Monday, June 04, 2018

Inflation Has Hardly Been About the TRAIN Law; The Credit and Liquidity Cure Can Be Worse Than The Tax Disease!

The real danger does not consist in what has happened already, but in the spurious doctrines from which these events have sprung. The superstition that it is possible for the government to eschew the inexorable consequences of inflation by price control is the main peril. For this doctrine diverts the public's attention from the core of the problem. While the authorities are engaged in a useless fight against the attendant phenomena, only few people are attacking the source of the evil, the Treasury's methods of providing for the enormous expenditures. While the bureaus make headlines with their activities, the statistical figures concerning the increase in the nation's currency are relegated to an inconspicuous place in the newspapers' financial pages—Ludwig von Mises

In this issue

Inflation Has Hardly Been About the TRAIN Law; The Credit and Liquidity Cure Can Be Worse Than The Tax Disease!
-Has the Public Been Lusting for Blood? Or Is Pres. Duterte in Search for a Scapegoat?
-The Vehement Backlash Against Inflation! TRAIN as the Object of Scorn!
-Inflation Has Hardly Been About TRAIN But About The BSP’s Free Money Policy!
-The Credit and Liquidity Cure Can Be Worse Than The Tax Disease!


Inflation Has Hardly Been About the TRAIN Law; The Credit and Liquidity Cure Can Be Worse Than The Tax Disease!

What an eventful week!

Has the Public Been Lusting for Blood? Or Is Pres. Duterte in Search for a Scapegoat?

I’d start off with two awesome news quotes.

From the Inquirer (May 29, 2018): “Despite his frequent defeatist talk, President Rodrigo Duterte is ready to declare war on China or any other country if they attempt to exploit the natural resources in the West Philippine Sea, Foreign Secretary Alan Peter Cayetano said on Monday.”

From the Inquirer (May 28, 2018): ““When the stomach protests, prepare for revolution.” Sen. Panfilo Lacson issued this warning on Sunday, urging the government to do something to arrest price increases being blamed on the Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion (TRAIN) Act.”

Wow, war and revolution! What bloody rhetoric! Has the public not had enough of blood on the streets? The war on drugs has recorded 41 fatalities in the past three weeks. 

“Our present situation calls for a revolution said a daughter of a national artist in her graduation speech at an elite school.

Has the public been pining for violence as a solution to socio-economic ills?

Back to the two quotes.

Did the present leadership tergiversate on his position on China?

It was just in February when he jokingly said that the Philippines should be a province of China. And it was only a week back when he uttered: I won't go to war I can't win.

Even if current developments have signified a political vaudeville, what has prompted such precipitate façade?

Could this have been due to the probe by lawmakers on the administration’s inaction on China? But that would be a parochial reason for such publicity skit

Could it have been because the Senator raised the issue of a revolution in response to the present policies that have prompted Mr. Duterte to look for a convenient foreign scapegoat?

As I have said here, the epoch of easy money is over. Aside from a troubled banking sector, inflation has reared its ugly head.

And for the Senator to warn of a “revolution” epitomizes an inflation problem that has gone beyond official statistics. And because other senators have joined the call to have the TRAIN Law suspended, this has been more than political sensationalism.

The backlash against inflation has been amazingly vehement. It has surpassed the scale of 2014 which spurred the BSP to tighten. The difference between now and 2014 is the object of scorn. The spiraling inflation problem has been blamed solely on the Duterte-Dominguez signature tax reform policy, the RA 10963 or the TRAIN LAW.

One has to wonder, why have SWS surveys been saying that hunger incidence dropped to a 14-year low and that 1-in-3 families escaped povertyin the 1Q of 2018 when the public’s reaction has gone in the opposite direction? Have such surveys been a part of leadership’s propaganda machinery?

The Vehement Backlash Against Inflation! TRAIN as the Object of Scorn!

Just look at the stunning intensity of the pushback.

The Chair of the House Ways and Means Committee has initially expressed openness for the suspension of TRAIN.

Meanwhile, in response to inflationary pressures, various labor groups have backed bills that have been filed in Congress asking for a staggeringPhp 750 and Php 320 (across-the-board) increases in the minimum wage. The present minimum wage is Php 512/day. A Php 320 increase would amount to an astounding 62.5% hike!

