Showing posts with label japan's lost decade. Show all posts
Showing posts with label japan's lost decade. Show all posts

Monday, August 12, 2013

Phisix: Will Domestic Fundamentals Outweigh External Factors?

The Philippine central bank, the Bangko ng Pilipinas (BSP) released its 2nd quarter inflation report last week. 

And as expected, the BSP, which interprets the same statistical data as I do, sees them with rose colored glasses. On the other hand, I have consistently been pointing out that beneath the statistical boom based on credit inflation, has been a stealth dramatic buildup of systemic imbalances

BSP Predicament: Strong Macro or Fed Policies?

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In a special segment of the report, the BSP recognizes of the tight correlation between US Federal Reserve policies and the price action of the local stock market (as noted above)

The BSP implicitly infers of the influence or the transmission mechanism of the actions of the US Federal Reserve (FED) on foreign portfolio flows to emerging markets, such as the Philippines, by stating that Fed policies “followed generally by upward trends in portfolio investment inflows”. 

The BSP also sees portfolio flows as having contributed to the recent stock market boom, “A similar trend was observed with the Philippine stock exchange index; that is, QE announcements were followed generally by an increasing trend in prices, with varying lags.”[1]

And when the jitters from the FED “taper” surfaced on the global markets late May, the BSP admits that foreign funds made a dash for the exit door, “In May 2013, portfolio investment flows registered a net outflow of US$640.8 million, a reversal from the previous month’s inflow of US$1.1 billion. Net capital flows for the period 3-14 June 2013 have recovered somewhat to US$65.13 million”

The BSP also noted that the sudden reversal of sentiment affected other Philippine markets, particularly

a) Philippine credit outlook represented by credit default swap (CDS), “The credit default swap (CDS) index exhibited a widening trend to 157 bps on 24 June after trading below 100 bps in the past month, as the market increased its premium in holding emerging market bonds. The country’s CDS narrowed to 145 bps as of 25 June 2013, improving further to 139 bps by 27 June 2013” and

b) The currency market, “the peso weakened significantly by 6.36 percent year-to-date against the US dollar, closing at a low of P43.84/US$ on 24 June 2013. Subsequently, the peso began to recover, closing the quarter at P43.20/US$ on 28 June 2013.”

The BSP dismissed the domestic market’s convulsion as having “overreacted to some extent”, and put a spin on a recovery “are now beginning to bounce back”.

But curiously the BSP justifies the selloff as having a beneficial effect of “reducing the build-up of stretched asset valuations and in making the growth process more durable in long run”, this predicated on the “inherent strength of Philippine macroeconomic fundamentals”.

See the contradictions?

If the BSP thinks that the domestic market’s reactions to external forces reduced the “build-up of stretched asset valuations”, which essentially represents an admission of overpriced domestic markets, then what justifies significantly higher markets from current levels?

And in my reading of the BSP’s tea leaves, domestic markets should rise but at a gradual pace to reflect on the “growth process” over the “long run”.

But this hasn’t been anywhere true in the recent past where mania has dominated sentiment.

The BSP doesn’t explain why markets reached levels that “stretched asset valuations” except to point at foreign portfolio flows (which they say has been influenced by the external or US policies).

And similarly in the opposite spectrum, the BSP doesn’t enlighten us why markets “overreacted to some extent” except to sidestep the issue by defending the ‘stretched’ markets with “strong macroeconomic fundamentals”.

Basically the BSP connects FED policies to rising markets, but ironically, sees a relational disconnect from a threat of a reversal of such external factors, banking on so-called strong “macroeconomic fundamentals”.

The BSP, thus, substitutes the causality flow from the FED to domestic macroeconomic fundamentals whenever such factors seemed convenient for them.

Notice that the May selloff hasn’t been limited to the stock market, but across a broad range of Philippine asset markets, which the BSP acknowledges, specifically, domestic treasuries, local currency (Peso) and CDS. Yet if ‘macroeconomic fundamentals” were indeed strong as claimed, then there won’t be ‘overreactions’ on all these markets.

And it would be presumptuous to deem actions of foreign money as irrational, impulsive, finical and ignorant of “macroeconomic fundamentals”, while on the contrary, latently extolling the optimists or the bulls as having the ‘righteous’ or ‘correct’ view.

