Showing posts with label Balance of Payment. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Balance of Payment. Show all posts

Monday, June 22, 2026

Stagflation Part 10: The Politics of Contradiction—Rate Hikes, Liquidity Addiction, and External Constraint Under Balance-Sheet Stress

 

Economic interventionism is a self-defeating policy. The individual measures that it applies do not achieve the results sought. They bring about a state of affairs, which—from the viewpoint of its advocates themselves—is much more undesirable than the previous state they intended to alter—Ludwig von Mises 

In this issue:

Stagflation Part 10: The Politics of Contradiction—Rate Hikes, Liquidity Addiction, and External Constraint Under Balance-Sheet Stress

I. The Contradiction Nobody Wants to Discuss

II. The Market Rally That Allowed the BSP to Blink

III. BSP: Tightening with One Hand, Accommodating with the Other

IV. Economic Fragility, Political Fragility

V. Mounting External Constraints Under Balance-Sheet Stress

VI. USD 2.5 Billion Borrowing, Refinancing Risk, and the Deepening Dollar Short

VII. Conclusion: Stagflation and the Political Economy of Deferred Adjustment 

Stagflation Part 10: The Politics of Contradiction—Rate Hikes, Liquidity Addiction, and External Constraint Under Balance-Sheet Stress 

The BSP tightened, markets celebrated, and the government borrowed another $2.5 billion abroad. What appears as stability increasingly depends on intervention, leverage, and external financing.

I. The Contradiction Nobody Wants to Discuss 

The BSP raised rates for a second time. 

It also raised its inflation forecasts for both 2026 and 2027. The peso rallied. Treasury yields fell. The PSEi posted one of its strongest advances of the year. 

Authorities extended salary-loan maturities. 

Domestic liquidity continued expanding. 

The government returned to international markets for another USD 2.5 billion in dollar borrowing. 

Meanwhile, regulators openly warned about rising foreign exchange exposure and a growing wall of corporate refinancing obligations over the next several years. 

Viewed individually, each development appears manageable.

Viewed together, something does not fit. 

If inflation risks are rising, why are financial conditions easing? 

If tighter monetary policy is necessary, why are new forms of credit accommodation being introduced? 

If external conditions are improving, why is additional foreign borrowing required? 

If peso stability is fundamentally secure, why is increasing attention being paid to foreign exchange behavior and refinancing risk? 

The contradiction is becoming difficult to ignore because it is increasingly the structure of policy itself. 

Officially, authorities acknowledge inflation pressures, external vulnerabilities, slowing growth, and rising financial risks. 

Operationally, policy continues to prioritize liquidity preservation, leverage maintenance, and the postponement of adjustment. 


Figure 1

Even the government's own think tank, the Congressional Policy and Budget Research Department, has begun openly discussing conditions consistent with stagflation and warning against further expansionary spending. (Figure 1, upper image) 

That admission is an affirmation of this series' thesis: the symptoms — persistent inflation alongside weakening economic activity — have become too visible to dismiss even from within the policy establishment itself. 

When official diagnostics begin to register stagflation-like conditions while policy continues to operate in a mixed tightening–accommodation regime, the gap between competing explanations narrows in practice even if it remains formally unresolved. The direction of causality is therefore asymmetrical: lived and financial conditions shift first, institutional recognition follows. 

This is where stagflation is often misunderstood. 

It is treated as a statistical condition—inflation plus stagnation plus unemployment. Yet statistics are not lived reality. They are delayed summaries of processes already unfolding. 

What matters is not when the data finally “recognizes” stagflation, but what produces it. 

As previously discussed, the Philippine experience of the 1970s makes this clear. 

After the 1973 and 1979 oil shocks, the economy did not immediately register a textbook stagflationary outcome. There was no clean recession. Output did not collapse on cue. On paper, the system remained functional. (Figure 1, lower window) 

But lived conditions told a different story. 

Prices rose. Shortages emerged. Purchasing power eroded. Rationing and administrative allocation became more visible. Household welfare deteriorated even as aggregate statistics continued to suggest motion. 

But policies that suppress adjustment in order to preserve activity do not remove imbalances. They relocate them forward in time. 

External borrowing expanded. Credit was extended. State intervention deepened. Financial accommodation smoothed over the gaps. Adjustment was not eliminated; it was deferred and financed. 

The system continues to operate, but increasingly on the basis of accumulated leverage, external dependence, and postponed correction. 

The 1983 debt crisis manifested through financial distress, tightening external constraints, and systemic funding breakdown, with its statistical expression—recession, inflation pressures, and broader financial stress—appearing only in the subsequent data as a lagging record of developments already underway. 

The lesson is not that stagflation suddenly “arrived” in 1983. 

It is that it had already been produced long before, and was merely waiting for the mechanisms of suppression to fail. 

The issue is not simply empirical—whether inflation is high, growth is weak, or unemployment is rising. Those are late or lagging indicators. 

The issue is causal. 

A system that repeatedly uses policy to preserve liquidity, stabilize financial conditions, and defer balance-sheet adjustment does not eliminate economic constraints. It attenuates the feedback mechanism and the economy's innate ability to cope with changes. Instead, imbalances accumulate. 

Each intervention may stabilize the present. Collectively, they reduce the economy’s adaptive capacity. Over time, fragility increases. 

This is why focusing exclusively on whether the current data meets the textbook definition of stagflation misses the point. 

By the time the statistics confirm it, the adjustment process is already well underway. 

Recent developments suggest this same pattern is re-emerging. 

Stagflation, in this sense, is not a starting point. It is a late-stage expression of a deeper political economy problem—the attempt to maintain stability in the face of constraints that are no longer fully compatible. 

II. The Market Rally That Allowed the BSP to Blink 

The PSEi 30 posted its biggest one-day gain of 6.14% on June 15th since May 27 2021’s 5.11%, while its 3.81% weekly advance was the largest in 2026. 

Yet beneath the headline, the rally was remarkably narrow.


Figure 2

Over the week, the three largest banks accounted for more than half—or ~50.94%—of the index's gain. Their cumulative market share of the PSEi 30 bounced from 18.35% in June 11 to 19.28% in June 18. (Figure 2, topmost pane) 

Adding ICTSI raised that contribution to nearly two-thirds, or ~62.96% of the entire advance. 

Concentration was not limited to index leadership, but extended to participation and trading activities as well. 

