March 1933 at the nadir of the monetary contraction, Federal Reserve Banks had more than $1 billion of excess gold reserves.
Moreover,
Whether Fed Banks had excess gold reserves or not, all of the Fed Banks’ gold holdings were expendable in a crisis.  The Federal Reserve Board had statutory authority to suspend all gold reserve requirements for Fed Banks for an indefinite period.
Nor, according to a statistical study by Chang-Tai Hsieh and Christina Romer, did the Fed have reason to fear that by allowing its reserves to decline it would have raised fears of  a devaluation.    On the contrary: by taking steps to avoid a monetary contraction, the Fed would have helped to allay fears of a devaluation, while, in Timberlake's words,  initiating a "spending dynamic" that would have  helped to restore "all the monetary vitals both in the United States and the rest of the world."
Read the rest here

WikiLeaks Unveils TPP Secret Documents

The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a proposed trade and investment agreement, that involves 12 nations from Asia Pacific led by the US. The member states are Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, and Vietnam. 

It’s been a controversial agreement that has raised various protests because of the secrecy of negotiations covering the agreement's expansive scope, and the attendant controversial clauses in drafts that  previously has been leaked to the public.

Austrian economist Dr. Richard Ebeling at the Epic Times clarified that this hasn’t been a free trade agreement: (bold mine)
What should be most clear is that the Trans-Pacific Partnership is not a free trade agreement. Parts of it may, no doubt, lower some trade barriers, thus making easier the production, sale and purchase of a wider variety of imports and exports. However, TPP, like all other trade agreements in the post-World War II era is a managed trade agreement.

That is, governments of the respective participating nations negotiate on the terms, limits and particular conditions under which goods and services will be produced and then bought and sold in each other’s countries. The Japanese government, for instance, is determined to maintain a degree of trade protectionism for the benefit of Japan’s rice producers, who are fearful of open competition from their American rivals.

The U.S. government is under pressure from the American auto industry, for example, to continue limiting greater competition from the Japanese automobile industry. American labor unions want to restrict the importing of goods produced at lower labor costs abroad than U.S. manufactured goods, because American consumers might prefer to buy the lower priced foreign products and thus risking the loss of some of their union members’ jobs.
In short, the TPP is a trade agreement designed to promote the interests of politicians, cronies, and related politically connected vested interest groups on a regional scale. 

As a side note, the TPP could be seen as a part of the geopolitical strategy by the US government to 'rebalance' military and diplomatic relations toward Asia. Or this could be part of the Asian Pivot. The Asian Pivot, according to former US secretary of state, Mrs. Hillary Clinton consist of six courses of action: namely strengthening bilateral security alliances; deepening America's relationships with rising powers, including China; engaging with regional multilateral institutions; expanding trade and investment; forging a broad-based military presence; and advancing democracy and human rights. 

With the seeming growing rift between the US and China, TPP perhaps could now seen an instrument to compete or even limit China's sphere of influence.

Nonetheless, following a bounty recently setup by the anonymous organization WikiLeaks to publish secret information, news leaks, and classified media from anonymous sources, the same group unveiled some of the shroud from negotiations
From the Guardian
WikiLeaks on Wednesday released 17 different documents related to the Trade in Services Agreement (Tisa), a controversial pact currently being hashed out between the US and 23 other countries – most of them in Europe and South America.
The document dump comes at a tense moment in the negotiations over a series of trade deals. President Barack Obama has clashed with his own party over the deals as critics have worried about the impact on jobs and civil liberties.

On Tuesday, WikiLeaks put a $100,000 bounty on documents relating to the alphabet soup of trade treaties currently being negotiated between the US and the rest of the world, particularly the controversial Trans-Pacific trade agreement (TPP). The offer, announced yesterday, has already raised more than $33,000.

Wednesday’s leak is the third time that WikLeaks has published sections from secret trade agreements. In January it leaked a chapter from the TPP related to the environment. In November 2013 it made public a draft of the agreement’s intellectual property chapter, containing proposals that Wikileaks founder Julian Assange said would “trample over individual rights and free expression”. 

Among the text leaked on Wednesday are Tisa’s annex on telecommunications services, an amendment that would standardize regulation of telecoms across member countries, according to WikiLeaks. Other documents in the batch of files relate to e-commerce, transportation of living people and regulation of financial services corporations.
I guess the Wikileaks just unveiled part of the grand scheme to promote the globalization of cronyism.

Thursday, June 04, 2015

Bond Vigilantes Return with Vengeance: Global Bonds Crash!

I previously posted what seemed as a seminal appearance by the bond vigilantes early May 2015. This was led by a massive selloff in German bunds

The global bond market rout was placed on the freezer when ECB's Benoit Coeure indicated that the European central bank will frontload the QE program. 

The initial bond market seizure reportedly signified some $456.4 billion of losses according to Bloomberg.

After a lull, last night at a news conference following the ECB's policy meeting, ECB President Mario Draghi promised more stimulus stating that "We’ve still got a long way to go". 

Apparently this had led to a seeming dissatisfaction in the marketplace enough to fire up a bond selling frenzy which ushers in the return of the bond vigilantes.



This is the 10 year US Notes which responded to events in Europe.


The German and French equivalent just crashed! Crashing bonds remain an ongoing dynamic as of this writing.


Europe's crisis plagued economies (Portugal, Spain and Italy) were not spared.


The yield of 10 year JGB equivalent has likewise spiked! Rising yields will tighten the screw on Abenomics.


The bond vigilantes landed on Asia...

Singapore and Hong Kong's 10 year bonds have tumbled.


The Australian and Taiwan contemporary also got smoked


Bonds of the ASEAN majors has also been bludgeoned. (all charts above are from investing.com)


Interestingly, ASEAN currencies (see above from Bloomberg) seem to be taking a significant beating today.  

Indonesia's rupiah via, as of this writing, appears to have crashed to a NEW all time LOW! In the context of USD-IDR, this makes a new all time high!

Philippine bonds have yet to reflect on the current phenomenon.

If soaring yields translate into significantly higher lending costs, then how will these affect asset markets of the world and or global economies heavily dependent on debt?

Yet how will sustained weakening of ASEAN currencies affect her overseas debt exposure, as well as, internal prices (influenced by imports) that will likely spillover to the assets and the economy?

Record stocks in the face of the record imbalances at the precipice.