Showing posts with label Pork Barrel. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Pork Barrel. Show all posts

Thursday, July 03, 2014

The Public Choice Theory Applied to the Philippine Pork Barrel Scam

Public Choice represents “theories and methods of economics to the analysis of political behavior” founded on the notion that instead of political authorities acting to “faithfully carry out the “will of the people”” they act to fulfill self-interested goals.

Economist James Buchanan calls the public choice theory "politics without romance" from the illusion of the superiority of government fixes which instead can do more harm.

The Public choice on pork barrels, from economist William F Shughart II (bold mine)
Ballot initiatives, referenda, and other institutions of direct democracy aside, most political decisions are made not by the citizenry itself, but by the politicians elected to represent them in legislative assemblies. Because the constituencies of these representatives typically are geographically based, legislative officeholders have strong incentives to support programs and policies that provide benefits to the voters in their home districts or states, no matter how irresponsible those programs and policies may be from a national perspective. Such “pork barrel” projects are especially likely to gain a representative’s endorsement when they are financed by the taxpayers in general, most of whom reside, and vote, in other districts or states.
In short, political dispensation of taxpayer resources by incumbent politicians have concentrated benefits, which are seen by the public, and becomes focal point for localized vote generation. 

However these comes with diffused costs or burdens by taxpayers that has  largely been unseen by the public.

Let us apply this to du jour Philippine politics setting which involves the unfolding Pork Barrel scam via the Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP)

From today’s Inquirer:  (bold mine)
Among the projects approved by Aquino were the P6.5-billion augmentation of lawmakers’ Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) under the item “various local projects,” some P6.5 billion in “LGU support” and P2 billion in road works for his home province of Tarlac, said Bayan secretary general Renato Reyes Jr….

Reyes said the approved projects amounted to P32 billion, including P2 billion for Tarlac roadworks and another P8.3 billion “various local projects.”
Now, how about the public choice perspective of “logrolling” or trading votes in exchange of support for political goals? (bold mine)
In the first DAP memo issued by the DBM dated Oct. 12, 2011, the President signed and approved the release of P72.110 billion.

Another document, dated Dec. 21, 2011, or 10 days after the House of Representatives voted to adopt the articles of impeachment against then Chief Justice Renato Corona, showed the President approving additional projects worth P13.379 billion.

On June 27, 2012, or about a month after the Senate voted to impeach Corona, Aquino signed and approved another Abad memorandum seeking the “omnibus authority to consolidate savings/unutilized balances and their realignment.”
The connection? From another Inquirer article:
In a privilege speech in September 2013 defending himself in the pork barrel scam, Sen. Jinggoy Estrada alleged that senators who had voted to convict Corona had been “allotted an additional P50 million.”
“Honest” government or publicity PR ruse? 

From Bubble economy to bubble politics.

Friday, November 01, 2013

Philippine Politics: Barangay Elections and the Pork Barrel System

The recently concluded Barangay elections reported accounts of massive and widespread vote buying (as much as 1,000 pesos per head) and a surge in the death toll from election violence (higher than national elections in 2010).

The 64 billion peso question: why all these?  What drives candidates to desperately seek political office at the cost of their lives and huge amounts of expenses?

The answer of course is no stranger to most: it has been both about perks and power.

Let us examine the perks or benefits from the officials of Barangay level.

The basic perquisites are as follows: 

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Graph from the Rappler.

Aside from these, other benefits include Christmas bonus and cash gift, insurance coverage, as well as, benefits for accident, total or permanent incapacity, disability, death and burial.

There’s more. Barangay officials also get many subsidies in the form of “free hospitalization in government facilities, and free tuition in state schools for themselves and two of their legitimate dependent children (“legitimate” is specified in the law) during their incumbency. Based on their number of years in the service, barangay officials can get civil service eligibility”.

What are they not entitled to (for now)? 13th month pay, hazard pay, representation and transportation allowances, productivity incentive bonus, clothing and personnel and economic relief allowances.

[As a side note, the above also introduces the power aspect

National level officials have been pushing for more Barangay benefits from more funding to fare discounts. Why? 

It’s all about political power

This noteworthy excerpt captures its essence
“In theory, the law says [barangay elections] should be nonpartisan,” Casiple said, referring to a provision in the Omnibus Election Code barring candidates to represent or receive aid from any political party.

“But in reality, they’re important to mayors. That’s where the fight is. If you hold the barangay, it’s a ready-made machinery for ward leadership. It has become a fight by ordinary politicos,” Casiple said.

Casiple said this partisanship has translated the “perks” otherwise not stated by law, granted by higher government units. Off the top of his head, Casiple cited, as example: “Here in Quezon City, all barangay captains are given a car. “
Ergo, controlling the Barangay means ensuring votes from the grassroots level. So leaders from the local to the national level compete to gain their favor. This leads us to the key of Philippine patronage politics: whoever controls the local governments, controls the machinery for the national level]

Now even if we total cash and non-cash benefits these would amount to about at best Php 500k per year. For a three year term that would accrue to P 1.5 million. At P 1.5 million, 1K peso per vote expenditures, whether direct (vote buying) or indirect costs (ads or marketing campaign, organization, network and etc..), would translate to only 1,500 voters. There are about 3,518 voters per Barangay in the National Capital Region (registered voters: 6m, no. of Barangays 1,705 NSCB)

How will candidates recoup their election expenditures “investments”?

We can only make a guess. 

One, from their 20% share of the national internal revenue allotment (IRA). In 2013, the IRA budget for the 42,026 Barangays nationwide has been at P59,165,520,37.This will jump by 15% to 68.3 billion pesos in 2014.

Two, from their share of the other revenues from the allocations for local government units (ALGU) as part of the national government’s budget law, the General Appropriations Act. 

In 2014, the AGLU budget has been set  at 360.5 billion pesos.

