Sunday, December 15, 2019

Neo-Socialism Goes Full Throttle: The Raging War on Water Concessionaires and ABS-CBN, Is Dito Telecommunity the Agenda?



Government central planning leaves little or no autonomy or private arenas for alternative choices for the individuals of a socialist society. The government is the monopoly allocator of resources and producer of goods. It is the single employer for all those looking for work. It is the controller of all means and methods of communication and exchange of ideas. It requires the goals and purposes of the individual to be made subservient to those in “the plan,” and coercively if needed. Nor can new democratic choices be allowed to constantly challenge and change the coherence and implementation of “the plan” without causing societal instability—Richard M Ebeling

In this issue

Neo-Socialism Goes Full Throttle: The Raging War on Water Concessionaires and ABS-CBN, Is Dito Telecommunity the Agenda?
-The Escalation of Neo-Socialism: President Threatens Nationalization of Water Concessionaires, Closure of ABS!
-The PSE Wakes Up to the Smell of Neo-Socialism
-Is the Agenda Behind the War on Water Concessionaires and ABS Been About Dito Telecommunity?

Neo-Socialism Goes Full Throttle: The Raging War on Water Concessionaires and ABS-CBN, Is Dito Telecommunity the Agenda?

The Escalation of Neo-Socialism: President Threatens Nationalization of Water Concessionaires, Closure of ABS!

At its onset (May 2016), I warned about the impact on the economy from the socialist direction of this administration*.

the government will likely decrease participation of private sector in the economy through legislation. The government will likely resort to the substitution of private sector participation through nationalizations. Or that the government will increase regulations and mandates that will raise barriers to entry. So by picking on winners, the incoming administration may essentially endow the privilege of political protection from competition to select favored (rent seeking/crony) private entities or to state owned enterprises.


Recent events have only been magnifying this pathway.

Nota Bene: The latest events will be depicted from the mainstream’s viewpoint, ergo the excerpts from the news. Bold highlights are mine.

First, the political leadership’s crescendoing intimidation of ABS-CBN.

From the Inquirer (December 4, 2019): “President Rodrigo Duterte on Tuesday vowed that “he will see to it” that the franchise of broadcast giant ABS-CBN would not be renewed…“Your franchise will end next year. If you are expecting that it will be renewed, I’m sorry. You’re out. I will see to it that you’re out,” he said, addressing ABS-CBN…Republic Act No. 3846 requires radio and television broadcasters in the Philippines to obtain a franchise from Congress. It was the first time that the President had stated that he would personally ensure that the network’s franchise would not be renewed. ABS-CBN’s 25-year franchise expires on March 30, 2020.”

If upheld, will the National Government foreclose and nationalize, or will it commandeer ABS-CBN to a new administration friendly owner? The cessation of ABS is a doubtful option.

Next, the administration’s threat to nationalize water concessionaires.

From the Inquirer (December 10, 2019): “President Rodrigo Duterte on Tuesday threatened to take over privately-owned Maynilad Water Services, Inc. and Manila Water Company, Inc. for what he called the “onerous” 1997 water concession agreements they entered into with the government. Duterte said he would want to talk to officials of the water concessionaires as well as the government lawyers involved in the drafting of the contracts. “I will expropriate everything. I will seize everything. File charges until you want. Anyway, I will be out in two years,” Duterte said in a speech during the oathtaking of newly-appointed government officials in MalacaƱang. In separate decisions, the Singapore-based Permanent Court of Arbitration ordered the Philippine government in 2017 to pay P3.6 billion to Maynilad and in November to compensate P7 billion to Manila Water for losses suffered by the water firms due to disallowed water rate increases from 2013 to 2017.”

The President followed this up, threatening a takeover by the military.

To mollify a fuming President, not only have these concessionaires announced the deferral of rate hikes, they declared the suspension of the compensation awarded them by an international arbitration court.