For the week, while ICT commanded 23.84% of main board volume, the top 3 banks accounted for an average of 17.9%. Top 10 brokers averaged about 64% of main board volume—underscoring the degree to which price formation was concentrated in a small number of dominant institutional channels responsible for setting marginal prices across the index. 

This was not a broad-based repricing of Philippine growth prospects. 

It was a liquidity-driven, orchestrated repricing concentrated in heavyweight financial issues — sufficient to move the index while leaving much of the broader market still lagging, despite this week's broad-based gains. (Figure 2, second to the highest graph) 

As an aside, outsized one-day gains—as statistical tails—rarely emerge under ordinary market conditions. They tend to cluster near: 

  • major bottoms, where panic is exhausted
  • major tops, where liquidity temporarily overwhelms deteriorating fundamentals
  • or regime transitions, where expectations reprice abruptly

 Examples include:

  • Jan 22, 2001 +17.6% (EDSA II / Estrada ouster)
  • Aug 21, 2007 +9.82% (Great Financial Crisis credit panic rebound)
  • Mar 26, 2020 +7.44% (COVID collapse rebound)

The bond market delivered a similar signal. 

Treasury yields declined across the curve, particularly in the belly and long end, producing another episode of bullish flattening. (Figure 2, second to the lowest and bottom images) 


Figure 3 

Global markets interpreted the collapse in oil prices following the US-Iran ceasefire as increasing the probability of easier monetary conditions. 

The PSE’s financials responded accordingly. 

In theory, banks benefit mechanically from declining yields: improved credit demand conditions, stronger mark-to-market positions, easing funding stress, and higher collateral values. 

Yet this is where the sequence becomes more revealing. 

For months, the BSP had signaled openness to stronger ‘anti-inflation’ responses, including larger rate hikes and potential off-cycle action. 

Inflation risks were repeatedly emphasized. 

Instead, the BSP delivered another modest increase last week while simultaneously raising inflation forecasts for both 2026 (from 6.3% to 6.4%) and 2027 (from 4.3% to 4.5%). (Figure 3, upper image) 

Taken at face value, and using the BSP’s own internal trajectory assumptions, this implies CPI pressures approaching roughly 8% on a near-term horizon (remaining eight months) as cumulative effects of past policy and external shocks propagate through the system. 

The significance is not the precision of any single point estimate, but the directional signal embedded in successive forecast revisions despite incremental tightening. 

The significance is not the magnitude of the revision alone. 

It is the coexistence of three signals:

  • incremental tightening on the policy rate side
  • upward revision of inflation expectations
  • and easing in broader financial conditions 

That combination reflects a policy regime operating under conflicting constraints. 

Containing inflation requires tighter financial conditions. 

Preserving growth, managing sovereign financing, and preventing financial stress increasingly require easier ones. 

This is where the market move becomes analytically relevant—as a temporary offset to policy. 

The rally in equities, decline in yields, and strengthening peso collectively loosened financial conditions at precisely the moment policy communication was attempting to maintain an anti-inflation stance. 

In effect, markets temporarily absorbed part of the tightening dilemma by easing financial conditions through asset price and yield movements—functioning as an indirect signal transmission channel for BSP policy expectations. 

This gave policymakers additional room to avoid a sharper trade-off between inflation control and financial stability, thus, the modest rate hike that effectively buys time and reduces the immediacy of the further policy tightening. 

The BSP’s reaction function therefore remains constrained not only by domestic inflation dynamics, but by the sensitivity of asset markets and funding conditions to policy signaling

And this reveals the contradiction increasingly visible throughout the framework. 

While monetary authorities continue speaking in inflation-hawk language, the system continues to rely on liquidity-sensitive transmission channels that behave as if easing conditions remain structurally necessary. 

Inflation pressures, however, did not begin with the recent oil shock. 

  • Monetary aggregates had already accelerated.
  • Credit growth remained strong.
  • Asset markets continued to reflect dependence on accommodative financial conditions. 

Oil shocks can catalyze inflation dynamics, but they do not create them in isolation. 

Sustained broad based or general inflation requires demand pressure—and in this case, that demand pressure has been increasingly supported by financial accommodation embedded in the system itself. 

The recent spike in CPI has been accompanied by a surge in M3 ahead of the oil shock. (Figure 3 lower chart) 

Despite tightening rhetoric, that accommodation remains visible across credit, liquidity, and asset pricing channels. 

III. BSP: Tightening with One Hand, Accommodating with the Other 

Perhaps the clearest example emerged from the BSP's decision to extend the maximum repayment period for salary-based general purpose loans from five years to seven years

Authorities described the measure as improving affordability without encouraging excessive borrowing. 

Yet extending maturities is itself a form of accommodation—a subsidy delivered through time.

Lower monthly amortizations increase borrowing capacity. 

Borrowers qualify for larger loans. Existing debts become easier to service. 

Financial stress is reduced not by repayment, restructuring, or liquidation, but by stretching obligations further into the future. 

In an environment of persistent inflation, this matters. 

As purchasing power erodes, households increasingly resort to balance-sheet expansion to maintain consumption and bridge the gap between stagnant real incomes and rising living costs. What cannot be financed through income growth is financed through leverage. 

The policy therefore addresses symptoms while reinforcing the mechanism that produced them. 

This is the great economist Frédéric Bastiat’s “Seen and Unseen” at work. 

The seen effect is immediate relief. Monthly payments fall. Borrowers gain breathing room. Delinquencies may temporarily stabilize. 

The unseen effects emerge gradually. Household leverage increases. Financial resilience weakens. Future income becomes increasingly encumbered by past borrowing decisions. Lenders become more exposed to a deteriorating credit cycle. Economic growth slows. 

Stress is not eliminated. It is redistributed across time. 

In many respects, the measure mirrors earlier interventions involving credit-card lending interest rate caps. 

Temporary relief mechanisms gradually evolved into semi-permanent features of the financial landscape. 

Credit expanded.

Non-performing loans expanded alongside it.

The appearance of stability was maintained through continued balance-sheet growth.


Figure 4

Salary loans now appear to be moving along a similar trajectory. 

Outstanding salary loans in pesos reached record highs during the first quarter of 2026. At the same time, peso non-performing loans continue to rise and have already neared the record set in Q2 2024. (Figure 4, topmost graph) 

Along with credit card non-performing loans, salary loans have powered consumer NPLs to record highs. (Figure 4, middle window) 

Rapid credit growth can temporarily suppress delinquency ratios through a "Wile E. Coyote dynamic" operating through the denominator effect. Bad loans continue rising, but total loans rise even faster. The result is a statistical mirage in which headline indicators appear manageable even as underlying stress accumulates. 

