Showing posts with label money illusion. Show all posts
Showing posts with label money illusion. Show all posts

Sunday, May 03, 2026

Stagflation Then and Now: Why Philippine Markets Are Repricing Like the 1970s (Part 4)

  

The reason that interventionism does not work is that it misallocates more resources in the economy. More importantly, it disturbs, distorts, and destroys the corrective process whereby entrepreneurs, the price system, and the bankruptcy and foreclosure procedures do their jobs in reallocating resources and prices back into a sustainable framework—Mark Thornton

Stagflation Then and Now: Why Philippine Markets Are Repricing Like the 1970s (Part 4) 

I.  Prelude: Stagflation: From Distortion to Repricing

II. The 1970s Stagflation: Adjustment Deferred, Not Avoided

III. Why It “Worked”: Structure and Illusion

IV. The Structural Break: From Production to Balance Sheets

V. The Misdiagnosis: Policy as Cause vs Policy as Reaction

VI. PSE: “Cheap” Is Not Value—It’s a Signal

VII. The Real Parallel: Mispricing Before the Break

VIII. Financial Markets: When the Adjustment Starts Showing

IX. From FX to Interest Rates: The Repricing Chain

X. The Policy Trap: Tighten Into Weakness

XI. Conclusion: The Illusion Is Ending 

Stagflation Then and Now: Why Philippine Markets Are Repricing Like the 1970s (Part 4) 

Why today’s Philippine crisis is less about shocks—and more about structure 

I.  Prelude: Stagflation: From Distortion to Repricing 

This piece builds on a series of reports examining how policy interventions have reshaped the transmission of inflation and risk in the Philippine economy. 

Earlier work showed that measures such as price controls, subsidies, and liquidity support did not eliminate underlying pressures. They delayed and redistributed them—shifting inflation across sectors, compressing real incomes, and allowing imbalances in the currency, credit system, and fiscal position to accumulate beneath the surface. 

This follows earlier reports, including:

Across these, the pattern has been consistent:  stability was not the resolution of imbalances—but their deferral. 

This installment extends that framework by placing current market behavior—particularly in foreign exchange, equities and fixed income—within a historical context. 

The objective is not to argue that history repeats. 

It is to show that while the structure has changed, the mechanism has not

Markets reprice when constraints begin to bind. 

And increasingly, that repricing is no longer isolated. 

It is systemic. 

A note on context: the parallels to the 1970s should not be read as a direct comparison of regimes. The policy structure, institutional constraints, and transmission channels today differ significantly from the Marcos Sr. period. What persists is not the form—but the mechanism of deferring adjustment. (See linked note.)

II. The 1970s Stagflation: Adjustment Deferred, Not Avoided 

The Philippines is not new to stagflation. 

The oil shocks of 1973 and 1979 triggered inflation surges, currency pressure, and eventually a full-blown financial crisis in 1983. 

But what made the 1970s episode instructive is not the shocks themselves—it is how the system absorbed and deferred them.


Figure 1 

Following the 1969 balance of payments (BoP) crisis, the peso was sharply devalued, moving from roughly 3.9 to near 6 per dollar, before continuing a managed depreciation into the 7–8 range by the early 1980s. (Figure 1, topmost pane) 

The adjustment was immediate—but the consequences were not. 

Growth held. Real GDP expanded strongly in 1973 and again in 1976—until the early 1980s (Figure 1, middle image) 

Inflation surged during the oil shocks, with 1973 posting a sharper initial spike (~35% peak) than 1979 (~22%). Yet the true inflation (~63%) blowout did not occur during the shocks themselves—it came later, during the 1983 debt crisis. (Figure 1, lowest visual) 

This is the first principle: 

Inflation peaks at the point of financial rupture—not at the initial disturbance.


Figure 2

Equities confirm the same pattern. The Philippine stock index, the Phisix, reached an all-time high in January 1979—in the middle of stagflation. The collapse only followed when the system’s accumulated imbalances finally surfaced. (Figure 2, upper window) 

What appeared as resilience was, in reality, deferred adjustment. 

III. Why It “Worked”: Structure and Illusion 

The 1970s economy was industry-led, and the market reflected it. (Figure 2, lower graph) 

Mining, commodities, banks, and industrial conglomerates dominated the headline index—the Phisix, presently the PSEi 30. 


Figure 3

Mining firms like Atlas, Benguet, Philex, and Marinduque were not peripheral—they were central. Mining alone likely accounted for roughly a quarter to a third of market weight at points in the decade. (Figure 3, upper table) 

This mattered. 