Notes the Philippine Senate:
Other items in the ALGU are the shares of local governments from tobacco excise tax collections and taxes from mining and other extractive industries, and the budget of the Metropolitan Manila Development Authority, among others.
Third there are other sources of funding from the Barangay level, include (as per the Department of Budget and Management
-Service fees or charges for the use of barangay property or facilities;
-Barangay clearance fees; 
- Fees or charges for the commercial breeding of fighting cocks and on cockpits and cockfights;
- Fees or charges on places of recreation with admission fees;
- Fees or charges for billboards, sign boards, neon signs and other outdoor advertisements; 
- Toll fees or charges for the use of any public road, pier or wharf, waterway, bridge, ferry, or telecommunications system funded and constructed by the barangay; 
- Revenues from the operation of public utilities and barangay enterprises (markets, slaughterhouses, etc.); 
- Fines (not exceeding P1,000) for the violation of barangay ordinances; and, 
- Proceeds from the sale or lease of barangay property or from loans and grants secured by the barangay government
In short, fees and taxes from the Barangay level

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The above is the flow chart of how the Barangay establishes and supervises its budget via the DBM

So there you have it. Pork in its varied forms applied to the Barangay: from the national level: AGLU via IRA and AGLU via other shares of taxes, and from the Barangay level fees and taxes.

In essence, from top to bottom, Philippine politics operates under the Pork Barrel system

Every election, said the great libertarian H. L. Mencken, is a sort of advanced auction on stolen goods. The Barangay elections seem to validate this.

As I wrote in 2010
So essentially, the Pork Barrel culture reinforces the patron-client relations from which the Patron (politicos) delivers doleouts and subsidies, which is squeezed from the Pork Barrel projects, to the clients who deliver the votes and keeps the former in power. Hence, the Pork Barrel system is essentially a legitimized source of corruption and abuse of power seen from almost every level of the nation’s political structure, an oxymoron from its original “moralistic” intent (unintended consequences). As the saying goes “the road to hell is paved with good intentions”.

As we previously noted, ``Plainly said, when we demand for more social spending or welfare based programs to resolve our problems then we increase the funds allocated to politicians for their dispensation. Essentially, Pork Barrels signify our excessive dependence on government where the correlation of government spending and the price of getting elected are direct.”
Politicization of every aspect of social life from top to bottom leads to corruption, political and wealth inequalities and economic-financial repression which means a lower standard of living. The worst effect is the violence which politics incites, and of the degradation of society’s moral fiber

While the call for the abolition of the Pork Barrel is ideal and necessary it is not sufficient

For as long as the public thinks the Pork is a problem of personal virtuosity or what I call as personality based politics (and not of systemic defect), politicians will be able to camouflage pork into many different masks as shown by latest the speech by the Philippine president

In other words, to abolish the Pork requires a radical change of opinion by the public. As Scottish philosopher historian and economist David Hume wrote in Part I, Essay IV OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT in Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary (bold mine)
NOTHING appears more surprizing to those, who consider human affairs with a philosophical eye, than the easiness with which the many are governed by the few; and the implicit submission, with which men resign their own sentiments and passions to those of their rulers. When we enquire by what means this wonder is effected, we shall find, that, as FORCE is always on the side of the governed, the governors have nothing to support them but opinion. It is therefore, on opinion only that government is founded; and this maxim extends to the most despotic and most military governments, as well as to the most free and most popular.
And the best way to attain such change is for the public to demand a third party audit of all forms of Pork from the top to the local level (past and current), with emphasis on the top. 

Only by opening the Pork's Pandora's Box will there be a bigger chance for an epiphany by the public that Pork is inherent in the nature or structure of the Philippine patronage based political system. Such that dismantling of the Pork Barrel has to occur from top to bottom. 

Yes this also means demolishing Pork at the Barangay levels.

Tuesday, October 15, 2013

Why the Pork Barrel Will Unlikely be Abolished

From today’s headlines:
In face-to-face interviews with 1,200 respondents aged 18 and above who were randomly selected nationwide, Pulse Asia also found that 67 percent believed that corrupt practices during the Arroyo administration involving the PDAF continued under the Aquino administration.

Most Filipinos, thus, approved of President Aquino’s announcement that the time had come for the scrapping of the pork barrel.

For about one in three Filipinos (32 percent), politicians were using the PDAF to get themselves and their relatives elected, while another 27 percent said the pork had given lawmakers an opportunity to receive bribes and commissions.
A fundamental reason why the Pork Barrel will unlikely be abolished (but will likely be transformed into another Pork with a lipstick) can be deduced from the consensus perspective which views the problem of Pork as having been based from personality virtues rather than an institutional-structural disease 
 
And media and their experts reinforce the populist belief that nirvana will be achieved (or the Pork will be of merit) once “angels” would run the government. 

If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself. A dependence on the people is, no doubt, the primary control on the government; but experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary precautions.
Government is about political power or the control of people and of resources by a few. Or political power is about the rule of men over men.

This means political power is hardly about righteousness for the simple reason that political power is about organized force. And to acquire and wield political supremacy means political agents will resort to all forms of manoeuvrings (which includes unethical means) for the purpose of acquiring the privilege of control over men.

The principle of economics tells us too that politicians and bureaucrats, like all the rest, are mere mortal human beings who are driven by self-interests (Public choice) and thus will be subject to the frailties and temptations of the common men.

But instead of promoting equality through opportunity and law, political power is about unjust coercive redistribution, as the illustrious economist Thomas Sowell says it best
The first lesson of economics is scarcity: There is never enough of anything to fully satisfy all those who want it.

The first lesson of politics is to disregard the first lesson of economics. When politicians discover some group that is being vocal about not having as much as they want, the “solution” is to give them more. Where do politicians get this “more”? They rob Peter to pay Paul.