April's universal and commercial (UC) banking data revealed a similar pattern. 

Universal and commercial bank lending accelerated to its fastest pace in nine months.

Meanwhile, M3 growth remained above 12%, sustaining the double-digit expansion that has persisted since before the February oil shock. 

At first glance, the numbers appeared reassuring. 

Yet the composition of liquidity tells a different story. 

  • Cash in circulation growth slowed.
  • Transactional money steadied.
  • Savings deposits accelerated. 

Liquidity increasingly migrated toward precautionary balances and interest-bearing instruments. (Figure 4, lowest diagram) 

In other words, money continued expanding significantly even as economic behavior became more defensive.


Figure 5

On the other hand, universal and commercial bank credit continued growing, but where that credit flowed into continues to be revealing:

  • Net claims on the national government in pesos reached another record high in April along with the banking system’s Held to Maturity (HTM) presently reclassified as Debt Securities—net of amortization (Figure 5, topmost window)
  • Electricity-sector lending maintained its high-octane record setting growth.
  • Consumer credit growth remained robust despite signs of plateauing demand.
  • Manufacturing lending barely recovered despite persistent narratives of industrial ‘recovery’. (Figure 5, middle visual)

A growing share of credit creation appears directed toward sovereign financing, consumption maintenance, utilities, and stabilization or (energy) bailout mechanisms rather than broad-based productive investment. 

Why this matters. 

Credit expansion can sustain spending and support asset prices. It can generate the appearance of activity. It cannot, by itself, expand productive capacity. 

Debt can temporarily substitute for income. 

It cannot substitute for real savings. 

And ultimately it is real savings—not liquidity, leverage, or credit expansion—that determine an economy's capacity to sustain investment, absorb shocks, adapt to changing conditions, and expand productive output over time. 

IV. Economic Fragility, Political Fragility 

This is where the present policy contradiction becomes most visible. 

Even as authorities acknowledge inflation risks and tighten at the margin, the broader policy response continues to favor accommodation, balance-sheet preservation, and the postponement of adjustment. 

Yet, politics dominates mainstream incentives. Record-low approval ratings for the national administration are not merely a consequence of weaker growth, high inflation, and fragmented institutions — they are also the reason policymakers keep choosing accommodation over adjustment. (Figure 5, lowest graph) 

A government with cratering approval cannot afford the short-term pain that genuine adjustment requires

The objective is clear: preserve status quo activities, maintain confidence, and avoid financial stress. 

The consequence is equally clear. The longer adjustment is deferred, the more resources remain committed to existing arrangements rather than reallocated toward productive conditions. Credit sustains the structure of the economy as it exists, not necessarily as it needs to evolve. 

The result is apparent stability. 

The cost is declining adaptive capacity, rising fragility, and a widening gap between reported conditions and underlying economic reality. That gap does not stay statistical indefinitely. When lived experience and official narrative diverge long enough, confidence erodes because the data stopped describing what people feel. 

That erosion is itself a political risk. A population that no longer trusts the official account of its own conditions does not simply vote differently. It begins disengaging from the institutional channels through which grievances are normally mediated and resolved. As that gap widens, political fragility compounds economic fragility, increasing the risk that future shocks are expressed through social instability rather than orderly adjustment

This is the convergence this series has been tracking from the start: economic fragility and political fragility are not parallel risks. They share a single root cause. Both are downstream of the same decision — to repeatedly postpone adjustment while the underlying constraints continue to build. 

Stagflation, in this sense, was never just a statistical condition. It is what postponement looks like once it has run long enough for the costs to surface in both the balance sheet and the body politic. 

V. Mounting External Constraints Under Balance-Sheet Stress 

The external sector increasingly reveals the same contradiction visible elsewhere in the economy.


Figure 6

One of the more curious developments during the first quarter of 2026 was the easing in external debt growth despite a record balance-of-payments deficit. Although the BoP registered a marginal $131 million surplus in April, the cumulative deficit remained at roughly USD 7.28 billion, still higher than the 2022 annual of USD 7.26 billion. (Figure 6, topmost pane) 

Persistent external deficits imply greater dependence on external financing because they must be financed, through borrowing, through capital inflows or through reserve deployment or a combination of these. 

If external debt remained relatively stable despite a record deficit, reserves likely absorbed a larger share of the adjustment burden. 

That said, authorities remain actively engaged in managing peso stability. 

Gross international reserves fell to USD 103.99 billion in May, their lowest level since January 2025. 

Despite the modest (+.42% YoY) growth in external debt during the Q1 2026, total external obligations continue to exceed reserve levels. (Figure 6, middle image) 

At the same time, the economy remains structurally dependent on imported fuel, imported capital goods, and external financing. 

The problem is not merely the stock of obligations. It is the growing uncertainty surrounding both the flow of dollars needed to sustain them, and importantly, the domestic conditions upon which expectations of profits, refinancing, and repayment ultimately depend

Organic sources of foreign exchange are showing signs of strain. 

  • OFW remittance growth slowed to 2% in April, the weakest pace in nearly four years. Middle East tensions create additional uncertainty for overseas workers. (Figure 6, lowest chart)
  • Tourism continues to underperform expectations.
  • Global growth is slowing.
  • The BPO industry increasingly faces pressure from the diffusion of AI-driven automation across segments of its business model. 

Taken as a whole, these developments suggest that future foreign-exchange generation may become less certain amid an insufficient domestic stock of dollar liquidity, precisely when demand for dollars remains elevated. 

The BSP’s latest Financial Stability Report offers a glimpse into the harsh reality of external dependence.


Figure 7

Regulators cited potential market risk involving roughly Php 1.6 trillion in debt maturities and foreign-exchange obligations—a “wall of maturities” concentrated among major conglomerates between 2027 and 2029. This includes “US dollar-denominated debt averaging 37.6 percent of conglomerate debt over the next five years” (Figure 7, upper graph) 

The largest exposures are concentrated in real estate, power, energy, and ICT. (Figure 7, lower chart) 

These sectors benefited enormously from years of abundant liquidity, low financing costs, stable exchange rates, and favorable refinancing conditions. 

They are also among the most exposed to higher energy costs, tighter global dollar liquidity, elevated interest rates, and refinancing risk. 

This configuration matters because it links past conditions of abundant external liquidity to future vulnerabilities under tighter global financial conditions. 

It is within this context that the BSP’s concern over activity in non-deliverable forwards (NDFs) becomes particularly revealing. 