The BSP also misses that the point that the impact by FED policies, and more importantly, their DOMESTIC policies, has not only influenced the stock market, but other asset prices and the real economy, as well, via credit fueled asset bubbles.

Central banks have become the proverbial 800 lb. gorilla in the room for the interconnected or entwined global financial markets. 

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Take the Peso-Euro relationship. The balance sheet of the European Central Bank (ECB) began to contract in mid-2012 (right window[2]), which has extended until last week[3].

On the other hand the balance sheet of the BSP continues to expand over the same period[4]. The result a declining trend of the Peso vis-à-vis the euro (left window[5]).

The Peso-Euro trend essentially validates the wisdom of the great Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises who wrote of how exchange rates are valued[6],
the valuation of a monetary unit depends not on the wealth of a country, but rather on the relationship between the quantity of, and demand for, money
The BSP seem to ignore all these.

And because today’s artificial boom has been depicted as a product of their policies, the BSP thinks that the market’s politically correct direction can only be up up up and away!

Cheering on Unsustainable Growth Models

The BSP cheers on data whose sustainability has been highly questionable.
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On the aggregate demand side, the BSP admits that household spending growth has been at a ‘slower pace’.

With slowing household, the biggest weight of the much ballyhooed statistical growth of domestic demand has been in capital formation. This has been attributed to the massive expansion in construction (33.7%) and durable (9.4%) equipment, and in public (45.6%) and private (30.7%) construction[7]

As pointed out in the past, construction and construction related spending has all been financed by a bank deposit financed or credit fueled asset bubbles.

The other factor driving demand has been government demand or public spending.

As I have been pointing out, this supposed growth in demand via government deficit spending means more debt and higher taxes over the future. Frontloading of growth via debt based spending signify as constraints to future growth.

Pardon my appeal to authority, but surprisingly even a local mainstream economist, the former Secretary of Budget and Management under the Estrada administration and current professor at University of the Philippines[8], Benjamin Diokno, acknowledges this.

In a 2010 speech Mr Diokno noted that[9]
Deficit financing leads to lower investment and, in the long run, to lower output and consumption. By borrowing, the government places the burden of lower consumption on future generations. It does this in two ways: future output is lowered as a result of lower investment, and higher deficits now means higher debt servicing thus higher taxes or lower levels of government services in the future.
The above debunks the populist myth which views the Philippine economy as having been driven by a household consumption boom[10].
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The aggregate supply side dynamics mirrors almost the same as the above—bank deposit financed credit fueled asset bubbles.

While agriculture has pulled down or weighed on the growth statistics, production side expansion has been largely led by construction (32.5%) and manufacturing (9.7%).

On the service sector side, financial intermediation (13.9%) led the growth, followed by real estate and renting (6.3%) and other services (7.6%)[11].

In short, except for manufacturing, most of the supply side growth has centered on the asset markets (real estate and financial assets).

These booming sectors, which has benefited a concentrated few who has access to the banking system and or on the capital markets, have mostly been financed by a massive growth in credit. Yet this credit boom has fundamentally been anchored on zero bound interest rates policies.

The reemergence of the global bond vigilantes have been threatening to undermine the easy money conditions that undergirds the present growth dynamic, a factor which ironically, the BSP seems to have overlooked, and intuitively or mechanically, apply the cognitive substitution over objections or over concerns on the risks of bubbles with the constant reiteration of: “strong macroeconomic fundamentals”—like an incantation. If I am not mistaken the report noted of this theme 4 times.

And yet the recent market spasms appear to have been a drag on credit growth of these sectors (although they remain elevated).

And as noted last week, the rate of credit growth on financial intermediation, so far the biggest contributor of the services sector, has shriveled to a near standstill (1.45% June 2013)[12]. Financial intermediation represents 9.73% share of the total supply side banking loans last June.

This should translate to a meaningful slowdown for the growth rate of this sector over the next quarter or two.

It remains unclear if the growth in the other sectors will be enough to offset this. But given the declining pace of credit expansion in the general banking sector lending activities, particularly in sectors supporting the asset boom, growth will likely be pared down over the coming quarters.