After a while, of course, they discover that Peter doesn’t have enough. Bursting with compassion, politicians rush to the rescue. Needless to say, they do not admit that robbing Peter to pay Paul was a dumb idea in the first place. On the contrary, they now rob Tom, Dick, and Harry to help Peter.
In a related separate but related issue we see a variant of the Pork Barrel in action… (from another Inquirer article today)
In spite of widespread public outrage, the presidential body tasked with overseeing the pay and perks of state corporations justified Monday the bonuses that the Social Security System (SSS) had rewarded its managers while ramping up contributions of members, noting that 19 other state corporations have also handed out such management windfalls.

Paolo Salvosa, the spokesman of the Governance Commission for Government Owned or Controlled Corporations (GCG), talked to reporters after the panel members went to MalacaƱang to defend the much-maligned P1 million that the SSS board, headed by Emilio S. de Quiros as president and vice chair, ordered for each of its directors.

De Quiros announced at the same time that employees’ contributions to the SSS would be increased by 0.6 percent, raising their monthly salary contributions from 10.4 to 11 percent.

He said this would stretch pension funding capability “to perpetuity.” He indicated further increases in premiums were forthcoming.

The SSS chief has been roundly criticized, among others, for taking trips abroad, first class, all expenses paid, every two months since he took over the pension agency.
One may not be “corrupt” in the sense of 'kickbacks' and directly from pocketing of taxpayer funds, but the principle has been the all the same…

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The politics of coercive redistribution is about the spending other of people’s money through the predation of Juan to pay Pedro and from the intermediation of political agents, who likewise benefits by getting a cut from such forcible transfer process. 

And Pork Barrel represents an element of the politics of coercive redistribution. It has been always easy to spend the toils and savings of other people in order to get elected or to maintain populist approval or for personal perks.

And in defense of the system, politicians run circles on the public by emitting smoke screens of putting the blame on previous administrations rather than to come clean by being transparent or by proving to the public of their alleged moral excellence by opening their earmarks (past and present) for scrutiny. 

Politicians also resort to legal technicalities to prevent such happening.

Bottom line: for as long politicians will be able to persuade their constituencies of the supposed necessity of spending other people’s money, the Pork barrel won’t likely be abolished.

The constituency should demand to scrutinize the Pandora’s Box as I earlier wrote
Yet the public should clamor for an independent non-partisan audit on earmarks (Pork barrel) of all incumbent officials (which should include previous tenures or positions) beginning with the highest to the lowest ranking.
This means abolishing the Pork may only happen from a radical reformation or transformation of public opinion. Or said differently, only when the public will be thoroughly convinced that the Pork is an incorrigible institutional defect will abolishing the Pork become a reality.

As the great Ludwig von Mises wrote (bold mine)
What determines the course of a nation's economic policies is always the economic ideas held by public opinion. No government, whether democratic or dictatorial, can free itself from the sway of the generally accepted ideology.

Friday, October 11, 2013

Chinese Government to Crack Down on Fake Statistical Data?

More reasons to distrust statistical economic and financial figures from the Chinese government.

From Bloomberg:
China’s statistics-bureau chief said the agency has “zero tolerance” for falsified data after it publicized cases of manipulated local numbers and the customs bureau cracked down on fraudulent export invoices.

Incidents exposed by the agency are isolated and won’t affect the broader quality of data, Ma Jiantang, head of the National Bureau of Statistics, said today in Beijing at an “open day” attended by officials, journalists and school students.

China’s government has struggled to win the trust of investors and economists for data ranging from gross domestic product to trade. Li Keqiang, who became premier this year, said in 2007 that GDP figures were “man-made” and “for reference only,” according to a WikiLeaks cable.

Ma said that his agency has gained better control over the numbers through a direct reporting system that limits local officials’ ability to manipulate the numbers.
When political careers of the local authorities depends on the boosting of growth statistics then the natural consequence—or reaction by local leaders to the incentives provided by the political system—would be to fuel localized bubbles or to manipulate statistics or a combination of both as previously discussed

This serves as the difference between China's top-down politics relative to the Philippine Pork Barrel based system--where the latter's political power are attained by buying votes directly or indirectly from the electorate and from other political constituencies using earmarks (Pork), while the former gets appointed to local posts by meeting national targets.

image

And political leaders resort to, as well as, contribute and participate in the China’s shadow banking system via the local government financing vehicles (LGFV) to finance local projects. Off balance sheets now play a big role in China’s credit system (Business Insider)

Stephen Green of Standard Charter estimates at least 10,800 operational LGFVs from which only 800-900 LGFVs have financial statements on publicly issued debt.

image

Nomura economics estimate total LGFV debt at the end of 2012 at RMB19.0trn (37% of GDP), which included RMB14.3trn of interest-bearing debt. From 2010-12, LGFV debt rose by 39%, which implies total government debt of RMB31.7trn accounts for  61% of GDP at end-2012. (FT Alphaville)

Yet if many local governments have been notorious in the manipulation of statistics in response to the political system’s incentives, then why should we trust the central-national government when the same incentives influence the national leaders? 

For instance, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang has a self-imposed quota for economic growth which is at 7.5 percent. Today Premier Li says this quota has been surpassed 

From another Bloomberg report: (bold mine)
Chinese Premier Li Keqiang said the nation’s economic growth exceeded 7.5 percent in the first nine months of the year, a sign the government will next week report success in arresting a two-quarter slowdown.

Gross domestic product “maintained a fairly high growth rate of over 7.5 percent” in the first three quarters, Li said today in a speech at the East Asia Summit in Brunei. He said earlier today at an Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit that the economy has “shown stronger momentum of steady growth” in recent months, with indicators that reflect market expectations, such as the Purchasing Managers’ Index (SHCOMP), improving.