Authorities have warned banks against speculative peso positioning using NDFs

Yet firms facing refinancing needs, energy exposure, and substantial foreign-currency liabilities increase their demand for dollar protection. 

Under conditions of uncertainty—rather than quantifiable risk in the Knightian sense—the distinction between hedging, insurance, liquidity management, and speculation becomes inherently blurred. The same action can simultaneously function as protection against loss, adjustment to perceived funding constraints, and positioning for potential gain. 

What matters is not the label attached to the behavior, but the environment that makes increased demand for dollar assets a rational response across multiple motives at once. 

The BSP may discourage specific transactions. 

Yet it cannot eliminate the underlying conditions that generate reflexive demand for protection

That demand emerges endogenously from the structure of the system: persistent external deficits, refinancing obligations, exposure to foreign-currency liabilities, limited domestic dollar buffers, and uncertainty over future dollar availability. 

In that sense, dollar demand is not a discrete behavioral category. It is a system-wide reflex under conditions of uncertainty. 

Speculation thus becomes the visible symptom—or a political scapegoat—of deeper underlying pressures. 

VI. USD 2.5 Billion Borrowing, Refinancing Risk, and the Deepening Dollar Short 

The contradiction becomes clearer when viewed alongside the government’s latest USD 2.5 billion bond issuance

Officials highlighted strong demand and oversubscription. 

But oversubscription only indicates willingness to lend. It does not address why continued external borrowing remains structurally necessary. 

Foreign borrowing functions as a balance-sheet extension mechanism:

  • It supports reserve adequacy.
  • It finances fiscal and external gaps.
  • It smooths rollover pressures.
  • It maintains access to foreign-currency liquidity. 

Yet each issuance also expands the stock of foreign-currency liabilities that must eventually be serviced through foreign-exchange earnings. 

The result is not simply higher debt, but a progressively more leveraged external balance sheet in which refinancing becomes a recurring requirement rather than a contingent event. 

This is the logic of a rising “dollar short” at the economy-wide level: a structural condition in which foreign-currency liabilities increasingly exceed the economy’s internally generated and reliably convertible foreign-exchange capacity. 

In such a configuration, external borrowing is not a policy choice operating in isolation. It is a response to an underlying constraint: a persistent record savings–investment gap in which domestic spending and investment requirements exceed domestically generated savings, particularly in foreign-currency form. 

For an extended period, this gap was accommodated by abundant global liquidity, low interest rates, and stable capital flows. Under those conditions, refinancing appeared routine rather than fragile. 

That regime condition is no longer stable. 

As external liquidity tightens, the underlying balance-sheet structure is revealed more clearly. 

Balance-of-payments deficits, repeated external issuance, and growing reliance on FX-linked financing mechanisms all point to the same configuration: external obligations accumulating faster than reliable foreign-exchange generation capacity. 

In this setting, the exchange rate does not determine the constraint. It reflects it. 

USDPHP movements are the price signal of a balance sheet increasingly exposed to FX mismatch and refinancing dependence. 

The vulnerability is not created by exchange rate movements or external liquidity shifts. Those are transmission channels

The vulnerability is created and nurtured internally, through the accumulation of FX-denominated obligations against a constrained and uneven foreign-exchange earning base. 

External liquidity conditions do not determine the existence of the vulnerability, but they shape its expression, timing, and intensity by affecting refinancing terms, rollover capacity, and the pricing of FX risk. Even in periods of abundant global liquidity, as seen post-2008, balance-sheet fragilities in several emerging markets (e.g., Pakistan, Sri Lanka) still culminated in stress when domestic constraints became binding despite favorable external conditions. 

This is also the mechanism through which sudden-stop dynamics emerge: not as an exogenous shock, but as a binding constraint on an already leveraged external position when refinancing and rollovers can no longer be smoothly refinanced. 

VII. Conclusion: Stagflation and the Political Economy of Deferred Adjustment 

The contradiction is increasingly difficult to ignore. 

Authorities acknowledge inflation risks, domestic and external vulnerabilities, and slowing growth. Yet policy remains focused on preserving liquidity, extending credit, supporting asset prices, and securing additional external financing. 

None of these measures eliminate underlying constraints. They merely postpone their recognition. 

Rising inflation, a weakening peso, and growing debt are not the disease. They are symptoms — the visible residue of a policy regime that increasingly relies on accommodation to manage the consequences of earlier accommodation. Each round of intervention treats the damage from the last one, while leaving the underlying constraint untouched. 

That is the central lesson of stagflation. Stability purchased through ever-greater intervention becomes progressively more costly to maintain — in finance, in adaptability, in wealth generation, and eventually in social order. 

The feedback loop compounds. Interventions beget further Interventions, and the economy that results is not stable but sclerotic: rigid, slow to adjust, and increasingly dependent on the next intervention to avoid confronting the constraints the previous one deferred. 

Left to run, this is a trajectory toward socio-political decay, not merely economic stagnation. 

The timing of any inflection point cannot be known. What can be known is the direction. As imbalances accumulate and adaptive capacity weakens, the gap between official stability and underlying conditions widens — quietly, then not quietly at all. 

Markets do not ease into that recognition. They reprice it. Political-economic reality reasserts itself. It always does. 

____

References:

Stagflation Part 9: The Good News Mirage — Statistical Stability Amid Structural Fragility 

Stagflation Part 8: Manufacturing Resilience — The PSEi 30 Under Stagflationary Pressure, BSP Accommodation, and the Financialization of Fragility

Stagflation Part 7: The Return of Constraint—Oil Shock, Treasury Revolt, and the Politics of Inflation Suppression

Stagflation Part 6: The Banking System Under Siege—Bond Selloffs, Liquidity Illusions, and the Coming Balance Sheet Reckoning

Stagflation Part 5: The Q1 2026 GDP Illusion and the Gathering Recession Risk Beneath Price Suppression 

Stagflation Then and Now: Why Philippine Markets Are Repricing Like the 1970s (Part 4)

The Anatomy of Philippine Stagflation: BSP Rate Hikes, Record External Deficits, and Fiscal Expansion (Part 3)

Stagflation by Design: Policy Contradictions and the Return of the Pandemic Rescue Playbook 

Stagflation Is Already Here—Emergency Policies Are Now Entrenching It 

Seed Article 

EO-110 and the Politics of Price Suppression: How the Energy Emergency Is Becoming a Nationwide Economic Intervention

 


Sunday, May 24, 2026

Stagflation Part 7: The Return of Constraint—Oil Shock, Treasury Revolt, and the Politics of Inflation Suppression

  

But conscience asks the question, is it right? And there comes a time when one must take a position that is neither safe, nor politic, nor popular, but one must take it because it is right—Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. 