The pressure has been mounting.

President Duterte also ordered the Department of Labor to convene the regional wage boards. An increase in minimum wages can be expected to happen within a month, says the Labor Secretary. 

If the government grants the request for such gargantuan minimum wage hike, there will be considerable adverse consequences.  The first is that firms will likely pass through the cost to consumers, thereby aggravating price pressures on the economy. If a full pass through can't be accomplished, firms may resort to diminishing the quality of their products or services for sale. They could also downscale operations through the downsizing of the labor force and or shrink their workflow process that leads to a reduction in output. It could be a combination of the above. The other ramification would be for firms to reduce investments. And if this leads to losses, closures will be next option.

As a testament to this, an association of employers warned the possibility of a mass layoff in their workforces should the published minimum wage bill be upheld (Inquirer June 2, 2018): “Jose Roland Moya, director general of the Employers Confederation of the Philippines (Ecop), said companies were also reeling from the effects of the Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion (TRAIN) Act due to the increase in the cost of their raw materials. Should the government order a significant wage increase, Moya said businesses might suffer huge losses which could either lead to layoffs or closures” (italics added)

Though President Duterte admitted to having been spooked by rising prices, which he blamed on oil prices, he said that he would not suspend the TRAIN Law. He also admitted that TRAIN has contributed to the current inflation problem (GMA, May 31): ““Inflation is always there. There are many reasons, but actually, one of them is TRAIN. But I need money also to run the country. If you do not give it, fine,” Duterte said in his speech during the change of command ceremony of the Presidential Security Group in Malacañang.” (italics added)

The administration would provide instead additional financial assistance to the most adversely affected sectors and acquire oil from alternative sources as Russia and undisclosed suppliers.

Seen from a different light, the proposed policy response against inflation is to throw money into a system suffering from an overdose (OD) of money or throw gasoline on the fire! 

And you know that the things have been getting desperate for the Duterte regime.

The next tool to be used to combat inflation appears to be price controls.

To protect the consumers from “profiteering”, the government plans to impose implicit price controls by requiring stores to comply with a Standard Retail Price (SRP) on basic farms goods. In the meantime, with the opening of classes, the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) have commenced on making rounds on retail outlets to check on prices of school supplies.

Let us get this straight. Mr. Duterte has admitted that the government has been responsible for this mess. However, rather than addressing their mistakes, it is public who have been bearing the brunt not only of economic pressures but, more importantly, of political repression. If TRAIN has caused “profiteering”, why penalize the “profiteers” than those who pushed for the law? Because “spend, spend and spend” has been too addictive to withdraw from? Or, will Mr. Dominguez be shown the door soon? [If Dominguez exits, expect a sharp turn to the left!]

When the going gets tough, palpably, implicit price controls will morph into explicit policies.  

Considering that price controls have repeatedly been used for more than forty centuries, wherein Professor Meiselman wrote*, “The historical record is a grimly uniform sequence of repeated failure. Indeed, there is not a single episode where price controls have worked to stop inflation or cure shortages. Instead of curbing inflation, price controls add other complications to the inflation disease, such as black markets and shortages that reflect the waste and misallocation of resources caused by the price controls themselves”, once the Duterte regime engages in direct price controls, it would be the proverbial last nail on the coffin.

*David I. Meiselman, Robert L Schuettinger and  Eamonn F. Butler FORTY CENTURIES OF WAGE AND PRICE CONTROLS: How Not To Fight Inflation Mises.org

Inflation Has Hardly Been About TRAIN But About The BSP’s Free Money Policy!

 
It’s easy to pinpoint rising prices to TRAIN because of its coincidental effects. The populist political logic falls for the narrative fallacy.

But TRAIN hasn’t been the main culprit!

Even without TRAIN, price inflation surged in 2013 to 2014 (because of the 10 consecutive months of 30%+++ m3 growth!). That was until the BSP implemented partial tightening through a series of policy actions including raising reserve requirements and increasing policy and SDA rates in 2014.