So far the exception to the current credit inflation slowdown as per June data, has been in mining and quarrying (85.66%), electricity gas and water (13.84%), wholesale and retail trade (15.74%) and government services—administration and defense (17.11%) and social work (47.21%)—however these sectors only comprise 31% of the production side banking loan activities. Half of the 31% share is due to wholesale and retail trade; will growth in trade counterbalance the decline in the rate of growth of financial intermediation?

Interestingly, the BSP does not provide comprehensive data on bank lending except to deal with generalities. And puzzlingly, the BSP report has been absent of charts on the bank loans and money supply aggregates such as M3, which like the banking loans, the latter has been treated superficially. Why?

So far market actions in the Phisix and the Peso appear to be disproving the BSP’s Pollyannaish views.

Asia’s Credit Trap

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The financial markets of Asia including the Philippines appear to be ‘decoupling’ from the Western counterparts, particularly the US S&P (SPX) and Germany (DAX) where the latter two has been drifting at near record highs.

Has the nasty side effects of “ultralow rates” where Southeast Asian economies, as Bloomberg’s Asia analyst William Pesek noted[13], “didn’t use the rapid growth of recent years to retool economies” been making them vulnerable to the recent bond market rout?

The appearance of current account surplus, relatively low external debt, and large foreign reserves, doesn’t make the Philippines invulnerable or impervious to bubbles as mainstream experts including local authorities have been peddling.

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Japan had all three plus big savings and net foreign investment position[14] or positive Net international investment position (NIIP) or the difference between a country's external financial assets and liabilities[15], yet the Japanese economy suffered from the implosion of the stock market and property bubble in 1990 (red ellipse). 

As legacy of bailouts, pump priming and money printing to contain the bust, Japan’s political economy presently suffers from a Japanese Government Bond (JGB) bubble.

And given the reluctance to reform, the negative demographic trends, and the popular preference of relying on the same failed policies, the incumbent Japan’s government increasingly depends on surviving her political economic system via a Ponzi financing dynamic of borrowing to finance previously borrowed money (interest and principal) where debt continues to mount on previous debt. Japan’s public debt levels has now reached a milestone the quadrillion yen mark[16], which has been enabled and facilitated again by zero bound rates.

And this strong external façade has not just been a Japan dynamic.

China has currently all of the supposed external strength too, including over $3 trillion of foreign currency reserves, NIIP of US $1.79 trillion (March 2012[17]).

But a recession, if not a full blown crisis from a bursting bubble, presently threatens to engulf the Chinese economy.

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As growth of “new” credit sank to a 21 month low where new loans grew by ‘only’ 9% in July and ‘only’ 29.44% y-o-y[18], the Chinese government via her central bank the People’s Bank of China (PBOC) continues to infuse or pump ‘money from thin air’ into the banking system[19]

Such actions can be seen as bailouts by the new administration on a heavily leverage system.

Incidentally, debt of China’s listed corporate sector stands at over 3x (EBITDA) earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation and amortization[20]. Notice too that listed companies from major Southeast economies (TH-Thailand, ID-Indonesia, and MY-Malaysia) have likewise built up huge corporate debt/ebitda.

State Owned Enterprises (SoE), their local government contemporaries and their private vehicle offsprings plays a big role in China’s complex political economy. Hence, latent bailouts targeted at these companies have allowed for the ‘kicked the can down the road’ dynamic. China recently announced a railroad stimulus[21], again benefiting politically connected enterprises.

I cast a doubt on the recent reported 5.1% surge in in export growth[22] considering her recent propensity to hide, delete or censor data[23]. These claims would have to be matched by declared activities of their trading partners. Nonetheless, eventually markets will sort out the truth from propaganda.

The point is that Asian economies have become increasingly entrenched in debt dynamics in the same way the debt has plagued their western contemporaries.

And the deepening dependence on debt as economic growth paradigm puts the Asian region on a more fragile position.

Asia is in a ‘credit trap’ according to HSBC’s economist Frederic Neumann[24]. Asian economies have traded off productivity growth for the credit driven growth paradigm, where Asian economies have “become increasingly desensitized to credit”. Yet lower productivity growth will mean increasing real debt burdens.

And if the bond vigilantes will continue to assert their presence on the global bond markets, then ‘strong macroeconomic fundamentals” will be put to a severe reality based stress test.

And the validity of strong macroeconomic fundamentals will also be revealed on charts.

Risk remains high.