In this issue: 

Stagflation Part 7: The Return of Constraint—Oil Shock, Treasury Revolt, and the Politics of Inflation Suppression

I. Stagflation Is Experienced Before It Is Officially Measured

II. Stagflation: Stagnation, Inflation and the Erosion of Living Standard

III. Growth Illusion: Nominal Stability, Real Deterioration

IV. The Electricity Stagflationary Signal

V. The External Constraint: BoP Stress Extends in April

VI. USDPHP at 63.5: BSP’s Next Maginot Line?

VII. Shrinking GIR and Weakening OFW Remittances

VIII. Constraint Logic: Intertemporal FX Management Adjustment Pathways

IX. ASEAN’s Oil Shock Politics: Singapore-Indonesia’s Divergence

X. When Bond Markets Revolt: The BSP’s Off-Cycle Contradiction—a Panicked Response

XI. Inflation Did Not Disappear: Huge Expansion in Pork Import Quotas, DTI’s Some Prices May Rise

XII. Conclusion: Stagflation as Process, Not Event 

Stagflation Part 7: The Return of Constraint—Oil Shock, Treasury Revolt, and the Politics of Inflation Suppression 

As oil shocks collide with weakening growth, rising yields, peso pressure, and emergency price management, policymakers increasingly appear trapped between inflation, financial fragility, and political optics. 

I. Stagflation Is Experienced Before It Is Officially Measured 

For months, the dominant refrain from mainstream commentary has remained familiar: the Philippines is supposedly still “far from stagflation.” GDP remains positive. Employment statistics have yet to collapse. Inflation, though elevated, is repeatedly framed as temporary, externally driven, or merely supply-side “noise.” Even the country’s economic manager continues to insist that conditions hardly resemble stagflation at all: “I don't see it that way”. 

By this framework, stagflation exists only once statistical agencies formally certify its arrival.

Until then, everything is supposedly manageable. 

But this increasingly mistakes statistical abstraction for lived economic reality. 

II. Stagflation: Stagnation, Inflation and the Erosion of Living Standard 

Stagflation, in its original political meaning, was never merely an econometric threshold waiting for quarterly confirmation. British politician Iain Macleod coined the term during the 1960s to describe a condition where rising prices coincided with weakening economic conditions and deteriorating living standards

Only later did technocrats reduce the phenomenon into measurable variables involving GDP, inflation, and unemployment. 

Yet historically, stagflation was experienced socially long before it became fully visible statistically. 

That distinction matters.


Figure 1 

By the same GDP-centric standards repeatedly invoked today, much of the Philippines during the 1970s oil shocks should not immediately have qualified as stagflationary either. 

Annual GDP growth was positive throughout the 70s despite severe inflationary waves in 1973 and 1979. (Figure 1) 

Yet hardly any Filipinos who lived through that period remember it through national income accounting tables. 

They remember collapsing purchasing power, shortages, rationing, long queues, rising household stress, and increasingly constrained choices. They remember wages failing to keep pace with necessities. They remember nominal incomes rising while real conditions deteriorated underneath. 

The full statistical expression of stagflation only became undeniable during the 1983 debt crisis, when recession, inflationary pressures, financial instability, and likely surging unemployment converged simultaneously. 

But the underlying deterioration had already been building for years. Today’s Iran war oil shock is barely three months old—and still unfolding. 

That is precisely the point frequently missed in today’s discussions. 

The relevant comparison is not endpoint versus endpoint. 

It is trajectory versus trajectory. 

And the trajectory increasingly looks familiar. 

III. Growth Illusion: Nominal Stability, Real Deterioration 

To be clear, today’s Philippines is not a carbon copy of the 1970s. 

As previously discussed, the structure of the economy has changed substantially. Industry once occupied a more dominant role, whereas today’s system leans far more heavily on consumption, services, credit expansion, remittance inflows, and financial intermediation. 

The political environment has also shifted from outright authoritarianism under Marcos Sr. to the far softer managerial framework of social-(ochlocratic) democratic technocracy under Marcos Jr. 

Furthermore, the integrity of GDP data under such a regime could itself be a factor. 

But these differences do not eliminate stagflationary dynamics. 

In many respects, they may amplify them. 

A consumption-led economy does not make the system more resilient. An economy heavily dependent on household spending, leverage, remittances, and fiscal support becomes highly vulnerable to energy, import-cost, inflation and duration shocks—particularly when underlying growth conditions are already weakening and fiscal balances remain increasingly strained. 

Rising fuel and transport costs compress discretionary spending directly while simultaneously pressuring operating margins, debt servicing capacity, and government finances. 

Higher interest rates further amplify these pressures. In a consumption-heavy economy increasingly reliant on household leverage, inflation shocks do not merely erode purchasing power directly—they also tighten financial conditions precisely when consumers are least capable of absorbing additional strain. 

As borrowing costs rise, debt servicing increasingly competes with discretionary spending, weakening consumption even further. Property markets, installment-driven purchases, SME financing, and broader credit-dependent activity all become more vulnerable to deceleration simultaneously. 

In this sense, the same credit structures that previously amplified consumption growth can rapidly become transmission channels for economic contraction once inflation and financing pressures intensify. 

Unlike advanced economies, such as Singapore (see below) that can partially offset external shocks through productivity gains or export competitiveness, highly consumption-driven systems often absorb the adjustment through household balance sheets and declining real purchasing power. 

This is especially important because the present slowdown predates the recent Iran war-related oil shock. GDP growth had already been weakening materially well before the latest geopolitical escalation. 

The external shock therefore did not create the underlying fragility. It merely accelerated and exposed conditions already deteriorating beneath the surface. 

In such an environment, nominal spending can temporarily persist through subsidies, credit expansion, remittance support, transfers, or dissaving, creating the superficial appearance of resilience even as underlying household conditions weaken materially. 

Statistical aggregates therefore remain deceptively stable while households quietly absorb the adjustment through reduced consumption quality, rising indebtedness, deferred maintenance, shrinking discretionary capacity, and growing dependence on political or financial support mechanisms. 

If the 1970s featured queues for rationed goods, today’s version increasingly manifests through queues for subsidies, emergency relief, transfers, refinancing windows, and politically mediated ayuda systems. 