Commodity inflation translated directly into nominal earnings growth. The stock market rose not despite stagflation—but partially because of its structure within it

But this alignment masked fragility.

  • External borrowing recycled global liquidity
  • Policy smoothing suppressed volatility
  • Currency management slowed visible adjustment 

This is straight out of Hyman Minsky financial instability hypothesis

Stability is not the absence of risk—it is the accumulation of it under suppressed volatility

By the early 1980s, the system had transitioned from hedge finance speculative Ponzi-like dependence on refinancing. 

When confidence broke in 1983, the adjustment was nonlinear and disorderly:

  • Peso collapse
  • Inflation spike
  • GDP contraction
  • Equity drawdown exceeding 80%

The 1970s didn’t avoid crisis.

They financed its delay. 

IV. The Structural Break: From Production to Balance Sheets 

The biggest mistake today is treating stagflation as if it still transmits through the same channels. 

It doesn’t. 

The Philippine economy is now services-led. The equity market is concentrated in:

  • Financials
  • Services
  • Utilities
  • Conglomerates 

This is no longer a production-driven system—it is a balance-sheet-driven system

Which means stagflation now transmits through:

  • Leverage (public and private) [domestic claims-to-GDP reached all-time highs in Q4 2025, coinciding with a reacceleration in M2 and M3/GDP] [Figure 3, lower graph]
  • External funding dependence
  • Liquidity conditions
  • Credit creation and rollover risk

This dynamic is closer to a balance-sheet-driven transmission mechanism—more in line with Richard Koo’s framework—than classical supply-shock stagflation. 

Growth doesn’t collapse immediately. 

It gets financially constrained first. 

V. The Misdiagnosis: Policy as Cause vs Policy as Reaction 

The mainstream framing—that BSP tightening is "hurting growth and markets"—gets the sequence wrong. 

Tightening is not an exogenous shock. 

It is a lagged reaction to prior distortions (e.g. savings-investment gap), which are being reinforced by current emergency policies, including: 

  • Price suppression (energy, transport)
  • Subsidy transfers
  • Fiscal expansion
  • Liquidity injections 

This is where Friedrich Hayek’s theory of malinvestment becomes critical: 

Artificially suppressed price signals do not eliminate inflation—they misallocate capital, embedding inefficiencies that eventually require a more painful correction. 

When tightening finally arrives, it does not “cause” fragility. 

It reveals it. 

VI. PSE: “Cheap” Is Not Value—It’s a Signal 

The persistent discount of Philippine equities is often framed as ‘opportunity.’ 

That interpretation is increasingly untenable. 

The discount reflects: 


Figure 4

  • Narrow market breadth
  • Index concentration risk, including free-float-driven weight concentration in a small number of large-cap names (e.g., International Container Terminal Services Inc. and Manila Electric Company), with combined index influence at unprecedented levels [Figure 4, topmost image]
  • Weak transmission from growth to earnings
  • Broadening dependence on leverage rather than productivity
  • Deepening price distortions that transmit into real-economy misallocation 

This is consistent with Public Choice Theory dynamics:

Policy frameworks optimize for political constraints rather than economic efficiency, producing structural drag that markets eventually price. 

“Cheapness” here is not cyclical. 

It is structural risk pricing. 

VII. The Real Parallel: Mispricing Before the Break 

The deeper parallel between the 1970s and today is not oil. 

It is this: 

Stagflation distorts asset prices before it destroys them.

The break occurs when financing conditions can no longer sustain the distortion.

  • In the 1970s external debt crisis
  • Today balance sheet compression + liquidity stress → ??? 

The danger may not be immediate collapse. 

It is prolonged mispricing

VIII. Financial Markets: When the Adjustment Starts Showing 

Recent market behavior suggests the adjustment is no longer latent. 

From the outbreak of the February 28, 2026 Iran war to May 1, Philippine equities have materially underperformed regional peers—the second worst performer after Indonesia, while the peso has simultaneously weakened to record levels. [Figure 4, middle diagram] 

But the sequencing matters more than the outcome: 

  • Government securities outflows began in Q4 2025 and worsened in Q1 2026, dragging overall foreign portfolio flows to their deepest quarterly outflows since at least 2020 [Figure 4, lowest chart]
  • PSE outflows persisted throughout 2025
  • Currency weakness accelerated into 2026
  • External shocks have accelerated volatility. 

They did not initiate it. 

This aligns with Dornbusch Overshooting Model dynamics:

Exchange rates adjust rapidly—not because shocks are new, but because imbalances were already embedded. 

What we are seeing is not reaction. 

It is exposure. 

Attributing the move to a “strong dollar” or external shocks is not analysis—it is attribution bias dressed up as explanation, deflecting from domestic policy choices that built the conditions for this adjustment. 