[1] Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas Inflation Report, Second Quarter 2013, BSP.gov.ph p. 37-41

[2] JP Morgan Asset Management Weekly strategy report – 28 January 2013



[5] Yahoo Finance PHP/EUR (PHPEUR=X)

[6] Ludwig von Mises Trend of Depreciation STABILIZATION OF THE MONETARY UNIT—FROM THE VIEWPOINT OF THEORY On the Manipulation of Money and Credit p 25 Mises.org

[7] BSP op. cit., p.9-10

[8] Wikipedia.org Benjamin Diokno

[9] Benjamin Diokno Deficits, financing, and public debt UP School of Economics.


[11] BSP op. cit., p.19


[13] William Pesek Specter of Another Bond Crash Spooks Asia, June 7, 2013











[24] AsianInvestor.net Asia in a credit trap, warns HSBC's Neumann August 8, 2013

Thursday, July 25, 2013

China’s Railroad Stimulus is now Official: It’s an $85 billion boondoggle

So the rumored railroad stimulus has become official.

From Bloomberg:
Chinese Premier Li Keqiang said the nation will speed railway construction, especially in central and western regions, adding support for an economy that’s set to expand at the slowest pace in 23 years.

The State Council also yesterday approved tax breaks for small companies and reduced fees for exporters, according to a statement after a meeting led by Li. China plans a railway development fund, the government said.

Additional spending would help the world’s second-largest economy, after the government signaled this week it will protect its 7.5 percent growth target for this year following a second straight quarterly slowdown…

China had planned to invest 520 billion yuan ($85 billion) in railway construction this year, according to a rail-bond prospectus published July 19. Total fixed-asset investment by the railroads, which also includes train purchases and maintenance, will be 650 billion yuan. 

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The report didn’t say that the Chinese government embarked on a massive US $586 billion fiscal stimulus program in 2008-9 as shield against the global US epicenter based crisis. 

Yet, Chinese economic growth has been faltering, that’s after a short period of “traction” from such policies (chart from tradingeconomics.com).

This means that stimulus work only for the “short term”. Also if $586 billion didn't do the job, then why would $85 billion of 'targeted' spending work?


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Adding railroads to what seems as faltering railway activities (chart from Business Insider), not only reflects on an ongoing downshift of economic activities, but importantly such would translate to surpluses or wastages of capital—where losses of public companies will be passed on to taxpayers.

So the Chinese government appears to be buying time by providing a short term statistical boost to a floundering economy.

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Of course, another thing the report didn’t mention is that much of the 2008-2009 stimulus has been funded heavily by debt.

Debt of State Owned Enterprises (SoE) have now been estimated at an eye-popping 4.5x leverage. Private sector debt has also ballooned. One shouldn’t forget that a lot of private sector companies are tied to or related to the government, a lot of of them as vehicles for the local government.

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The outcome of the 2008-2009 stimulus has been a colossal credit bubble that has fueled a runaway property bubble.

So the freshly installed Chinese government essentially will implement the same policies as the former administration. The more things change the more they stay the same…

The thrust towards public works means that Chinese stimulus program will be channeled via SoEs, which transfers economic opportunities to the political class and to the politically connected firms.

Public works also heightens credit risks on both the public and the private sector, as these $85 billion projects would be funded by more debt. 

Such would further magnify bubble conditions, despite the cosmetic measures to curtail the shadow banking.

Unfortunately for taxpayers, $85 billion spending means higher taxes overtime.

While it may be true that part of Li’s program would be to cut taxes for small businesses which should be good news…
Resolutions passed at yesterday’s cabinet meeting included the exemption of companies with monthly sales of less than 20,000 yuan from value-added and business taxes starting Aug. 1, according to the statement. The move will benefit more than 6 million small businesses and affect jobs and income of tens of millions of people, the government said.
…such is likely a superficial attempt or effort.

The hope is that China’s economy would grow enough to pick up the public spending tab seems as wishful thinking as the 2008-2009 stimulus has shown.

Japan has had the same post-bubble fiscal and monetary stimulus experience through the 90s into the new millennium, or the lost decade, a failed practice which have been repackaged today as “Abenomics”, or differently put, doing the same things over and over again (but at a bigger and more audacious scale) and expecting different results—insanity.