And CPI has been rising anew since 2015. TRAIN has only accelerated the extant momentum.

Moreover, theoretically, the dislocations from excise taxes and the reduction of exemptions from VAT should be a one-off event. Demand and supply still govern the pricing system despite the displacements brought about by the Train Law.

If prices rise enough to cause a reduction in quantity demanded, prices will fall.  For instance, if soda prices have become unaffordable to prompt demand to fall (say close to zero), prices will adjust downward accordingly (approach zero). 

From this scenario, the producers would suffer from a profit margin squeeze. That's until (or if) these producers will be able to adjust production costs downwards to reflect on the new environment. Otherwise, they’d shut. Or, the supply side of the affected industries will likely see a reduction in output.

The difference has been that price pressures have occurred in areas that are considered inelastic or less responsive to price changes: food, household utilities and transport (based on the BSP’s April data).

And that’s the reason for political soundbites.

The BSP will post May CPI next week.
 
That said, the suspension or even a partial rollback of the TRAIN WITHOUT the necessary reductions in public expenditures will only balloon fiscal deficits.

April expenditures and revenues hit a record high.

Policies have time asymmetric impact. The best outcome occurs usually during the short-term, while the longer term produces unintended effects. So the recent revenue boom can hardly be expected to be sustained.

Thus, attacking TRAIN is like treating the symptom by ignoring the cause. The cure can be worse than the disease.

The Credit and Liquidity Cure Can Be Worse Than The Tax Disease!

If TRAIN will be repealed or reduced, the next question is how will such blowout in deficits be funded?

Remember, public expenditures are already programmed. However, revenues depend on economic conditions and collections management by the National Government (NG). Or NG revenues aren’t fixed. A shortfall in collections can disrupt the NG’s forecasted budgets.
  
Funding deficits through debt will only squeeze liquidity out of the system which would strain interest rates. The Bureau of Treasury’s total debtgrowth moderated to 7.92% in April due to the month’s Php 46.35 billion fiscal surplus.

Because of liquidity concerns, financing through debt will only constitute a part of the National Government’s overall funding program.

If the debt option is limited, how will the gap be filled?

Like today, the BSP and the BSP controlled banking system will be the other main contributors to the NG’s aggressive deficit financing programs.

 
From the BSP’s perspective, the banking system will have to continue to provide credit generously to the economy, which it hopes would transform into tax revenues. Total Bank Loans (production plus consumer) grew by a sizzling 19.6% in April. (see economic data below) Tax revenues spiked by 27.81% over the same period. It wants to believe that the system’s capacity to absorb credit is infinite.

So far, tax revenue performance has mirrored bank credit conditions.

On the other hand, the BSP will likely offset debt financing by liquefying the system through the funding of the central government.

From the BSP: “net claims on the central government rose by 13.0 percent in April from 7.0 percent (revised) as a result of continued borrowings by the National Government”.

The BSP has been monetizing the NG’s debt since 2015!

The mainstream has kept mum on this.

Again the BSP’s interest rate policy and QE are emergency measures that became a conventional tool.

 
The injection of liquidity through credit operations of the banking system and the BSP translates into an increase in money supply in circulation which affects economy prices. M3 grew by a torrid 14.21% in April.

As the Nobel Prize economist, the late Milton Friedman explained: “Inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon in the sense that it is and can be produced only by a more rapid increase in the quantity of money than in output.”

To focus on TRAIN is to miss the forest for the trees.

Finally, it is important to recognize that the BSP and the NG have been trapped from their policies. Spend, spend and spend is about to end as free lunch dissipates. As I wrote in May


1) If the NG uses the capital markets, rates will have to reflect the avalanche of supply. Moreover, NG spending will increase pressures on real economy prices.

2) If the NG will use the BSP option, the peso will fall steeply and inflation will rise, which again will ricochet or boomerang on bond yields.

3) If the government stops from its current undertaking, it will severely slow the GDP, prompt for a fall in tax revenues which should spike deficit as well. Credit risk will surface and subsequently impact the banking system. Markets will demand more collateral or increases in credit risk premium (higher yields!). 

4) If the government should use or depend on external sources for its financing, they should see the same dilemma: rates have been rising too!