The form changes. 

The mechanism does not. 

Again, this is a 3‑month‑old crisis (and counting), compared to the years‑long oil shock of the 1970s—so referencing stagflation in that context is a false equivalence (apples to oranges narrative). 

Yet, inflation erodes purchasing power. Households compensate through leverage, reduced discretionary spending, informal coping mechanisms, or dependence on state support. What once appeared as gasoline lines and ration coupons now emerges through subsidy politics and debt-dependent consumption maintenance. 

And unlike the abrupt statistical collapse many now seem conditioned to expect, stagflation often develops gradually beneath nominal stability. 

IV. The Electricity Stagflationary Signal 

Indeed, much of the present deterioration increasingly appears beneath the headline aggregates. 

Q1 2026 GDP slowed sharply to 2.8%, continuing a deceleration trend that has persisted since the post-pandemic rebound peak in Q1 2022. Growth had already weakened materially throughout 2025 even before corruption scandals, geopolitical instability, and oil transmission effects intensified. 

More importantly, the quality of growth itself continues to deteriorate beneath the surface. 

Recent data increasingly confirms this divergence.


Figure 2 

Real electricity GDP from Q2 2025 through Q1 2026 registered 0.0%, -1.1%, +0.1%, and +0.5%, respectively—hardly consistent with narratives of expansion. (Figure 2, topmost image) 

Was the economy weaker than the 2.8% Q1 2026 GDP headline implies? 

Meralco electricity sales volume in gigawatt-hours (gwh) likewise weakened persistently over the same period at -0.33%, -2.08%, -1.3%, and -1.76%. Yet peso-denominated electricity sales surged sharply, especially during Q4 2025 when revenues rose nearly 44%. (Figure 2, middle pane) 

Consumers were effectively paying substantially more while consuming less. 

This increasingly resembles a classic case of monetary illusion: nominal expenditures rise while real consumption weakens beneath the surface. 

Regulatory pass-through mechanisms—including FIT-ALL, GEA-ALL, and other embedded system charges—inflate peso-denominated spending even as underlying electricity demand continues to soften. 

What appears statistically as nominal growth is, in effect, a redistribution mechanism embedded within regulated pricing structures rather than a reflection of expanding real activity. 

Meanwhile, power producers continue to expand leverage-intensive capital structures, while households absorb the resulting burden through higher system charges. The result increasingly resembles an Averch–Johnson type incentive environment, where regulated capital expansion is implicitly rewarded regardless of weakening underlying consumption conditions. 

Listed renewable energy firms—beneficiaries of the GEA-ALL framework—illustrates this dynamic. Aggregate debt increased by 30.15% in Q1 2026, rising by Php 182.41 billion to Php 787.51 billion.  (Figure 2, lowest table) 

In effect, regulated pass-through charges function as a de facto financing channel for capital expansion in the sector—socializing costs across the consumer base while concentrating investment benefits within a relatively narrow set of utility and renewable energy entities. 

In the framework of Frédéric Bastiat, this would be interpreted as a form of “legal plunder”: a system in which redistribution is not carried out through overt taxation alone, but through regulatory and pricing mechanisms that embed transfers within the structure of essential services themselves. 

This is the context within which the current stagflation debate should be understood. 

The issue is not whether the Philippines has already reached a 1979 or 1983-style endpoint. 

The issue is whether the underlying political and institutional mechanisms that generate stagflationary pressure are increasingly active beneath the surface. 

These are not merely outcomes such as slowing growth or weakening purchasing power, but the policy-driven structures that shape them: for instance, in the utility sector, regulatory regimes that embed cost pass-through into essential services, capital-biased incentives in regulated utilities consistent with an Averch–Johnson type distortion, and fiscal interventions that increasingly reallocate rather than resolve structural imbalances. 

In such a configuration, external shocks act primarily as accelerants rather than root causes. The deeper transmission mechanism lies structurally embedded in domestically accumulated policy distortions, which determine how those shocks propagate through prices, credit conditions, and household consumption. The electricity sector is a clear illustration of this dynamic, but it is not unique in doing so. 

Increasingly, the answer appears yes. 

Stagflation rarely announces itself all at once. 

As a process, it usually emerges quietly beneath nominal stability—until eventually the statistics catch up to what households have already been experiencing for quite some time

Rising self-reported poverty and hunger rates affecting a substantial share of the population are parallel symptoms. 

Moreover, in contrast to mainstream views and even his own economic adviser, President Marcos has recently acknowledged concerns over stagflation risk. 

V. The External Constraint: BoP Stress Extends in April 

The Philippines’ external imbalance is no longer merely deteriorating. 

It appears to be accelerating.


Figure 3 

Following the historic Q1 2026 Balance of Payments (BoP) deficit discussed in Part 3, April delivered another significant deterioration: a reported $2.124 billion monthly shortfall, bringing the year-to-date deficit to approximately $7.4 billion by April alone. (Figure 3, topmost window) 

In just four months, the Philippines had already exceeded the full-year 2022 BoP deficit of $7.263 billion, while rapidly approaching the BSP’s revised 2026 projection of roughly $7.8 billion. 

Put differently, the economy appears to have nearly exhausted its annual external financing buffer before the midpoint of the year. 

This matters because the BoP is not an abstract accounting construct. 

It is the economy’s external balance sheet constraint: the system through which dollar inflows finance imports, debt servicing, portfolio outflows, and exchange-rate stability. 

Persistent deficits therefore imply rising dependence on external financing at precisely the moment when global liquidity conditions are tightening and domestic growth is decelerating. 

At its core, the structural issue remains unchanged. 

The Philippines continues to operate under a widening (record) savings–investment gap, where domestic investment requirements increasingly exceed domestic savings capacity. The resulting imbalance must be financed externally, making the economy structurally sensitive to shifts in oil prices, global interest rates, and capital flow conditions

The Middle East oil shock did not originate this vulnerability. 

It exposed and accelerated it.

VI. USDPHP at 63.5: BSP’s Next Maginot Line? 

Foreign exchange markets have increasingly reflected this pressure. 

USDPHP has repeatedly carved record levels, signaling rising demand for dollar liquidity amid widening external financing gaps. 

In this context, statements from monetary authorities are interpreted less for their literal content than for their implied reaction function. 