Also the Chinese government’s grand 2008-2009 stimulus program has a growing list of public work disasters

Politicization of economic activities means lower “real” economic growth as resources are allocated on non-market preferences and to vote or approval generating political pet projects, thus compounding on imbalances (bubbles), increasing waste and losses, higher taxes overtime, redistribution to the political class which implies greater inequality and cronyism, capital consumption and a lowered standards of living.

Tuesday, May 21, 2013

Abenomics Fails to Spur Business Spending

I recently pointed out that the 3.5% boost in Japan’s statistical GDP has not reflected on real economic growth for the basic reason that monetary policy induced price distortions impede economic calculation and promotes discoordination. And that such growth has merely represented the frontloading of spending actions in view of forthcoming higher taxes.

We have anecdotal proof on this:

From the Bloomberg’s today’s Abe’s Resurgent Japan Hurt by Lack of Business Spending (bold mine)
As Japan’s cherry trees bloomed and the stock market soared, Kohetsu Watanabe flew to a blossom-viewing party in Tokyo hosted by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to tell the premier personally how bad things really are.

When the head of machine-parts maker Daikyo Seiki Co. shook hands with Abe at the 12,000-guest event in Shinjuku Gyoen park, he says he begged the premier to help small- and medium-sized companies that make up 70 percent of Japan’s industry.

“Stocks and the yen may have come back, but the state of the real economy is very different,” said Watanabe, 49, who has no plans to raise wages for his 17 employees and hasn’t paid a bonus since 2008. “It’s impossible for me to be optimistic.”

His company in Akita, northern Japan, highlights the hurdle Abe faces in his quest to end 15 years of deflation and reinstate Japan as a pillar of the global economy. The first two “arrows” of so-called Abenomics, fiscal and monetary stimulus, have caused shares to rise and the yen to slump. While that helps exporters, it means more expensive imported materials and energy for Watanabe. With sales taxes set to rise in April, Abe’s third arrow -- restructuring rules to help businesses -- probably will take too long or be too watered down to prevent a drop in domestic demand next year.
What’s Japan’s real structural problem? From the same article:
With executives such as Watanabe waiting for earnings to improve before raising salaries, that pain may last beyond next year as the government faces opposition to dismantling decades-old policies, such as labor laws that make it difficult to fire workers.
How will such distortive labor regulations be eased by Abenomics?
In his May 17 speech, Abe said he wants to boost private investment to 70 trillion yen ($683 billion) a year -- the level before the 2008 financial crisis -- through deregulation, taxes, spending and equipment-leasing deals. He aims to triple infrastructure exports to about 30 trillion yen by 2020…
Yet the bias for the politicization of the marketplace:
The measures announced so far don’t go far enough, according to Izumi Devalier, an economist at HSBC Holdings Plc in Hong Kong, who says major restructuring is needed in agriculture, health care and labor laws…

“The Cabinet appears to be shying away from deregulation, opting instead to use subsidies and usual government-support programs,” Devalier wrote in a May 14 research note.
Just think of it; how will business investments and domestic demand improve when increasing taxes means a diversion of resources from the private sector to the government? 

Whatever money government spends is money that the private sector won’t be spending. These are called opportunity costs and the crowding out effect from government interventions. 

Yet government spending will be financed by more debt in the light of continuing weak business environment burdened by taxes and constrained by price instability. So Abenomics essentially will compound on her precarious nearly 220% debt to gdp.

Yet the above account shows how the Japanese government refuses to deal with the stringent labor laws that has choked the economy.  

Japan's rigid immigration laws represents as another vitally important structural hindrance which politicians refrain from reforms.

This shows that in politics, there is no such thing as economic logic, thus the tendency to deal with superficialities or treating the symptom rather than the disease.

Well of course, the Abenomics path of “subsidies and usual government-support programs” has been tried and tested since the Japanese bubble imploded in 1990s.

Let me quote in length Douglas French’s narrative of the doing the same thing over and over again yet expecting different results:
The Japanese government didn’t just leave matters to the monetary authorities. Between 1992-1995, it tried six stimulus plans totaling 65.5 trillion yen and even cut tax rates in 1994. It tried cutting taxes again in 1998, but government spending was never cut.

In 1998, another stimulus package of 16.7 trillion yen was rolled out, nearly half of which was for public works projects. Later in the same year, another stimulus package was announced, totaling 23.9 trillion yen. The very next year, an 18 trillion yen stimulus was tried, and in October 2000, another stimulus of 11 trillion yen was announced.