China previously reported expansion of 7.6 percent in the first half and Li’s government introduced measures including faster railway spending and tax cuts to defend a 7.5 percent goal for the full year. The National Bureau of Statistics reports third-quarter growth on Oct. 18, with the median estimate of 33 analysts surveyed by Bloomberg News for a 7.8 percent pace, up from the second quarter’s 7.5 percent.
At the end of the day, China’s economic growth has been all about meeting political objectives as measured by statistics whether from the national or the local level. 

Thus government activities will focus on attaining statistical growth at the expense of real economic growth. 

And these will likely be achieved by serially blowing bubbles and or by statistical manipulation via hiding, censoring and deleting of data which doesn't conform with the administration's goals.

Monday, September 30, 2013

Pork Barrel Scam Saga: Ferreting Out Corruption with Corruption

It’s is of no puzzle for me to see how the supposed corruption-free ‘good governance’ has been all the while a rigmarole or “smoke and mirrors”.

From today’s headlines at the Inquirer.net:
Former Sen. Joker Arroyo on Sunday accused MalacaƱang of attempting to deceive the public by lumping him together with 19 senators who received additional pork barrel amounting to P1.107 billion a few months after the Senate voted to convict then Chief Justice Renato Corona last year.

Arroyo found it strange that Budget Secretary Florencio Abad would now claim that the former senator’s office received P47 million worth of projects in February, eight months after Corona was ousted by the Senate sitting as an impeachment court.

Along with Senators Miriam Defensor-Santiago and Ferdinand Marcos Jr., Arroyo voted to acquit Corona of charges of betrayal of public trust and culpable violation of the Constitution for dishonesty in his statements of assets, liabilities and net worth.
Extending pecuniary favors to political allies from the Senate to the House of Representatives, from another Inquirer headline article:
Members of the House of Representatives received what senators got in extra lump sum funds from the Disbursement Allocation Program (DAP), albeit in smaller amounts.

Budget Secretary Florencio Abad said on Saturday that each representative received last year between P10 million and P15 million in DAP, a little known lump-sum budgetary item that pooled savings from unused budgetary items or lower-than-expected expenses of state agencies.

“The same accommodation we extended to the senators we also extended to the House representatives,” Abad said in a series of text messages to the Inquirer…

In the 15th Congress, there were 285 representatives. If 200 got P10 million to P15 million each, the total amount would be P2 billion to P3 billion.

A total of 188 House members (or twice the minimum one-third vote or 95 signatures needed) impeached Corona on Dec. 12, 2011. Some lawmakers complained that Majority Leader Neptali Gonzales II had told them to just put their name on the complaint although they hadn’t read the articles of impeachment against Corona.

Two days later, the Senate convened itself into an impeachment court. On May 29, 2012, 20 senators found Corona guilty of betrayal of public trust and culpable violation of the Constitution largely because he was untruthful in his financial declaration.
If true, then the Renato Corona ouster or impeachment of ex-Supreme court Chief justice, has all been about the proverbial “pot calling the kettle black” or ferreting out corruption with corruption or the rewarding of political constituencies with earmarks “extra lump sums” who voted or towed along with the President's desires. 

The end of such actions served nothing more than to raise poll rating approvals or populist politics in order to justify the administration’s expansionary government and political control over society.

This is just a validation of what I have been saying about the sham of ‘good governance’ from a new administration.
Commons sense tells me that immense elections expenses will need to be recovered and that the political baggage from assorted horse trading and backroom dealing with different and ideologically opposed political groups will suggest more of the same policies, but with a subtle difference-the distribution of power will be based according to the degree of political debts as perceived by the new leaders.

In other words, the only “changes” I expect to see post elections are personalities involved in dispensing public funds and controlling power (and not in the system dominated by cronyism and client-patron relations).
And the Pork barrel has been used as one of THE instruments for “assorted horse trading and backroom dealing” again from another article of mine:
So essentially, the Pork Barrel culture reinforces the patron-client relations from which the Patron (politicos) delivers doleouts and subsidies, which is squeezed from the Pork Barrel projects, to the clients who deliver the votes and keeps the former in power. Hence, the Pork Barrel system is essentially a legitimized source of corruption and abuse of power seen from almost every level of the nation’s political structure, an oxymoron from its original “moralistic” intent (unintended consequences). As the saying goes “the road to hell is paved with good intentions”.
The great the French classical liberal Claude FrƩdƩric Bastiat warned at the Law of the mass delusions espoused by the public on the worship of the state-law-legislature (p.43)
One of the strangest phenomena of our time, and one that will probably be a matter of astonishment to our descendants, is the doctrine which is founded upon this triple hypothesis: the radical passiveness of mankind,—the omnipotence of the law,—the infallibility of the legislator: this is the sacred symbol of the party that proclaims itself exclusively democratic
Unless there will be massive orchestrated and coordinated coverups or whitewashing, expect to see the deepening and broadening of the scandal and a possible dramatic change in the sentiment of "radial passiveness" of domestic politics.

Yet the public should clamor for an independent non-partisan audit on earmarks (Pork barrel) of all incumbent officials (which should include previous tenures or positions) beginning with the highest to the lowest ranking. 

But this would signify a Herculean task of cleaning up the Aegean stable that would be met by stiff resistance and would likely extrapolate to a wholesale expose of how filthy the local political system operates.

Let me add that should today's inflationary boom be faced with economic reality, then this will compound on political woes endured by this supposed puritanical administration from the unraveling Pork Barrel scam saga. 

Monday, August 26, 2013

Phisix: Will the ASEAN Meltdown Worsen?

Last week I wrote[1]:
While so far, Asia and other Emerging Markets appear to be the most vulnerable, should bond yields continue to soar, which implies of amplified volatility on the bond markets and eventually interest rate markets, the impact from such lethal one-two punch will spread and intensify.