5) The last option would be for the NG and BSP to manipulate markets and statistics in the hope that the markets will conform and comply with their political targets.

Yes, the piper will be paid soon.


Sunday, June 03, 2018

Philippine Competitiveness Ranking Plunges! How the Crowding Out Strains Economic Competitiveness: The Construction Industry

Free competition is worth more to society than it costs—Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., American jurist and Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States 

In this issue

Philippine Competitiveness Ranking Plunges! How the Crowding Out Strains Economic Competitiveness: The Construction Industry
-How the Crowding Out Strains Economic Competitiveness
-How "Build, Build and Build" Crowds out the Domestic Construction Industry
-How Raging Construction Prices Increase the Risk of Accidents
-The Cantillon Effect: Eroding Competitiveness form a Massive Shift of Economic Factors to the Government
-The Cantillon Effect: Hasn’t Sustained Price Instability Been a Source of Loss of Competitiveness?


Philippine Competitiveness Ranking Plunges! How the Crowding Out Strains Economic Competitiveness: The Construction Industry

How the Crowding Out Strains Economic Competitiveness

According to the World Competitiveness Ranking Report in 2018, published by the Switzerland-based business school International Institute for Management Development, the Philippine economy experienced the most significant decline in the region.

The report indicated that the Philippines slipped to 13th place from its 11th ranking in 2017 among 14 Asia-Pacific nations. Even worse, the country’s ranking tumbled by a shocking 9 notches to the 50th spot from the 41st place in 2017 out of 63 economies tracked, as reported by Philstar (May 24, 2018)

Reasons cited were the “worsening” tourism, employment and public finances, as well as concerns about the country’s education system.

Competitiveness represents the third order of priority in the Duterte’s 10-point social agenda: “Increasing competitiveness and the ease of doing business, drawing upon successful models used to attract business to local cities such as Davao, as well as pursuing the relaxation of the Constitutional restrictions on foreign ownership, except with regards to land ownership, in order to attract foreign direct investments”

The report has excluded a critical factor behind the administration’s failure to meet their goal of improved competitiveness.

More precisely, the crowding out syndrome diminishes competitiveness.    

The crowding out dynamic exhibits that when the government draws resources, labor, and finances away from the private sector,such distorts the allocation of capital goods from a higher to lower value uses. Or more precisely, economic activities shifts from production to consumption. 

And there’s more.

The crowding out syndrome translates to the burgeoning share of the economic pie by the government. And when the government becomes the dominant economic force, the overshadowed private sector won’t just have to deal with reduced availability of higher-priced resources but suffers from a loss of productivity as well.

Thus, the loss of competitiveness signifies a natural outcome of a government growing bigger and faster than the private sector. Plainly put, the crowding out dynamic equals a LARGER government and a SMALLER private sector

How "Build, Build and Build" Crowds out the Domestic Construction Industry

The crowding out is not just a theory

This anecdote from a January Bloomberg report wonderfully demonstrates the crowding out dynamic in motion (bold mine)

The labor gap has already caused some project delays in the private construction industry, leading to an increase in home and office prices, said Joey Bondoc, research manager at Colliers International Philippines in Manila. Of the 16,200 additional residential units that Colliers expected in Manila last year, only about 7,400 units were completed in the first three quarters.

The result will be a bidding war for construction workers, says Budget Secretary Benjamin Diokno. “Companies should be willing to adjust their wage rates,’’ he said.

To ease the shortage, the state agency Technical Education and Skills Development Authority is training more building workers and engineers.
Tesda in the past six years failed to train construction workers and zeroed in on the service industry such as hotels, food and business process outsourcing,” said Ibarra Paulino, executive director at the Philippine Constructors Association Inc., a group of about 130 large building contractors.

But the Philippines isn’t the only place that needs more builders. In Japan, where wages are much higher, Tokyo is in the middle of preparations for the 2020 Olympic Games. Singapore is doubling the size of its mass transit system, while Indonesia, India and Malaysia are all on infrastructure drives to boost growth.