Global factors may set the trigger. 

Domestic imbalances determine the magnitude. 

IX. From FX to Interest Rates: The Repricing Chain 

The move past 61 in USDPHP is not a currency story. 

It is the first visible break in a multi-layer repricing cycle. 

The sequence is now clear:


Figure 5

1. FX moves first 

Driven by external deficits, energy imports, depletion of buffer and capital outflows. 

2. The belly reprices (3–7Y) 

Reflecting expectations of forced policy tightening (Figure 5, topmost pane] 

3. Term premiums widen (10Y and beyond) 

Consistent with duration risk being repriced beyond near-term policy expectations [Figure 5, middle image] 

This progression is not occurring in isolation. 

The widening spread between Philippine 10-year yields (BVAL) and U.S. Treasuries (TNX) has tracked the move in USDPHP, reinforcing the pattern: currency stress is being matched by higher required returns on local duration. [Figure 5, lowest chart] 

This is not simply global rates pulling yields higher. 

It is domestic risk being repriced across FX and bonds simultaneously

X. The Policy Trap: Tighten Into Weakness 

Unlike 2021–2022, the system now faces:

  • Weaker growth
  • Higher fiscal dependence
  • More fragile balance sheets 

Which creates a constraint:

  • Policy cannot ease without worsening inflation and FX pressure.
  • Policy cannot tighten without compressing growth and liquidity. 

This is a classic stagflationary policy trap

And it reinforces our core thesis: 

The peso is not the cause.  

It is the pressure valve. 

These distortions are not abstract. Recent interventions—from the suspension and subsequent restoration of the Wholesale Electricity Spot Market (WESM)—effectively redistributing costs rather than removing them (which affirms our recent call), to staggered power rate adjustments and subsidy layering, to DOLE looking at a Php 600 minimum wage hike in NCR, to the CHED declaring no tuition increases to the BSP’s April CPI projection heating up 5.6% to 6.4% —illustrate the same pattern: prices are suppressed, pressures accumulate upstream, and are later released into the system with greater force.


Figure 6

This distortion is already visible at the firm level. Manila Electric Company [PSE:MER] belatedly release 2025 Annual Report shows (pre-war, pre-oil shock) revenues rising sharply—driven not by demand, but by pass-through charges, regulatory recoveries, and expanding generation-side income—even as electricity consumption contracts. [Figure 6] 

The divergence is structural: nominal revenues are being supported by fuel costs, grid charges, currency effects, and reserve market dynamics, while underlying usage weakens. 

This is the money illusion in practice—where rising prices and cost recovery sustain top-line growth, masking real demand erosion. 

It also reveals how regulatory and policy frameworks redistribute cost pressures—disproportionately benefiting incumbents and entities positioned within the regulatory structure—rather than absorb them. Within a pass-through pricing system, higher fuel, currency, and grid costs are transferred directly to consumers, sustaining revenues while weakening purchasing power. 

Over time, this produces structurally higher and less competitive energy costs—eroding real incomes and compressing savings. 

In a consumption-driven economy, that is not resilience. 

It is price-induced demand compression/demand destruction. 

It also shows that downstream utilities are not insulated from stagflation—they internalize it through pricing while externalizing its costs to consumers

XI. Conclusion: The Illusion Is Ending 

The lesson of the 1970s is not that stagflation causes immediate collapse. 

It is that systems can appear stable while imbalances accumulate beneath the surface. 

That dynamic has not changed. 

What has changed is structure. 

Then, distortions were anchored in production and commodities—where rising prices could partially offset inflation’s drag. 

Today, fragility sits in balance sheets, within a consumption-driven economy increasingly dependent on credit. 

This distinction matters. 

Consumption financed by leverage is inherently unstable. It holds—until financing conditions tighten. 

Which means the adjustment is not guaranteed to be gradual. 

It can appear contained—until constraints bind. 

External shocks—whether from energy, currency, or global liquidity—do not create the crisis.

They expose imbalances already embedded in the system. 

When that happens, the transition is no longer linear. 

It becomes a sudden repricing of demand, liquidity, and risk. 

Deferred adjustment does not eliminate crisis. 

It compounds and compresses it. 

The market is not misreading noise. 

It is beginning to price a system where stability depends on conditions that may no longer hold.