This makes global risks assets increasingly vulnerable to black swans (low probability-high impact events) accidents.
Bond Vigilantes Mortally Wounds the ASEAN Financial Markets

Twice within the last three months the Philippine equity benchmark the Phisix endured a one day 6% meltdown. Contra the consensus expectations, this only underscores my point[2] that last June’s crash wasn’t just out of ‘irrational’ market sentiment, instead this signaled an upcoming radical change in the financial and economic environment. 
Unlike populist notions that bear markets have been devoid of “fundamentals”, bear market signals are symptoms of underlying pressures from maladjusted markets and economies or even strains from politics. The former two symptoms are more representative of today’s conventional markets here and abroad, while the political factor was largely behind the 1987 and 1989 bear market cycle.
In a week where trading sessions had been abbreviated by 2 days due to massive monsoon generated floods and by a public holiday, the selling pressures which tormented the region had been ventilated when the Philippine markets opened last Thursday where the Phisix dived by 5.96%.

For the week, the Phisix closed sharply down by 5.59%. The peso too had been bludgeoned by 1.42% to 44.26 US-PHP from last week’s 43.64

And this has not just been a Philippine affair. 

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Financial markets of major ASEAN nations have been whacked.

Indonesia’s equity benchmark the JCI crashed into bear market territory as the nation’s 10 year bonds and her currency, the rupiah, has equally been smashed.

With only less than 2% away, Thailand’s SET is at the verge of joining Indonesia into the bear market as both the currency, the baht and the Thai bonds has been equally under selling pressure.

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Thailand has reportedly fallen into a recession during the 2nd quarter of the year[3].

If rising bond yields amplify on Thailand’s slowing economic growth, then this will magnify the fragility of Thailand’s heavily leveraged system which has financed a huge domestic bubble[4], thereby increasing the risks of a regional debt crisis.

A significant share (56%) of Thailand’s external debt has been based on short term debt[5] (as of 2011), the risk of which the Bank of Thailand’s dismissed as “limited” since this has supposedly been related to international trade and foreign asset acquisition[6]. Such bureaucratic presumptuousness in risk assessment has been undergoing a severe test.

Incidentally, Thailand’s external debt, since 2008 through the 1st quarter of 2013[7], has ballooned by about 75% or a compounded annual growth rate (CAGR) of 14.07%. With slowing growth, debt levels will be enlarged as real funding cost increases.

The bond market contagion has even spread to Malaysia who earlier looked resilient. Malaysian bonds and the ringgit have also been under the pressure cooker. The KLCI fell by 3.76% this week, which broke its uptrend.

Mainstream media has been desperately looking to rationalize the current market actions using deteriorating current account, swelling debt and a large exposure by foreigners on Malaysia’s bond markets as factors shaping the current selloff[8]. In reality, what media sees as ‘causes’ are really symptoms of a much deeper force: Malaysia’s credit fueled bubbles[9].

The bond vigilante inflicted contagion appears to be spreading throughout the rest of the ASEAN region.

Incidentally, while the previous market collapse was featured on the headlines, this week’s equivalent has been relegated to the business pages. Why? Has it been because of the wear and tear of defending today’s phony economic boom in the face of unresponsive markets? And second and the other most likely factor have been due to more pressing sensational Pork Barrel scam[10] which has captured the public’s attention. Perhaps a combination of both of these?

If the public only understood how financial repression (negative real rates) works, the pork barrel scam represents just a walk in the park

US Federal Reserve Dilemma: Taper Talk versus Credibility

Various sorts of myths have emerged and have been disseminated in media on the supposed causes of the current meltdown.

A high official of the banking industry was recently quoted by media who blamed the recent market carnage on the US Federal Reserve’s supposed tapering: “It’s not an issue of if. It’s an issue of when[11]”.

The common perception sold by media and the mainstream experts on the public is one of a post hoc fallacy relationship: Fed tapers, foreigners sell market and return to the homeland, thus crashing domestic markets.

There appears to be hardly any attempt to explain the mechanics of such relationship except to imply of the ridiculous idea that foreigners are unthinking entities whom are merely driven by market sentiment and by the perceived FED actions. Thus foreigners are painted as wrong for ignoring “strong macro fundamentals”[12].

But will the FED really voluntarily taper?

I pointed out that when the first bout of market stress emerged from the perceived tapering by FED in May, many central bankers immediately backpedalled.

For instance, the Bank of England’s Mark Carney announced a new forward guidance program meant to contain interest rates. The European Central Bank’s Mario Draghi seconded and reversed his earlier non-committal position by declaring that interest rates will remain at low levels for an “extended period of time[13].

Meanwhile the US Fed Chair Dr. Bernanke’s told the public that low interest rates will remain: “highly accommodative monetary policy for the foreseeable future”.

Barely a week after, in a question and answer forum Dr. Bernanke furthered his dovish tone saying that “If we were to tighten policy, the economy would tank”[14]

The following is from the minutes of the FED’s Open Market Committee’s July 30-31 gathering released last week[15]: (bold mine)
Almost all committee members agreed that a change in the purchase program was not yet appropriate,” and a few said “it might soon be time to slow somewhat the pace of purchases as outlined in that plan”
Does this sound like the Fed’s tapering is an “if and when” issue?

My point is that FED officials have increasingly become more opaque in their statements and have increasingly been throwing data driven targets (unemployment and inflation) or might I suggest obstacles in attempts to move the goal posts on policy actions. Such muddled communications signify as resistance or reluctance to taper. 

Let me analogize. Government X declares price control on apples by putting a ceiling on them say Php 10 per apple. But because of a huge demand on apples, apples sales has vanished from the formal sector and instead moved to the informal sector, where prices of rise first to Php 12, then to Php 14… Government X, thus, responds by announcing a crackdown on apple sales. But instead of lowering prices, prices continue to ascend…Php 16, Php 18 then Php 20 per apple. Failing to admit of their failed policies, Government X announces that due to shortages of apples, they will increase price ceiling to Php 15 per apple.