To fill vacancies, some Philippine developers are retraining employees or hiring more laborers from the countryside. Others, like 8990 Holdings Inc. are setting up their own training facilities for masonry, carpentry, welding and crane operation.

You see the cost of government taking resources away from the private sector?

The government is driven by political objectives. In contrast, profits and losses spur most of the private sector activities. The differences in incentives reveal that there is no contest for the private sector when confronted with an institutionalized monopoly.  The flow of labor and resources will represent a lopsided activity in favor of the government. Thus a bidding war is a mirage.

Proof?

Figure 1
The Bloomberg report has not just been an account signifying the current economic backdrop if government statistics is to be believed, that January narrative has been transposed to 1Q 2018 GDP.

Real GDP (RGDP) for the construction sector grew by 9.3% which was led by the public construction at 25.1%. Private construction accounted for a 6.8% RGDP. (Figure 1 Lower window) It is unclear whether the reported private construction GDP represents purely private sector undertaking or if it includes Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) projects. I suspect the latter. Nevertheless, public sector growth has outpaced the private sector by 269%.

Competition for resources has been heavily skewed in favor of the government. Based on the Philippine Statistics Authority’s Construction Material prices, wholesale prices, which represent government prices spent on its projects, has rocketed to 7.51% in April whereas reported the private sector retail prices grew by only 2.55%. That government prices have clocked in a whopping 194% increase more than the private sector validates the Bloomberg’s chronicle.

And if I am not mistaken, rising private sector construction material retail prices have hardly been about actual construction activities but about the spillover effects from shortages created by the massive boom in public construction.

And if my suspicion is accurate, higher prices will not only suppress private construction activities, ballooning cost overruns will force marginal players out of the playing field due to accruing losses.

The crowding out syndrome reveals the process of centralization of economic activities as the private sector becomes marginalized in favor of the government and government-sponsored activities.

With a smaller, less productive private sector, how can the economy be competitive?

How Raging Construction Prices Increase the Risk of Accidents

For the public sector, two potential consequences from higher prices:  If the projected costs of the construction projects are variable, higher prices mean higher project costs which also extrapolates to larger public expenditures. And expanded public spending entails more debt and or more BSP liquidity infusions.

However, if the project costs are fixed, then costs overruns may translate to a scrimping of costs through the use of inferior materials for construction. The result would be the emergent accounts of accidents, such as the collapse of concrete beams in the ongoing construction of a flyover in Imus City in the third week of May.

Last February, the Indonesian government suspended some infrastructure projects due to a string of accidents. One of the key reasons for such accidents has been due to the omission of standard procedures “to lower the costs”.

The higher the prices, the greater the odds that public projects will be built on inferior quality, thus heightening risks of mishaps.

Of course, the more the government expands, the greater the odds of corruption.

The Cantillon Effect: Eroding Competitiveness form a Massive Shift of Economic Factors to the Government

And that’s not all. 

Skyrocketing of wholesale construction material prices showcases the Cantillon Effect. The great Irish French economist Richard Cantillon theorized of the relative effects of money on the economy.

As Austrian economist Mark Thornton observed*

Cantillon showed that changes in the quantity of money could have several different types of real effects on production, investment, consumption, and trade depending on who first received the money; effects now labeled Cantillon effects, injection effects, or first-round effects.

*Mark Thornton CANTILLON ON THE CAUSE OF THE BUSINESS CYCLE THE QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF AUSTRIAN ECONOMICS VOL. 9, NO. 3 (FALL 2006) p.49

The first recipients of new money benefit from current prices, thereby enjoying higher standards of living that come at the expense of later recipients, who signify the later chain of spending thus pays for higher prices – hence the lower standard of living.

Applied to the current setting, the government IS the first recipient of the new money.

It uses money raised mostly from debt and from the BSP to finance its massive construction projects, by bidding up construction material prices (and labor) way above the ability of the private sectors to match them. Deficit spending says tax revenues account for the last chain of the government finance.

Whereas Cantillon posited that the chain of spending from first to the later recipients would cause the later to acquire at higher prices, when the government accounts for the original recipients this may lead to a different scenario

Because governments are not driven by profits and losses but by political imperatives, they are less sensitive to prices.