From the Inquirer (December 11, 2019): “Facing threats of imprisonment, charges of economic sabotage and even expropriation from President Rodrigo Duterte, officials of the country’s two biggest water concessionaires have finally backed down…On Tuesday, they said they would no longer seek to collect from the government close to P11 billion that an international arbitration court had awarded to them for foregone revenue from higher rates that they were unable to implement.”

Beaten into submission, the elite private sector owners also acceded to renegotiate the so-called onerous contracts.

From the Inquirer (December 13, 2019): “Water concessionaires Maynilad and Manila water agreed to renegotiate the “onerous” 1997 water agreement with the government. In separate letters to the President Rodrigo Duterte on December 10, Maynilad Chair Manny Pangilinan and Manila Water Chairman Fernando Zobel de Ayala, the two water concessionaires agreed for a renegotiation of their water deals with the government. Pangilinan assured Duterte of “its willingness” to cooperate with the Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System (MWSS) ‘to have certain provisions of the Concession Agreement reviewed and amended.” He reaffirmed Maynilad’s “unwavering commitment” in nation-building, economic growth and stability of service to the people.”

To top it all, one of the water firms even issued a public apology!

Helplessly faced against a politically mandated coercive force who could subvert their investments, why not then?

From the Inquirer (December 12, 2019): Manila Water has apologized for upsetting President Rodrigo Duterte after an international tribunal ruled in favor of the country’s two water concessionaires. Manila Water president Jose Rene Almendras explained that the case was filed as early as 2015 but the ruling by the Singapore-based Permanent Court of Arbitration was only made earlier under the Duterte administration…It’s unfortunate the President got mad. We didn’t mean to give the President any problem. We don’t want to fight President Rodrigo Duterte because he is doing what is good for the people. We support him…We apologize if the arbitral ruling angered him. That’s why we waived the arbitral ruling because the President does not want it. We understand, that’s why we decided not that we will not push for it.”

Despite the proffered conciliatory actions, the unconvinced leadership initiated legal proceedings against them!

From the Inquirer (December 11, 2019): The Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System (MWSS) has revoked the extension of concession agreements of both Maynilad Water Services Inc. and Manila Water Company Inc.,  the two firms distribute water in Metro Manila and adjacent provinces. The extension of the concession agreements until 2037 was approved by the MWSS in a board resolution in 2009. Due to the revocation, however, the water firms’ concession will end in 2022.

Rooted from the fundamental socialist precept that the interest of the collective reigns supreme, the administration's unilateral coercive actions represent a flagrant violation of the sanctity of contracts, undermining the basic property rights of the citizenry.

Do you know that we have a Bill of Rights? According to Article III of the 1987 Constitution’s Bill of Rights: “Section 1. No person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, nor shall any person be denied the equal protection of the laws.”

Why would investments flow into the economy, if such rights can’t be secured, and or, if rules, regulations and contracts of voluntary exchanges are subject to the whims and caprices of the leadership? 

And it doesn’t stop here.

Meanwhile, the media has floated a possible replacement to the incumbent concessionaires. The candidate: a firm owned by a staunch political ally!

From the Inquirer (December 10, 2019): “President Rodrigo Duterte’s endorsement of the Villars’ water utility firm PrimeWater Infrastructure Corp. could be because it came from Manny Villar’s hard work, Senator Cynthia Villar said Tuesday. The senator pointed out her husband did not inherit the business, unlike water concessionaires Manila Water and Maynilad…Duterte earlier lauded the Villars, and hinted their possible takeover of the capital region’s water supply system.”

So would a deal with the Villar group comprise “good for the people” than the existing suppliers?

Could a takeover of the water franchise have signified the administration's quid pro quo to the Villar group for pulling out of the race for the 3rd telco, at the close of 2018, paving the way for the China Telecom-Dennis Uy franchise?

However, concerned over a possible backlash, naturally, the representative of the politically favored firm and the Palace issued their respective public denials.

From MSN/GMA (December 11, 2019): “Senator Cynthia Villar on Tuesday denied that President Rodrigo Duterte is building up her family to take over the job of supplying water to Metro Manila from two water concessionaires…However, asked if her family's PrimeWater Infrastructure Corporation will vie for a concession agreement with the government once the present concessionaires' contracts expire, Villar said she does not know.”