 


Sunday, November 23, 2025

Inside the SMC–Meralco–AEV Energy Deal: Asset Transfers That Mask a Systemic Fragility Loop

 

My cynical view is that 90 percent of financial strategy is either tax minimization, regulatory arbitrage (coming up with instruments to comply with the letter of regulations while violating their spirit), or accounting charades (complying with the letter of accounting rules while disguising reality)— Arnold Kling 

In this issue

Inside the SMC–Meralco–AEV Energy Deal: Asset Transfers That Mask a Systemic Fragility Loop 

Segment 1.0: The PSEi Debt Financed Asset Transfer Charade

1A. Debt, Not Productivity, Drives the Philippine Economy

1B. The Big Three Borrowers: MER, SMC, AEV The Mechanism: Asset Transfers

1C. The Circular Boost: A Fragility Loop 

Segment 2.0: San Miguel Corporation — The Minsky Ponzi Finance Core

2A. Fragility in Plain Sight

2B. SMC’s Camouflage Tactics

2C. The Mirage of Liquidity

2D. Political Angle: Deals, Influence, and the Administration’s Footprint 

Segment 2.1 — Meralco: A Utility Showing Profit, But Hiding Stress

2.1A. Chromite Gas Holdings: Meralco’s New Largest Exposure

2.1B. Q3 and 9M Performance: Meralco’s Money Illusion Revenues

2.1C. GDP Mirage and Debt Surge and Asset Inflation

2.1D. What This Really Means: Meralco as the Balance-Sheet Absorber 

Segment 2.2 – AEV: Revenue Spikes as Balance-Sheet Shock Absorption

2.2A AEV’s Q3–9M: Not Evidence of Business Growth 

Segment 3.0 — The Batangas LNG–Ilijan–EERI Triangle

3.A How One Deal Created Three Balance-Sheet Miracles 

Segment 4.0: Conclusion: How Concentration Becomes Crisis: The Philippine Energy Paradox 

Inside the SMC–Meralco–AEV Energy Deal: Asset Transfers That Mask a Systemic Fragility Loop 

SMC, Meralco, and AEV’s energy partnership reveals how asset transfers inflate profits, recycle fragility across balance sheets 

Disclaimer: This article presents an independent analysis and opinion based solely on publicly available financial reports, regulatory filings, and market data. It does not allege any unlawful conduct, nor does it assert knowledge of internal decision-making or intent by any company or individual. All interpretations reflect broader political-economic dynamics and systemic incentives rather than judgments about specific actors. Readers should treat this as an analytical commentary, not as a statement of fact regarding any wrongdoing

Segment 1.0: The PSEi Debt Financed Asset Transfer Charade 

1A. Debt, Not Productivity, Drives the Philippine Economy 

Debt, not productivity, is the engine of the Philippine economy. We’ve said this repeatedly, but what’s striking in 2025 is how debt growth has concentrated in just a handful of dominant companies.


Figure 1 

In the first nine months of 2025, the 26 non‑bank members of the elite PSEi 30 added Php 603.149 billion in debt—a growth rate of 11.22%, pushing their total to an all‑time high of Php 5.979 trillion. This was the second fastest pace after 2022. (Figure 1, upper window) 

The banks were not far behind. Bills payable of the four PSEi 30 banks rose Php 191.8 billion to Php 1.125 trillion. 

Meanwhile, BSP data shows bills and bonds payable across the entire banking industry climbed 9.34% YoY in September (Q3) to Php 1.861 trillion, the third highest on record. (Figure 1, lower chart) 

For clarity, let’s stick to the 26 non‑bank PSEi firms. 

Note: these figures exclude the rest of the 284 listed companies as of Q2. Because holding companies consolidate subsidiary debt, there are double counts here. And these are only published debts—some firms appear to have shifted borrowings into other liabilities or kept exposures off balance sheet. 

Even with those caveats, the Php 5.979 trillion in published PSEi non-bank debt is large enough to equal: 

The Php 603.15 billion increase alone accounts for 75% of nominal GDP growth (Php 796.224 billion, or 4.96%) in the same period. 

In short, the debt of the non‑bank PSEi 30 is not just a corporate statistic—it is macro‑significant, shaping both banking dynamics and GDP itself.

1B. The Big Three Borrowers: MER, SMC, AEV The Mechanism: Asset Transfers 


Figure 2

In January–September 2025, the top three debt expanders among the non-bank PSEi 30—Meralco [PSE:MER], San Miguel [PSE:SMC], and Aboitiz Equity Ventures [PSE:AEV]—accounted for 52.65% of the Php 603.15 billion increase. (Figure 2, table and chart) 

Meralco (MER) debt more than doubled, rising 139.4% from Php 89.147 billion to Php 213.43 billion Php (+Php 124.283 billion). 

San Miguel (SMC) debt rose 7%, adding Php 103.312B, reaching a record Php 1.581 trillion. Yes, a T-R-I-L-L-I-O-N! 