During the 1990s, Japan tried 10 fiscal stimulus packages totaling more than 100 trillion yen, and each failed to cure the recession.

In spring 2001, the BOJ switched to a policy of quantitative easing — targeting the growth of the money supply, instead of nominal interest rates — in order to engineer a rebound in demand growth.

The BOJ’s quantitative easing and large increase in liquidity stopped the fall in land prices by 2003. Japan’s central bank held interest rates at zero until early 2007, when it boosted its discount rate back to 0.5% in two steps by midyear. But the BOJ quickly reverted back to its zero interest rate policy.

In August 2008, the Japanese government unveiled an 11.5 trillion yen stimulus. The package, which included 1.8 trillion yen in new spending and nearly 10 trillion yen in government loans and credit guarantees, was in response to news that the Japanese economy the previous month suffered its biggest contraction in seven years and inflation had topped 2% for the first time in a decade.

In December 2009, Reuters reported, “The Bank of Japan reinforced its commitment to maintain very low interest rates on Friday and set the scene for a further easing of monetary policy to fight deflation. The bank said that it would not tolerate zero inflation or falling prices.”

In a paper for the International Monetary Fund entitled Bank of Japan’s Monetary Easing Measures: Are They Powerful and Comprehensive?, W. Raphael Lam wrote that the BOJ had “expanded its tool kit through a series of monetary easing measures since early 2009.” The BOJ instituted new asset purchase programs allowing the central bank to purchase corporate bonds, commercial paper, exchange-traded funds (ETFs), and real estate investment trusts (REITs).

According to Lam’s work, the BOJ bought 134.8 trillion yen worth of government and corporate paper between December 2008 and August 2011. Lam described the impact of these purchases as “broad-based and comprehensive,” but it failed to impact “inflation expectations.”

For more than two decades, the Japanese central bank and government have emptied the Keynesian tool chest looking for anything that would slay the deflation dragon. Reading the hysterics of the financial press and Japanese central bankers, one would think prices are plunging. Or that borrowers cannot repay loans and the economy is not just at a standstill, but in a tailspin. Tokyo must be one big soup line.
At the end of the day, all the hero worship on Abenomics or Japan inflationism as elixir will turn out badly for the simple reason that, as I recently wrote:
Abenomics operates in an incorrigible self-contradiction: Abenomics has been designed to produce substantial price inflation but expects interest rates at permanently zero bound. Such two variables are like polar opposites. Thus expectations for their harmonious combination are founded on whims rather from economic reality.
Abenomics will advance on Japan’s coming debt crisis.

Monday, April 22, 2013

Kuroda’s Abenomics May Trigger Global Financial Market Earthquake

Much of the global financial markets have been complacent about what has been going on in Japan. 

Kuroda’s Policies Incites Bond Market Volatility

Yet part of the collapse in gold-commodity prices has been attributed[1] to the recent spike in coupon yields of Japanese Government Bonds (JGBs) across the yield curve, which may have forced cross asset liquidations on investors to pay for margin calls. 


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The two week upsurge in 2-year and 5-year JGB yields (chart from the Bloomberg) has essentially brought interest rates to early 2012 levels with year-to-date changes exhibiting an of increase 3.7 and 6 basis points (bps), respectively. Such increase in the short end spectrum of the yield curve comes in the light of the decline in 10 year yield at 20.4 bps, according to Asianbondsonline.org[2] data at the close of April 18, 2013.

The steep climb in short term yields relative to the long term has also materially flattened the JGB yield curve.

While yield curves usually serve as reliable indicators for recession[3], where an inverted yield curve would usually translate to symptoms of growing liquidity shortages from resource misallocations via rising short term rates relative to long end of the curve, central bank manipulation may have muddled up its effectiveness. 

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Japan’s rising short term rates are likely manifestations of the growing risks of price inflation from Bank of Japan’s (BoJ) Haruhiko Kuroda’s adaption of ECB chief Mario Draghi’s “do whatever is takes”, in the case of Japan “to end deflation”, or aggressive inflationism channeled through the doubling of Japan’s monetary base.