From the MSN/Philstar (December 13, 2019): President Duterte’s pressuring the country’s top water distributors is meant to protect the interests of the people and not to pave the way for a takeover of the firms by his friends, administration officials said yesterday. “Oh no, definitely not,” Presidential Communications Secretary Martin Andanar said when asked in an interview on ANC about speculation that Duterte wanted to replace the “oligarchs” – the President’s description of the owners of the two water concessionaires – “with his own oligarch.”

So which is which, nationalization or expropriation in favor of an ally?

And haven't these been sufficient evidence of the imposition of rigid central planning and the tightening control by the administration on the most salient political-economic sectors of the nation?

Notwithstanding the record deficits, the net increase in taxes, surging bureaucracy and regulations, and other forms of socio-political-economic interventions, how could such blatant violation of property rights be supposedly representative of a ‘business-friendly’ administration?

Or, “friendly” applies to whose business interests?? The Xi-sponsored mainland Chinese enterprises, the Dennis Uy firms, the Villar business empire, and more??

Fundamentally, rent-seeking or crony relationships represent the political allocation of economic resources, which are prone to the accretion of imbalances.

As I wrote back in March of this year**,

Privatizing profits and socializing losses has been the implicit principle guiding the political framework behind such private water concessions. These are rent-seeking firms or private firms that benefit from political privileges (in this case monopoly concessions).

The National Government (NG) subcontracted or transferred to private sector agents the operation of such utilities to free the former from financial constraints in exchange for regulated profits of the latter through price controls.


Why should a new “for the people” contract be any different?

As demonstrated, all it takes is a foreseen event, such as the 2019 water crisis, to expose the siloed misallocation of resources.

The PSE Wakes Up to the Smell of Neo-Socialism

Interestingly, though mainstream media has diverted the blame and the impact from the heightening risks of nationalization elsewhere, or the escalating odds of the overhaul of the ownership of water concessionaires favoring the political allies, such imperious interventions have spurred an investor revulsion prompting a harrowing weekly plunge in the prices of stocks related to the controversy.
 
Even after a sharp Friday bounce, Maynilad’s owners DMC and Metro Pacific hemorrhaged 8.26% and 17.8%, respectively, while Ayala Corp shed 5.6% as subsidiary Manila Water crashed 38.5%. ABS-CBN fell 5%. Please note that Ayala Corp, Metro Pacific, and DMC are component members of the PSEi and that cascading prices are a demonstration of the sharp deterioration of the health of the broader markets.
  
This week’s plunge signified an acceleration of the weakening prices of all five issues since 2017-8 or before the outbreak of the 2019 water crisis. ABS has been in a freefall since the aftermath of 2016 Presidential election.

Recent political interventions had only exacerbated the attenuation of prices caused by the dissipation of financial liquidity.

Looking at those charts may draw the impression that the headline could be below the 7,000 levels. But this has not been the case.

Despite such turmoil, the headline index soared .97% this week on SM Prime (+2.45%), Ayala Land (+3.08%), Banco De Oro (+2.3%), and JG Summit (+3.8%) carried the weight of Friday’s steep 1.76% advance.

As a reminder, % changes are not the same for component members of the index. That's because the free float weights of these firms ultimately determine the scale of contribution to the index.
 
Hence, this week’s performance entrenches further the trend of the SY group’s record dominance of the headline index. The result of such index manipulation has been to skew the distribution of the PER towards these (and some of the published eps are inflated).

Imbalances have been growing everywhere!

The good thing is, the PSE has partly awakened to the fact that neo-socialism and the capital markets or the market economy are disharmonious.

And despite the constant rigging, the markets ultimately clear!

More importantly, seeing the cluelessness of the mainstream/establishment experts about the underlying risks has just been incredible! From their ken, because economics is all about statistics, changes in governance structure have no bearing on it! Surprised at the gravity of the impact, they end up rationalizing the event and putting a glossy spin on the likely outcome from a ‘renegotiated’ deal. Good luck with that!