When BSP Governor Eli Remolona noted that a peso around Php 63.50 to the dollar “might be okay, as long as the decline is measured and not inflationary,” the statement aligned with the BSP’s long‑standing policy of allowing exchange‑rate flexibility while smoothing volatility rather than defending fixed levels. (Figure 3, middle image) 

Yet has the BSP effectively signaled 63.5 as its next “Maginot Line” — a tacit FX target as widening BoP deficits from the savings gap, oil shock, and slowing growth deepen the country’s dollar shortfall? 

Markets respond not only to stated policy frameworks; revealed preference matters. For instance, the 59‑level was defended seven times between 2022 and 2025, giving rise to what we described as a “soft peg” regimeeffectively a subsidy on the peso that rendered it overvalued. (Figure 3, lowest graph) 

The BSP never explicitly declared this as a threshold, but markets recognized it and eventually forced a breakthrough — a reminder that when exchange‑rate weakness nears politically sensitive levels without strong defense, participants quickly adjust their expectations of the true intervention point. 

VII. Shrinking GIR and Weakening OFW Remittances 

And here’s where things get uncomfortable. 

Because the BSP is not merely managing inflation expectations—it is also managing a gradually shrinking external buffer. 

Gross International Reserves (GIR) came under visible pressure following a record $6.63 billion drawdown in March and another roughly $2.3 billion decline in April, bringing reserves down to around $104.3 billion


Figure 4 

More importantly, deterioration appears concentrated in the most liquid foreign exchange components, which have fallen toward levels last seen around mid-2015, while foreign investment components weakened toward levels not seen since roughly Q3 2022. (Figure 4, upper window) 

Headline GIR therefore risks overstating resilience. 

Should the gold‑averse BSP be thanking its residual gold reserves for propping up GIR despite the drawdowns? Would they be offloading more gold to defend the PHP? 

The issue is not simply reserve size, but reserve composition and deployability. Sustained intervention to smooth volatility can gradually shift reserves away from immediately deployable foreign assets even when aggregate levels remain superficially stable. 

At the same time, external inflows are showing early signs of moderation. OFW remittance growth slowed to 2.3% in March—its weakest pace since mid-2023—bringing year-to-date growth to roughly 2.8%. (Figure 4, lower chart) 

That matters disproportionately in an economy where remittances remain a major contributor of dollar liquidity. To the extent that Middle East disruptions contribute to slower inflows—or eventual repatriation risks—the external constraint becomes more complicated than oil alone. It could diffuse to the economy in the form of unemployment and social tensions. 

VIII. Constraint Logic: Intertemporal FX Management Adjustment Pathways 

At this stage, the adjustment problem increasingly looks structural rather than cyclical. 

If dollar inflows weaken while import costs, debt service, and external financing requirements remain elevated, the economy must adjust through some combination of reserve use, higher borrowing, slower domestic demand, or peso depreciation. 

Structural improvements—stronger exports, higher productivity, tourism gains, or investment reforms—remain possible but operate over much longer horizons and depend on institutional capacity that rarely adjusts quickly during external stress. 

In practice, short-term adjustment increasingly defaults to financial channels: peso weakness, reserve use, and borrowing. 

Structural rebalancing, where it occurs, tends to arrive later—politically slower, institutionally harder, and far less responsive to immediate shocks. 

Nonetheless, the government face a choice: let markets resolve imbalances, or intervene and pay a heavier price—crisis.

IX. ASEAN’s Oil Shock Politics: Singapore-Indonesia’s Divergence


Figure 5 

Singapore’s stock market benchmark, the STI, recently overtook Indonesia’s Jakarta Stock Exchange as the largest in ASEAN. (Figure 5, upper diagram) 

Why this is important? 

The Singapore–Indonesia divergence offers a regional case study in oil-shock politics. Both faced imported inflation, energy pressures, and tighter global liquidity. Yet markets rewarded institutional credibility and financial absorption while penalizing administrative intervention. 

Despite the oil shock, the USD has barely risen against the Singapore dollar. That’s because Singapore absorbed stress through liquidity, strong banks, and institutional inflows, allowing relative SGD stability and rising equity valuations. (Figure 5 lower image) 

Meanwhile the rupiah (IDR) is at record lows. Indonesian authorities increasingly relied on political interventions: FX restrictions, export controls, and administrative management as the rupiah weakened, with markets eventually forcing the discussion toward rate hikes via rising sovereign yields. 

So no, the sufferings from the oil shock are not equal. 

X. When Bond Markets Revolt: The BSP’s Off-Cycle Contradiction—a Panicked Response 

If the Philippines’ external imbalance explains the pressure on the peso, Treasury markets increasingly explain the pressure on the BSP.


Figure 6 

The continuing rout in government securities may be revealing something policymakers hesitate to acknowledge publicly: inflation is no longer behaving like a temporary supply disturbance. 

Treasury yields have surged across key segments of the curve, particularly the belly, increasingly signaling that markets are repricing inflation persistence, peso vulnerability, sovereign financing needs, and policy credibility risks simultaneously. Belly yields continue to soar past 2022 highs. (Figure 6, topmost and middle charts) 

In effect, financial markets have already been tightening conditions ahead of the BSP. 

That creates an uncomfortable contradiction. 

The BSP continues emphasizing supply-side inflation: oil, food, logistics disruptions, and geopolitical shocks from the Middle East conflict. 

Suddenly, policymakers signaled a willingness to consider an off‑cycle rate hike, prompted by the Treasury market rout. The BSP chief, ironically, admitted they were “behind the curve” and telegraphed a possible “surprise” move to cool inflation, according to one headline

If inflation is merely exogenous and supply-driven, why tighten? 

Interest rates do not produce oil.

They do not reduce shipping costs.

They do not rebuild disrupted supply chains. 

The BSP itself previously argued that monetary policy has limited effectiveness against supply-side inflation.

So why the shift? 

The answer increasingly lies beneath the official narrative.


Figure 7 

Persistent supply shocks become generalized inflation when transmitted primarily through liquidity (credit expansion), then exchange rates and fiscal spillovers—all of which are entwined. M2 has recently been rising ahead of the oil shock (Figure 7, topmost visual) 

The Philippines has deepened its dependence on inflationary liquidity expansion to drive GDP performance, which ironically has coincided with its slowdown. (Figure 7, middle diagram) 

A weakening peso magnifies imported inflation. Rising Treasury yields tighten financing conditions. Elevated leverage makes the system increasingly sensitive to refinancing costs and credit risk. 

This no longer appears to be merely an oil story. It increasingly resembles a balance‑sheet story. And markets may already be forcing the BSP to acknowledge it. 