Just replace government X with Venezuela and Argentina, and apples with their respective currencies the bolivar[16] and the Argentine dollar and we see the forex conditions of both countries. The growing gap between black market and official rates has been forcing both governments to adjust official rates higher.

As shown above, governments recalibrate their policies to realign with the markets, rather than the opposite. This has been designed to reduce the negative publicity impact of failed policies which simultaneously has been meant to maintain “credibility”.

The same mechanics applies to the US Federal Reserve and the US bond markets.

The FED in effect manipulates the yield curve specifically using ZIRP[17] (Zero bound Interest Rate Policies) through Fed Fund rates on short term yields, and Quantitative Easing or asset purchasing program through UST of longer maturities to affect long term yields.

As pointed out last week, the FED now holds 31.47% of the total outstanding ten year equivalents. While the FED tries to influence the public’s risk appetite and portfolio holdings in the way they want them via the Portfolio balance theory, the unintended consequence has been to reduce the supply of US treasuries in the system leaving banks with diminished availability of “safe assets” for collateral thereby increasing risks of the banking sector. This is aside from amplifying the risks of a bond selloff as a result of diminished liquidity.

And one thing which the mainstream doesn’t seem to realize is of the guiding philosophical ideology driving the actions of a majority of central bankers, particularly the belief in the “euthanasia of the rentier” or the eradication of the “cumulative oppressive power of the capitalist to exploit the scarcity-value of capital”[18].

In other words, the dogma of interventionism holds that by driving rates to interest rates to zero or by its abolition, mankind will be spared of scarcity.

As the great Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises warned[19]:
Public opinion is prone to see in interest nothing but a merely institutional obstacle to the expansion of production. It does not realize that the discount of future goods as against present goods is a necessary and eternal category of human action and cannot be abolished by bank manipulation. In the eyes of cranks and demagogues, interest is a product of the sinister machinations of rugged exploiters. The age-old disapprobation of interest has been fully revived by modern interventionism. It clings to the dogma that it is one of the foremost duties of good government to lower the rate of interest as far as possible or to abolish it altogether. All present-day governments are fanatically committed to an easy money policy.
So the by-product of the challenge to substitute the law of scarcity with abundance from something for nothing policies has been the unsustainable expansion of debt—part of which is the reason behind bubble cycle dynamics and of today’s rioting bond markets.

More Signs of the Triffin Dilemma

Another important reason for the intensification of the presence of the bond vigilantes has been the Triffin Dilemma[20].

The Paradox is premised on a reserve currency’s conflict of interests between the short term domestic and long term international objectives, such that a nation with the reserve currency enjoys the benefits of consuming more by maintaining deficits (trade and or budget) with foreign trading partners. 

On the other hand, the non-reserve partners finance such deficits by recycling (vendor financing) their excess reserves or surpluses with assets of the reserve currency.

With recent improvements in the fiscal and trade deficits of the US, the reduction of deficits extrapolates to lesser availability of US dollars on the global financial system on a relative scale. Thus with reduced supply, the unintended result has been a disorderly response to the unofficial tightening or withdrawal of US dollars in the system.

On the demand side there will also be lesser demand for US treasuries. This has been supported by the massive reduction in foreign buying of UST last June as noted last week. It’s not just on USTs, over the same period, US stocks also suffered outflows, while agency and corporate bonds have been neutral.

This also contravenes the mainstream idea that today’s meltdown has been prompting for a rotation towards US assets[21].

Ironically the Euro and China’s yuan have been firming which may hint that part of the capital migration has been to shift to Euro assets and the inflation of China’s bubbles.

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And shown in the above chart[22], the FED will be forced to reduce purchasing even if there will not be an official “tapering” due to decreased US treasury issuance.

Again the unforeseen consequences from the markets may have to force the hands of central bank officials.

And when there is a shortage of US dollars, the predilection of non-reserve trading partners will be to use reserves to finance such void.

As proof of this, central banks of the developing ex-China world have lost $81 billion of international reserves equivalent to 2 per cent of all developing country central bank reserves since early May through July.

Reports the Financial Times[23]:
However, some countries have suffered more precipitous drops. Indonesia has lost 13.6 per cent of its central bank reserves from the end of April until the end of July, Turkey spent 12.7 per cent and Ukraine burnt through almost 10 per cent. India, another country that has seen its currency pummelled in recent months, has shed almost 5.5 per cent of its reserves.

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The Gross International Reserves of the Philippines (GIR) appears to be peaking. And if the bond vigilante impelled run on Philippine assets continues, as noted before[24], we may see the same depletion dynamics of the domestic gross international reserves.

The bottom line is that whether the FED tapers or not, bond vigilantes running amok are indications of the widening wedge between policy goals of central banks and market pricing.

Such perceived divergences, or may I say the growing loss of confidence over central actions, accentuate the uncertainties clouding the marketplace. And market uncertainties fertilizes on the reflexive feedback mechanism for more volatility.

Yet if the US markets fall deeper from the current levels or deep enough (say 10-20%) to impact the housing markets and the economy, then expect the FED to expand its QE.

But this will not guarantee a return to a risk ON environment. Yet if yields continue to surge then expect that the same pressures plaguing Asia today to have reached US shores.

Meltdown has been a Regional Dynamic Not Limited to Emerging Markets

Another fashionable media myth has been to portray the current selloffs as entirely an emerging market dynamic brought about by current account deficits.

While it is true the countries with current account deficits have suffered the most damage so far, what has hardly been seen is the growing contagion or the escalatory effects from the revolt of the global bond vigilantes.

Unlike Indonesia, whose deficits have been swiftly widening, the Philippines and Malaysia still maintains current account surpluses. Thailand has a small current account deficit. Yet all four has been under sustained selling pressures.

Meanwhile the first world developed ASEAN neighbor Singapore holds not only a huge current account surplus but likewise massive amounts of international currency reserve (2.13x the Philippines).