Oversold conditions may prompt for a bounce alright, but whether they are sustainable or not ultimately depends on the state of financial liquidity and the underlying political conditions driving perceptions, and consequently, actions expressed through prices.

Is the Agenda Behind the War on Water Concessionaires and ABS Been About Dito Telecommunity?

Despite the headlines, I propound a different angle from the unfolding controversy. If the plan is not to nationalize, then what could be the alternative agenda?

Let us start with a question. What is the common ground or denominator of listed firms Metro Pacific, Ayala Corp, and ABS-CBN? Answer: These firms are affiliated to, or have companies with existing telecom and media infrastructures, as well as substantial market shares.

In spite being awarded the third telco franchise, President Duterte’s gift to China’s President Xi, via China Telecoms through politically favorite businessman Dennis Uy, Dito Telecommunity (formerly Mislatel) would require massive amounts of money and time to roll-out infrastructure and facilities, as well as, obtain a critical market share to render their firm viable.  Though theoretically, as a Chinese state company, money shouldn’t be such a problem.

Last July, the firm pushed back its roll-out schedule to the 2Q of 2020, according to the CNN (July 9), “While commercial operations were initially targeted to begin as early as September this year, Dito spokesperson Adel Tamano said they have moved the target to the second quarter of 2020.”

And to accelerate this, it announced partnerships. According to the Inquirer (October 4), “DITO announced a partnership on Thursday with SkyCable Corp., owned by the Lopez family’s ABS-CBN Corp., and the group of politician Luis Chavit Singson, who last year launched a failed bid for the third telco slot.”

That’s because Dito has committed to the National Government several targets: “Under its commitments to the NTC, the company promised to cover at least 37 percent of the population on its first year—a period that would end on July 8, 2020. Over its five-year commitment period, it promised to cover 84 percent of the Philippines and offer internet speeds of at least 55 megabits per second.”

The company reportedly allotted over $6 billion for this.

Unless the constitution is amended to allow an extended tenure, or should martial law will be declared or both, the Duterte regime ends on 2022 or about two years from now.

What if the opposition snares the political helm from this regime?

What if the targets for infrastructure and market share won’t be fulfilled, wouldn’t Dito’s interests be in jeopardy?

As such, wouldn’t it be a more viable option to just buy-out a firm with existing facilities and markets? Wouldn’t PLDT and Globe become tantalizing and convenient targets for a cheap M&A that galvanizes Dito’s foothold in the telco market?

Despite its partnership with Skycable, wouldn’t ABS’s market share in television, cable, fiber, and radio systems provide the critical mass in reaching voters in the electoral campaign that may help the regime and their allies cement their stranglehold over the political system in 2022?

Given the evolving transition towards a neo-socialist political-economic system, wouldn’t these politically sensitive facilities provide both socio-economic and political benefits to the incumbent leadership to exercise surveillance and command of the population?

In the old school, socialism involved the state’s nationalization or taking control of the factors of production. In the alternative version, the fascist, crony, or state capitalist model, a semblance of private property is allowed but operates under the strict supervision of the state.

So why not take command of these facilities? How? By applying political pressure on its owners, through different fronts, that may compel its liquidation at fire-sale prices!

Hence, could the war on water concessionaires and ABS been about leveraging for an M&A in telecom and media?

Or why not have the government, if not its allies, control ALL, if not most of the critical utilities necessary to sustain the legacy of the Duterte’s regime?

From this perspective, the agenda behind the war on water concessionaires and ABS-CBN becomes clearer.

As I have been saying, because utilities are easier to nationalize or commandeer, please avoid them. As history shows, utilities have signified the most nationalized sector in the world!

Attachments area

Sunday, December 08, 2019

Newton’s Law Aborts the Formative Nickel Mining Mania



Newton’s Law Aborts the Formative Nickel Mining Mania

The stock market’s breadth has so deteriorated such that even individual stock manias, expressed via price spikes and backed by tall tales, have become incredibly short-lived.