Central banks rarely operate independently of bond markets. Credibility is not only partly outsourced to pricing but also reflects the credit health of government bonds and monetary policies. 

Once investors begin demanding higher yields to compensate for inflation, currency weakness, and fiscal risk, policymakers grow even more reliant on markets for guidance. Of course, they never admit to this. 

The dilemma becomes severe in a leveraged economy. 

Banks remain large holders of government securities. 

Corporates entered 2026 heavily financed. 

Government borrowing requirements remain elevated. 

Tightening risks exposing duration mismatches, refinancing pressures, and weaker cash flows precisely as growth slows. 

Delay, however, risks a more destabilizing outcome: markets concluding the BSP has fallen behind the curve. 

This is the trap. 

The BSP now faces a “devil and the deep blue sea” dilemma — tighten into fragility, or allow fragility to spill into inflation expectations, peso weakness, and Treasury pricing.

Neither path appears painless. 

XI. Inflation Did Not Disappear: Huge Expansion in Pork Import Quotas, DTI’s Some Prices May Rise 

If the BSP increasingly tolerates peso weakness near the 63.5 zone, policymakers face an immediate political problem: 

How do you contain inflation without confronting the underlying external imbalance? 

The answer increasingly appears skewed toward administrative interventions and short‑term political populist fixes. 

  • Imports.
  • Price assurances.
  • Emergency interventions.
  • And selective suppression. 

The administration’s dramatic increase in pork Minimum Access Volume (MAV)—from 54,210 metric tons to 204,210 metric tons, an additional 150,000 metric tons—offers a revealing case study. 

Officially, the move aims to stabilize pork prices amid lingering disruptions from African Swine Fever (ASF). Yet the scale of the increase suggests something larger than routine agricultural management. Authorities had already attempted pork MSRP controls (March 2025), only to retreat after poor compliance and market resistance (May 2025). Direct price suppression failed. The fallback increasingly appears imported disinflation. 

The timing matters. 

Despite lingering deflation in meat CPI in the first four months of 2026, policymakers still opted for a massive quota increase. (Figure 7, lower image) 

The magnitude suggests authorities are preparing for a material domestic supply shortfall—or are increasingly concerned one is emerging amid ASF disruptions, rising feed and fuel costs, weather pressures, and second-round oil shock effects. 

But imported disinflation is not free. 

Every additional ton of pork requires dollars. 

And dollars increasingly appear scarce. 

In an economy already confronting widening BoP deficits, rising oil import costs, slowing growth, and peso pressure, suppressing food inflation through imports risks simply relocating inflation pressure from supermarket shelves to the foreign exchange market. 

Today’s relatively ‘cheaper’ pork may become tomorrow’s weaker peso. 

And a weaker peso eventually feeds back into domestic prices through imported fuel, fertilizer, feed, logistics, and food inputs. The risk increasingly resembles a vicious cycle: 

Import to suppress inflation widen FX demand weaken peso import inflation returns import even more to suppress prices. 

The next question is: who benefits from such an outsized, politically determined import allocation and its related activities? One thing is clear: we can expect protests from local swine producers. 

The same contradiction increasingly appears in the DTI’s repeated assurance of “no price hikes” for basic goods. 

Manufacturers temporarily pledged restraint despite rising fuel and logistics costs from the Middle East oil shock. Yet headline CPI accelerated sharply from 4.1% in March to 7.2% in April. 

The disconnect matters. 

If inflation accelerated despite a proclaimed freeze in necessities, then costs likely adjusted elsewhere: transport, utilities, shrinkflation, skimpflation, supply-chain pass-through, informal markets, and unmonitored essentials. 

Inflation did not disappear. 

It rerouted. 

This is the deeper problem with administrative inflation management. 

Temporary freezes may delay pass-through, but they cannot repeal the economic imbalance between supply pressures (via rising input costs) and demand. 

When governments suppress price signals while cost structures worsen, inflation becomes compressed rather than solved or shortages surface. 

Regulated low prices may occur, but long lines via rationing is the alternative. 

That said, eventually, repricing returns or the law of economics prevail. 

Often more abruptly. 

The DTI’s subsequent admission that some prices may rise suggests the deferred adjustment phase may already be arriving. 

Meanwhile, Treasury yields may be offering the more honest signal. 

Bond markets increasingly appear to be pricing not temporary inflation noise, but the persistence of stagflationary pressures and the revelation of imbalances from years of policy distortions. 

XII. Conclusion: Stagflation as Process, Not Event 

The central mistake in today’s debate is treating stagflation as an event waiting for official confirmation. 

Historically, it rarely arrives all at once. 

It emerges as a process. 

First through weakening purchasing power. 

Then through slower real activity hidden beneath nominal resilience. 

Then through external imbalances, rising financing stress, currency pressure, and increasingly interventionist policy responses designed to suppress visible symptoms rather than address underlying causes. 

The Philippines increasingly appears to be moving along precisely such a trajectory. Yet, these are symptoms. 

The recent oil shock did not create these conditions. 

It accelerated them. 

The underlying fragility had already been accumulating through widening savings-investment imbalances, leverage dependence, external deficits, weakening productive signals, and policy structures increasingly oriented toward politically managing outcomes rather than confronting constraints through market forces. 

The irony is increasingly difficult to ignore. 

The more authorities suppress price signals, smooth volatility, and delay adjustment, the more hidden pressures appear to migrate elsewhere—into Treasury yields, the peso, reserve buffers, household balance sheets, and eventually social conditions themselves. 

Stagflation rarely announces itself in a single statistic. 

Usually, households experience it first. 

Markets recognize it second. 

The data arrives later. 

Increasingly, that sequencing no longer appears theoretical. 

It appears observable. 

___ 

References (our stagflation series) 

Stagflation Is Already Here—Emergency Policies Are Now Entrenching It 

Stagflation by Design: Policy Contradictions and the Return of the Pandemic Rescue Playbook 

The Anatomy of Philippine Stagflation: BSP Rate Hikes, Record External Deficits, and Fiscal Expansion (Part 3) 

Stagflation Then and Now: Why Philippine Markets Are Repricing Like the 1970s (Part 4) 

Stagflation Part 5: The Q1 2026 GDP Illusion and the Gathering Recession Risk Beneath Price Suppression 

Stagflation Part 6: The Banking System Under Siege—Bond Selloffs, Liquidity Illusions, and the Coming Balance Sheet Reckoning

 

Seed Article

EO-110 and the Politics of Price Suppression: How the Energy Emergency Is Becoming a Nationwide Economic Intervention