If we are to believe the mainstream’s logic, then this makes Singapore’s “strong macro economic” fundamental, which is far far far superior than the Philippines, as supposedly least vulnerable to recent market turbulence.

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Lo and behold, Singapore’s financial markets has, like her ASEAN peers, similarly been smacked hard.

Singapore’s equity benchmark, the STI, seem as testing the June lows (above pane). Yields of 10 year Singapore bonds have likewise been soaring (middle pane).

Meanwhile the USD-Singapore dollar has been falling from late 2012 but the losses have been accelerating since May (lower pane).

If Singapore’s markets are being squeezed, then why should her emerging market, less wealthy peers, not be squeezed harder?

For the bond vigilantes to affect Singapore is not something to be ignored and dismissed as nonevent. To do so would mean to court disaster for one’s portfolio.

Should the bond vigilantes persist to haunt Singapore, then this would signify as a warning sign for a possible black swan event to occur in Asia.

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And the unpleasant impact from the uprising of the bond vigilantes has also been affecting the yields of 10 year bond markets[25] of the wealthier East Asian neighbors. So far, the impairments has been limited relatively to the just the bond markets. It remains to be seen if these markets will be able to withstand more bond market strains.

The bottom line is that the negative effect from the raging bond market riots have been spreading not only on emerging markets but to wealthier neighbors as well.

Additionally the story of current account deficits as triggers to the current financial market meltdown seems deeply misplaced.

Bond Markets are Interconnected, Philippine Yields will Rise

Another myth broached by local Pollyannaish experts has been that the Philippines supposedly will be shielded by rising bond yields abroad. 

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The G-7 group[26] basically controls 71% share of the USD 99.5 trillion of the international bond markets as of 2012[27]. Government debt at US 43.7 trillion accounts for 43.9% of the total bond markets.

Excluding Canada, this makes 4 central banks, the US Federal Reserve, the European Central Bank, the Bank of England and the Bank of Japan as dominant policymakers influencing the global the bond and debt security markets.

This also means that actions in bond markets of these economies will affect activities of the rest of the bond and debt markets.

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Surging yields of the USTs have not been isolated.

Yields of 10 year bonds of the United Kingdom, Germany and France are nearly at 1-2 year highs. Japan JGBs has been declining from a recent spike. But it is unlikely that this decline will be sustained given both internal weaknesses and external developments.

Yields of Canada’s 10 year bond note also shares the same level of ascent. Only Italy’s bond yields have been significantly off this year’s high. But like Japan, I suspect this wouldn’t last long.

As shown earlier, yields of most of ASEAN, East Asia and South Asia led by India have been climbing at relative different pace and intensity.

The Philippines has been providential enough for bond levels to be little changed. But mounting pressure on the peso and stocks are signs that local bond yields are unsustainable and will rise if the bond market turmoil extends.

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Bond yields affect interest rates. As previously explained interest rates affect consumption, saving, and investing patterns, this also means the economy, corporate earnings and political finance will change to reflect on the new realities.

Trade patterns, prices and yields of various securities will also change.

Given that the Philippines has significant external exposure via different channels particularly

-remittances which has been about 10-12% of statistical GDP,
-merchandise trade constituting 46.9% of GDP (2012)[28],
-Gross International Reserves are at $82.9 billion as of July[29] where 84% have been allocated to foreign securities and foreign exchange as of December 2012[30],
-US treasury holdings largely held by the Philippine government at $37.1 as of June 2013[31] and
-external debt based on different currencies mostly the US dollar and Japanese yen (as of December),

This means that changes in global bond yields will also influence all these dynamics. That’s unless the Philippines operates in a vacuum or an imaginary world where prices have been stuck in a stasis.

The bottom line is that changes in global bond markets, especially by the bond markets covering the big 4, will also influence domestic bond markets as well as interest rates.

This Time is Different: Asian Crisis 2.0 is Remote

The biggest myth I have encountered is in the suggestion that the risks of an Asian crisis today is remote for the following reasons: floating exchange rates, foreign reserves, transparency, current account balances, foreign debt, and banking reform[32].

While it is true that Asia is different today than in 1997, the spin to sanitize the risks of a crisis have all been flimsy.

-On floating exchange rate:

Having a floating exchange rate hardly serves a guarantee for a crisis free environment. 

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While there have supposedly been more accounts of crises under a pegged rate regime, floating rates have not been immune to a crisis. The above chart is based on an IMF study[33] which shows of the share of pegged and floating regimes in the episodes of crises.

Looking at exchange rate is hardly the factor determining the risks of a crisis. Even chief proponent of floating exchange rate, Milton Friedman understood this[34]. (bold mine)
Let me emphasise that there's nothing special about exchange rates. If Australia tries to peg the price of wool - let's say wool is a major product of Australia - and if it sets the price too high, it'll have the same effects as if the exchange rate is set at too high a rate. If it sets it too high, then there will be a surplus of people trying to sell wool and a shortage of people trying to buy wool. If it sets it too low, it'll be the other way around. And the government can maintain the price only if it is willing to accumulate stocks of wool in the one case or to provide wool from inventories in the other. Everything I've just said about wool applies just as well to the Thai baht.
In short, in free markets economic forces determines exchange rate values. Distortions, thus, are a function of government interventions.

-On foreign reserves.

Foreign currency reserves have signified as ramifications of the Triffin dilemma principle operating behind the US dollar standard as noted above. The conditions of foreign reserves should be seen in the context parallel to the conditions of the accrued public and private sector debt. Yet having enormous foreign reserves serves no guarantee against a crisis as in Japan’s case in 1990[35].

Moreover given the highly fragile system where every region has been unduly exposed to huge debt, international bailouts similar to the 1990s will hardly be the same dynamic in case another global crisis erupts.

Developed economies can hardly even wean away from their dependence on central banks.