The upside spiral of nickel mining issues in September, mainly due to the ban on Nickel exports by the Indonesian government led to this conclusion.

To be clear, I am positive on the long term prospects of nickel mines, but current developments reveal the penchant of domestic markets to exaggerate pricing.


Newton’s Third Law of Motion, “For every action, there is an equal and opposite reaction”, has aborted a developing mania in nickel mining favorites.

Aside from plunging global nickel prices, the tumbling marketplace liquidity or lackluster volume has weighed on domestic miners.
 
Aside from the partial reversal by the Indonesian government on the ban on exports last November, which allowed for select miners, the crucial issue may have been the perceived bottoming of nickel inventories that have spurred a plunge in global nickel prices.

 
Nickel prices have dropped even before inventories may have hit the floor.

Neither has the huge gain in global nickel prices in the 3Q have filtered into Nickel Asia Corporation or NIKL’s revenues nor margins.

While Global Ferronickel Holdings or FNI’s margins posted significant improvements in the 3Q, surging nickel prices haven’t inspired a boom in output.

As Warren Buffett aptly stated, only when the tide goes out, do you discover who’s been swimming naked.

The Yield Curve Takes Control: Philippine CPI Increases to 1.3% in November


There are two kinds of statistics, the kind you look up and the kind you make up—Rex Stout from Death of a Doxy

The Yield Curve Takes Control: Philippine CPI Increases to 1.3% in November

The Forecasting Prowess of the Yield Curve; the CPI Cycle

The yield curve of the Treasury Markets, as I have been saying, presages statistical inflation. 
 
On the left of this chart is the 2012 based Consumer Price Index (CPI). On the right is the yield differential of the 10-year T-bond and the 1-year T-bill, as well as, the variance between the 1-year T-Bill and the CPI or the real yield.

The spread of the 10- and the 1-year curve has accurately foretold the direction of the 2012 CPI since the latter came to replace its 2006 predecessor in 2013.

The curve began to flatten ahead of the CPI in 2013 before the BSP raised rates in 2014. It commenced on steepening in 3Q 2015, a few months before the BSP opened the QE floodgates, pushing the CPI to reach a climax in 3Q 2018. The curve started to flatten anew before the BSP hurriedly raised policy rates beginning the 2Q 2018, whereby the CPI soon followed with a plunge. The flattening morphed into an inversion, a sign of extraordinary financial tightening, antecedent to the BSP’s chopping of policy rates, which started in the 2Q 2019. Such yield curve inversion, the first since at least 2000, is an indicator of heightened risks of a recession.   

The history of the BSP’s monetary policies can be found here.

Not only the CPI cycle, but the Philippine treasury yield curve seems to have even been predicting the crucial shift in BSP’s policy trends!

But the soothsaying prowess of the yield curve can be seen in a different light.

The yield curve, instead, projects the incumbent policies of the BSP, which drives the CPI cycle. And once the curve reaches a certain point from which the CPI follows with a time lag, treasury investors foresee and prices a turnaround on the BSP policies in response to such dynamic. The yield curve’s inflection points, thereby, represent the treasury market’s anticipation of the denouements of the peak and troughs of the CPI cycle.

Here is a truncated backstory.

In response to the tightening by the BSP in 2014, the CPI downshifted, after peaking in August 2014, for 14 straight months until it recorded two months of deflation in September and October 2015. The sharp and speedy decline of the CPI prompted the flattening dynamic of the curve to reverse in July 2015, reflecting the Treasury market’s expectation of the revival of the CPI from the BSP’s easing.

The BSP’s tightening process indeed ended with the opening of the QE spigot in the 4Q of 2015. This financial easing was supported by the record drop in its policy rates, which was implemented by the BSP in June 2016, presented under the camouflage of the adaption of the Interest Rate Corridor (IRC) System.

The yield curve steepened until it climaxed in January 2018, and four months later, in response to the surging CPI, the BSP began its 175 bps series of hikes implemented within 7-months. The CPI, meanwhile, hit a multi-year high of 6.7% in September 2018, 8-months after the curve began to flatten.