In the current environment, spending on infrastructure to account for 5% of the GDP represents the fourth priority of the Duterte regime’s 10-point agenda. In the relentless pursuit of such goal, the national government has signified the PRIMARY factor in powering inflation furiously in the construction sector. The gaping gulf in construction wholesale and retail price inflation underscores this dynamic.

The government’s response to vacillating political priorities exquisitely highlighted by the Bloomberg report: “Tesda in the past six years failed to train construction workers and zeroed in on the service industry such as hotels, food and business process outsourcing,” said Ibarra Paulino, executive director at the Philippine Constructors Association Inc., a group of about 130 large building contractors.

Nonetheless, Cantillon showed that the injections of money would have real effects on production, investment, consumption, and trade and on relative prices.

The Bloomberg narrative exhibits how domestic labor has been evolving to meet with such political goal.

The public construction industry has been absorbing private sector construction labor, as well as laborers from the countryside. Part of the migration to the construction industry includes sugar farmers as discussed in March. [See Bullseye! Crowding Out Effect in Motion: Sugar Farmers Move to the Construction Industry! Excise Taxes: Will Sardine Manufacturing Be the Next Coca-Cola? March 5, 2018]

Labor movements can be indicative of changes in production, investment, consumption, and trade patterns.

The absorption of laborers to the “build, build and build” industries translates to labor shortages elsewhere. Wouldn’t labor strains percolate eventually to output and investments as well?

Have escalating imbalances been worsened by the NG’s Spend Spend and Spend programs not limited to the “Golden Age of Infrastructure”?

Hasn’t the massive change in the nation’s economic structure been a critical source of the loss of economic competitiveness?

The Cantillon Effect: Hasn’t Sustained Price Instability Been a Source of Loss of Competitiveness?

As for the relative prices, here is Murray Rothbard on Cantillon’s theory, [Murray N Rothbard Richard Cantillon: The Founding Father of Modern Economics Mises.org]

“relative prices will be changed in the course of the general price rise, because the increased spending is "directed more or less to certain kinds of products or merchandise according to the idea of those who acquire the money, [and] market prices will rise more for certain things than for others." Moreover, the overall price rise will not necessarily be proportionate to the increase in the supply of money. Specifically, because those who receive new money will scarcely do so in the same proportion as their previous cash balances, their demands, and hence prices, will not all rise to the same degree.

The point of the above is that prices will not rise at the same time. Where new money has been spent is where price pressures will occur

And because of the NG’s programs, the most significant price spikes have emerged primarily in the construction and its ancillary industries


Figure 2
But other sectors with the government’s fingerprints on it have also seen an infusion of new funds.

Aside from construction loans which vaulted +30.02% in April, bank lending to the education +41.23%, public administration and defense +29.61% and transport and storage sectors +30.93% outperformed substantially in April. (figure 2, upper window)

Recall that the NG has instituted free college education in and a Php 2.2 billion Public Utility Vehicle Modernization program in 2017. These sectors have seen credit growth ramped up significantly.

Curiously, banking loans to the hotel and food industry growth plunged to +1.16% in April. Has this reflected “worsening” tourism from the war on Boracay which became a drag on the nation’s competitiveness? 

Shall we see negative numbers in the coming months for this sector?

Loans to the trade industry +22.71% rocketed in April. Curiously, consumer borrowing (+19.05%) continues to soften with all subsectors slowing. Even the once-hot credit card growth (+21.03%) appears to have peaked out. Has rising rates begun to bite?

So while the consumer demand side loans have been moderating, the consumer supply side or retail loans continue to fly.

So what gives? Income tax cut will juice up spending? Really? With “spend, spend and spend” financed by the BSP and by banking system raising prices, whatever benefits those tax cuts has provided would have a very short window.

Besides, with the NG siphoning away resources from the private sector, what would be the means left for consumers to spend?

With economic calculation muddled by pervasive political intrusions, how will entrepreneurs profit and increase productivity from such a landscape?

And hasn’t sustained price instability been a way to lose competitiveness?

In socialist societies, competitiveness in the economic front is hardly a concern. However, competition for power signifies the paramount agenda.