-On current accounts

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Current account deficits have been used as the popular bogeyman for sudden stop triggered crises. But in the case of currency crises, not all have been due to sudden stops: a sudden desistance or slowdown of capital flows to a country as shown above.

A currency crisis may be triggered by bank runs or vice versa[36], or by sovereign debt default either by foreigners (sudden stops) or by residents or by both.

-On the shift to local debt from foreign debt

The idea that shifting from foreign debt to local debt hardly represents a “get out of jail free card” against a crisis.

Let me quote Harvard Professors Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff[37]: (bold mine)
This brings us to our central theme—the “this time is different syndrome.” There is a view today that both countries and creditors have learned from their mistakes. Thanks to better-informed macroeconomic policies and more discriminating lending practices, it is argued, the world is not likely to again see a major wave of defaults. Indeed, an often-cited reason these days why “this time it’s different” for the emerging markets is that governments there are relying more on domestic debt financing.
The dynamic duo documented 70 cases of domestic public debt default from 1800-2007 citing that[38]
domestic debt crises typically occur against much worse economic conditions than the average external default. Domestic debt crises do not usually involve external creditors, which may help explain why so many episodes go unnoticed
And what strings up the factors that led to all the debt crises (currency crises, banking crises, sovereign debt defaults and serial defaults) which apparently have been missed out by mainstream commentators?

Again Professors Reinhart and Rogoff[39]
Ahead of banking crises, private debts (external debt, broader private capital inflows, domestic bank debt) also display a repeated cycle of boom and bust—the run-up in debts accelerates as the crisis nears.
The consensus almost always downplays, overlooks or dismisses the role played by debt.

-Finally on transparency and bank reform

Similar to bank stress tests which many have used to determine the supposed strength of the banking system but frustratingly fail in the face of a crisis, the efficacy of so-called transparency and bank reform will only be revealed only after the storm has passed or ex-post. 

We will never know how many skeletons were kept in the proverbial closet or as a Chinese war strategy denotes “beat the grass to startle the snake[40]

Recommendation: Play Defensive

Even some of the mainstream reporting appears to be partially getting it.

This from Reuters[41]:
Having failed to dismantle politically and socially knotty obstacles to growth, Asia has instead relied on low interest rates and massive borrowing to keep its economies expanding, particularly since the 2008/09 global financial crisis that prompted the Fed to start aggressively buying bonds.
The accumulated policies to put in effect the “euthanasia of the rentier” in Asia appear to be facing its unintended comeuppance.

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As interest rates rise while economic growth slows, rising real funding cost[42] will increase a litany of risks covering currency risks, interest rate risks, credit risks, counterparty risks, default risks and market risks.

The deepening fragility of Asian financial markets and the economies have been exposed by the two episodes of financial markets meltdown in a span of three months. The fact that the meltdown has contaminated Singapore is by itself a source of alarm.

With major ASEAN equity markets now trading below or near the June lows, every additional incidence of market shocks will lower the public’s confidence levels, leaving the Asian-ASEAN markets increasingly susceptible to even larger downside moves or panics.

Violent swings in both directions by yields alone may be enough to unsettle the bond markets.

Instability will also be represented by the scale and intensity of yield increases of the bond markets. Thus, everything else (recession, crisis or quasi-recovery) will depend on the conditions of the bond markets.

For as long as the global bond market remain unstable, financial markets are likely to remain under selling pressure.

The bond markets are on the way to cleanse the system of its excesses and to correct the grotesque distortions on other financial markets and economies brought to fore by its politicization.

In short, the risk environment has been deteriorating.

Here is a little piece of advice:

-Build cash by reducing some position or lightening up on the market.

-Reduce credit exposure (on anything business or personal) especially on financing covered by floating rates.

-Use higher discounting rates (200-300 basis points at least) in computing for net present values for future projects or investments. Remember to keep a margin of safety especially under the current environment.

-Share this piece of advice with your friends.

-Smile. There will be wonderful opportunities ahead.





[3] BBC.co.uk Thailand's economy enters recession August 19, 2013

[4] See Thailand’s Credit Bubble January 26, 2013



[7] Tradingeconomics.com THAILAND EXTERNAL DEBT

[8] Real Time Economics Blog Current-Account Figures Key for Malaysia Investors Wall Street Journal August 21, 2013



[11] Inquirer.net Local stock prices, peso fall August 22, 2013






[17] Federal Reserve of Chicago Monetary Policy at the Zero Lower Bound

[18] John Maynard Keynes Chapter 24. Concluding Notes on the Social Philosophy towards which the General Theory might Lead The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money Marxists.org

[19] Ludwig von Mises, 8. The Monetary or Circulation Credit Theory of the Trade Cycle XX. INTEREST, CREDIT EXPANSION, AND THE TRADE CYCLE Human Action Mises.org

[20] Wikipedia.org Triffin dilemma






[26] Wikipedia.org G7

[27] Morgan Stanley Investment Focus The Evolution of the Global Bond Market April 2012


[29] Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas End-July 2013 GIR Increases to US$82.9 Billion August 7, 2013

[30] Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas Annual Report 2012


[32] Real Time Economics, Asia 1997 vs. Asia 2013 August 22, 2013

[33] Andrea Bubula and Inci Otker-Robe Are Pegged and Intermediate Exchange Rate Regimes More Crisis Prone? November 2003



[36] Reuven Glick of Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco and Michael Hutchison of University of California, Santa Cruz Currency Crises FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF SAN FRANCISCO September 2011

[37] Carmen M. Reinhart and Kenneth S. Rogoff This Time is Different: A Panoramic View of Eight Centuries of Financial Crises p.53 April 16, 2008

[38] Carmen M. Reinhart and Kenneth S. Rogoff From Financial Crash to Debt Crisis p.1680

[39] Ibid 1687

[40] Wengu.tartarie.com Beat The Grass To Startle The Snake Thirty Six Strategies