Kuroda’s “Abenomics”, which is the grandest experiment with monetary policies by yet any central bank, will bring about Japan’s monetary base to over 50% of the GDP by 2014[4], compared to the FED’s QEternity at 19% of the GDP.

Kuroda may have already attained the goal of defeating the strawman-bogeyman called “deflation”[5], that’s if McDonald’s will act as the trendsetter for Japanese companies. Japan’s McDonald’s franchise has announced price increases for as much as 25% for some of her products[6].

But the marketplace hasn’t seen what a continuous rise of interest rates will mean for Japan and for the global financial markets.

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Around ¥103.76 trillion (US$1.04 trillion) of JGBs will mature or will get rolled over this 2013.

Of the total, I estimate around 76% of these to be short term papers. They consist of Treasury Bills, 2-year bonds, JGBs for retail investors consisting of 3 and 5 years fixed rate aside from floating rates) and 5 year bonds, based on Japan’s Ministry of Finance latest update[7].

In 2014, ¥72.98 trillion (US$ 733 billion) will mature. 2-5 year bonds will makeup over 60% of such debts.

Consider these figures. According to James Gruber at the Forbes.com[8]
Government debt to GDP in Japan is now 245%, far higher than any other country. Total debt to GDP is 500%. Government expenditure to government revenue is a staggering 2000%. Meanwhile interest costs on government debt equal 25% of government revenue.
Add to this Shinzo Abe’s fiscal stimulus package announced last January amounting of ¥10.3 trillion[9] US $116 billion (January), US $103.5 billion (current) and the Liberal Democratic Party LDP’s proposed US$ 2.4 trillion of public work spending programs[10] spread over 10 years which should expand on the current levels of debt.

In other words, Japan’s unsustainable debt structure has been founded on the continuance of zero bound rates. Thus a further spike in yields from the prospects of “crushing deflation” via monetary inflation will bring to the fore, Japan’s credit and rollover risks. For instance a doubling of interest rate levels will translate to a doubling of interest costs on government debt and so on. Remember, BoJ’s Kuroda set a supposed “flexible” inflation target of 2% in two years[11], while paradoxically expecting bond markets to remain nonchalant or placid.

Thus any signs of the emergence of a loss of confidence that may resonate to a debt or currency crisis may unsettle global markets.

The Japanese government via Abenomics has essentially been underwriting their economic “death warrant”.

It would be a mistake to infer “decoupling” or “immunity” from a debt or currency crisis in Japan.

A Japan crisis will hardly be an isolated event but could be the flashpoint to a global finance-banking-economic crisis given the increasingly fragile state from debt financed economic growth and debt financed political system

Yet we appear to be witnessing emergent signs of instability or a backlash from “Abenomics” based on Japan’s credit default swaps (CDS) last Thursday.

From Bloomberg[12]: 
Two-year overnight-index swap rates that reflect investor expectations for the Bank of Japan’s benchmark rate are set for the biggest monthly jump since November 2010 and reached 0.095 percent this week, according to data compiled by Bloomberg. The contract has climbed from a low of 0.039 percent in January to the highest since July 2011, approaching the 0.1 percent upper range of the Bank of Japan’s benchmark rate target. The comparative swap rate in the U.S. was at 0.163 percent.
While I expect Abenomics to incite a capital flight yen based selloff from Japanese residents and companies that should benefit the Philippines or ASEAN overtime[13], it would be a different scenario if the financial markets precipitately smells the imminence of a crisis.

So the coming week/s will be crucial.

The Crux of Abenomics

It’s also important to analyze why Abenomics has been initiated.

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Looking at the composition of the Japan’s public debt, since September 2008[14] or over a period of 4 years, the banking industry [42.4% September 2012; 39.6% September 2008], the Bank of Japan [11.1% September 2012; 8.7% September 2008], foreign investors [9.1% September 2012; 7.9% September 2008] general government [2.6% September 2012; 1.5% September 2008], and others [2.7% September 2012; 2.4% September 2008], posted increases in JGB holdings. The banks, the BoJ and foreigners essentially absorbed the largest share of the growing pie of JGBs.

On the other hand, Public Pensions [7.0% September 2012; 11.7% September 2008], Pension Funds [3.0% September 2012; 3.8% September 2008] and Households [2.7% September 2012; 5.2% September 2008] holdings of JGBs shriveled given the same time frame.