That January 2018 flattening cycle culminated with an inverted yield curve in March 2019, which from this milepost has sharply steepened to manifest the Treasury markets’ expectations of a resurgent CPI.

The BSP responded to the liquidity squeeze with a series of rate cuts, totaling 75 bps thus far, which started in May 2019, as anticipated by the curve. RRR cuts of 400 bps had also been used to ease financial tightness.

Nevertheless, because of radical political responses to the 2018 rice crisis, and statistical anomalies, if not skullduggery, the headline CPI still plunged to a 42-month low last October.

And because of the tenacious widening of the curve, which has clashed with the artificially depressed statistical inflation, confronted with a credibility dilemma, the National Government relented to publish a higher CPI last November.

Action Speak Louder than Words: Economists See No Inflation, Traders Price in Higher Inflation
 
The Philippine capital markets have a very thin participation rate from the general population. Like the stock market, the treasury market has been dominated by the financial institutions and also government financial institutions. But unlike the stock market, foreign participation may not be as significant. [Nota Bene: I’m sorry. I have no access to latest data, except to rely on old reports. Example in 2011, non-residents account for 10% share of local government bond]

As the Asian Bond Online reported in its 3Q 2019 Asian Bond Monitor: “Banks and investment houses remained the largest investor group in the Philippine LCY government bond market in Q3 2019, with an investment share slightly rising to 42.6% at the end of September from 41.9% a year earlier. Contractual savings institutions (including the Social Security System, Government Service Insurance System, Pag-IBIG, and life insurance companies) and tax-exempt institution (such as trusts and other tax-exempt entities) were the second-largest holders of government bonds. However, their share fell to 23.9% from 27.2% during the same period. The share of brokers and custodians was almost at par at 11.5% during the review period, while that of funds managed by the BTr inched up to 10.0% from 9.4%”

The treasury markets reveal the demonstrated preferences of the institutional participants or ‘action speaks louder than words’. What in-house economists and experts from financial institutions say has starkly been different compared with what their treasury departments do. Experts tell media that CPI should remain muted, but paradoxically, traders of treasury departments from these establishments don’t believe what their analysts have been saying!

And from this view, traders from various treasury departments have some indirect influence on the BSP’s policies.

November CPI Expands to 1.3% as Divergences Persist

The Philippine Statistics Authority reported that a jump in November’s CPI to 1.3%.

Curiously, despite the sustained significant deflation in the rice (-8.3%) and bread (-2.2%) CPI (-5.6%), which led to a slight -.2% deflation in Food CPI, the headline CPI still climbed! Add to this the irony of deflation in Transport CPI (-2.4%). The previous drivers of the suppressed CPI have failed to influence more downside on the headline!

What segments pushed the higher the CPI in November? According to the BSP: “The uptick in November headline inflation rate was traced mainly to higher prices of selected food items. Inflation rates for meat, fish, vegetables, as well as milk, cheese, and eggs increased in November compared to year-ago levels. At the same time, year-on-year inflation rates for rice, corn, as well as sugar, jam, honey, chocolate, and other confectionery were also less negative during the month. Meanwhile, year-on-year non-food inflation was unchanged in November as higher actual rentals for housing and upward adjustments in electricity rates due to the increase in generation charge were offset by the lower transport inflation during the month.”

As the headline inflation rose, the Core CPI slipped, the result of which has been to diminish the record divergence. Pls. see my past explanations.


or here


 
The headline CPI’s November advance has been a product of the increases in its subsectors, particularly, alcohol (+17.6%), household utilities (+1.2%), furnishings (+2.8%), health (+3.1%) and communication (+.3%) relative to the previous month.

However, the bizarre disconnect between the food CPI and the restaurant CPI persisted in November. 
 
While the food CPI was less deflationary (-.2%), restaurant CPI (+2.7%) was unchanged. Hence, the record spread had narrowed slightly.  

Such statistics tell us that consumers exist in a vacuum. Consumption of food at home and food at restaurants has little human and economic connection between them.

These statistics have little relevance to the real world.