The share of Life and non-life insurance industry has remained largely little changed.

Despite the much ballyhooed battle against “deflation”, the changing debt structure reveals of the crux of Abenomics.

Financials (banks and insurance) accounted for 61.7% of JGBs holdings in 2012. Considering that the largest holders of equities in Japan have reportedly been the banking and insurance industry[15] as households account for only 6.8%, Abenomics has functioned as redistributive mechanism or a subsidy in support of these highly privileged sectors.

Thus, Abenomics has partly been engineered to forestall stresses and frictions that may increase the risks the collapse of these sectors. This also exhibits how this hasn’t been about the economy but about preserving the privileged status of political connected industries which politicians also depend on for financing.

Further Abenomics operates in a logical self-contradiction. While the politically and publicly stated desire has been to ignite some price inflation, Abenomics or aggressive credit and monetary expansion works in the principle that past performance will produce the same outcome or the that inflationism will unlikely have an adverse impact on interest rates, or that zero bound rates will always prevail.

The idea that unlimited money printing will hardly impact the bond markets is a sign of pretentiousness.

But there seems to be a more important reason behind Abenomics; specifically, the Bank of Japan’s increasing role as buyer of last resort through debt monetization in order to finance the increasingly insatiable and desperate government.

Note in particular, savers via Japanese household have reduced stock of JGBs by a whopping 48% since 2008, while pensions by both the public and private sectors contracted by 40% and 21% respectively.

Such a slack has been taken over by the banking system and the BoJ. While foreign holdings have manifested growth, they are considered as fickle and may reverse anytime.

Reduction of JGBs by savers could partly manifest Japan’s demographics or her negative population growth[16]. But such explanation hasn’t been sufficient.

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The distribution of Japan’s household assets has mainly been channeled towards cash and deposits (55.2%) and insurance and pension reserves (27.7%). This is according to the latest flow of funds reported by the Bank of Japan[17]

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According to the following charts from Danske Bank[18], Japanese investors with parsimonious exposure on foreign assets have been net sellers of foreign stocks (right window).

But more important aspect is that Japan’s insurance and pension companies, which accounts for the second largest bulk of household assets, have increasingly been deploying their resources overseas (left window). The rate of growth has been accelerating in tandem with BoJ’s policies.

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In addition, gold priced in the yen[19], in spite of last week’s quasi-crash, which is likely an anomaly, has been ramping up higher since 2008.

Japan’s pension and insurance fund’s accelerating exposure on foreign securities, combined by the bull market in gold priced in the yen and the increasing preference by Japanese companies to tap foreign capital[20] can be seen as seminal signs of capital flight. 

Thus, Abenomics provides the insurance cover or a backstop against capital flight. With this we can expect Abenomics to eventually include price controls and importantly capital-currency controls.

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Japan’s major bellwether the Nikkei 225 fell by 1.25% this week, which really is a speck relative to the astounding 28% year-to-date gains. The other major benchmark, the Topix, lost 1.91% but remains 31.04% from the start of the year.

But there appears to be increasing signs of divergences even in Japan, which may be seen as parallel to the ongoing distribution in the global marketplace. The leaders of the recent rally Topix banks (left) and the Insurance (right) sectors seems as exhibiting signs of exhaustion[21]

Finally the coming weeks will be very critical for global financial markets. If Japan’s short term rates continues to spiral higher then this may provoke amplified volatility on the global financial markets.

Another very important factor will be how Japanese authorities will react to them.

Otherwise, if the volatility in yields will be suppressed then we can expect the boom bust cycles to remain in play.

It pays to keep vigilant






[2] Asian Bonds Online Japan ADB





[7] Quarterly Newsletter of the Ministry of Finance Japan, What’s New, January 2013

[8] James Gruber Forget Cyprus, Japan Is The Real Crisis, Forbes.com March 23, 2013



[11] Wall Street Journal BOJ's Kuroda Says 2% Inflation Target "Flexible" April 11, 2013



[14] Quarterly Newsletter of the Ministry of Finance Japan, What’s New, January 2009


[16] The Statistics Bureau and the Director-General for Policy Planning Chapter 2 Population Ministry of Internal Affairs


[18] Danske Research Monitor Japanese investor flows, April 19, 2013



[21] Tokyo Stock Exchange Stock Price Index - Real Time