Aboitiz Equity Ventures (AEV) debt jumped 24.26%, or Php 89.945B, to Php 460.7B. 

This was not coincidence. 

The synchronized surge reflects the Meralco–Aboitiz buy-in to San Miguel’s energy assets. 

As discussed last August 

"Beneath the surface, SMC’s debt dynamics resemble quasi-Ponzi finance—borrowing Php 681 billion to repay Php 727 billion in 1H 2025, while plugging the gap with preferred share issuance and asset monetization. The latter includes the deconsolidation and valuation uplift of its residual stakes in the Ilijan power facility and Excellent Energy Resources Inc. (EERI), as well as the $3.3 billion LNG deal with Meralco and AboitizPower in Batangas. Though framed as strategic partnerships, these transactions involved asset transfers that contributed heavily to the surge in reported profits. 

"The simulacrum of deleveraging—from Php 1.56 trillion in Q4 2024 to Php 1.506 trillion in Q2/1H 2025—appears to be a product of financial engineering, not structural improvement." 

In other words, SMC’s Q2 “deleveraging” was cosmetic. 

Its debt didn’t fall because operations improved; it fell because SMC dumped assets, liabilities, and valuation gains onto Meralco and Aboitiz.

1C. The Circular Boost: A Fragility Loop 

This buyout sequence increasingly resembles an asset transfer charade:

  • SMC unloads assets with embedded liabilities.
  • Meralco and AEV borrow heavily to “acquire” them.

Both sides book accounting gains via fair-value adjustments, reclassification, and deconsolidation. 

  • Optics improve—higher assets, higher income, stronger balance sheets.
  • Substance does not—real cash flow remains weak, debt dependence accelerates, and system-wide concentration rises. 

Each company props up another’s balance sheet, recycling fragility and presenting it as growth. 

The Philippine power sector is already intensely politicized, dominated by quasi-monopolies that operate in their respective territories. Markets exist only in form; in substance, the sector functions as a pseudo-market inside an oligopolistic cage. 

Approximate generation market shares illustrate this concentration: SMC Global ~20–25%, Aboitiz Power ~23%, First Gen + EDC ~12–18%, Meralco/MGen ~7–10%, and ACEN ~5–7% (figures vary by region, fuel type, and year). 

Recent deals only deepen this centralization, reinforcing the economic and political power of these dominant players, while regulatory bottlenecks and concentrated capital ensure that true competition remains largely symbolic. 

Segment 2.0: San Miguel Corporation — The Minsky Ponzi Finance Core 

The Chromite Gas Holdings acquisition is central to understanding SMC’s 2025 numbers.

MGen acquired 60% and Aboitiz’s TNGP took 40%, giving Chromite a 67% stake in several former San Miguel Global Power (SMGP) entities. SMGP retained 33%. This was not an expansion — again, it was an asset transfer

Q2: The Illusion of Improvement 

This maneuver produced a dramatic one‑off effect in Q2:

  • Debt dipped slightly from Php 1.511 trillion (Q1) to Php 1.504 trillion.
  • Cash surged +26.5% YoY to Php 321.14 billion.
  • Profits exploded +398% YoY, from Php 4.691 billion to Php 23.4 billion. 

Q3: The Underlying Reality Reappears 

But the illusion unraveled in Q3: 

  • Revenues contracted –4.5% in a weak economy.
  • Profits collapsed –49.5% to Php 11.9 billion.
  • Cash rose again +22.4% to Php 344 billion.


Figure 3

Debt soared Php 103.312 billion YoY, Php 76.28 billion QoQ, bringing total debt to a staggering Php 1.58 trillion. (Figure 3, topmost graph, middle table) 

2A. Fragility in Plain Sight 

Even with the current the sharp rebound in SMC’s share price — whether due to benchmark-ism (potential gaming market prices by the establishment to conceal embedded fragilities) or implicit cross-ownership effects from the Chromite transaction — market cap remains below Php 180B. 

  • Borrowing growth this quarter alone equaled ≈40-45% of SMC’s entire market cap (as of the third week of November). 
  • Debt outstanding exceeds annual sales. 
  • Debt equals 4.44% of the entire Philippine financial system’s assets. 

This is not normal corporate leverage. 

This is systemic leverage. 

2B. SMC’s Camouflage Tactics 

SMC has been masking its worsening debt structure through: 

  • Preferred share issuances (debt disguised as equity), another Php 48.6 billion raised in October.
  • Asset transfers involving Meralco and Aboitiz (the Chromite–Ilijan–EERI triangle)
  • Aggressive fair-value reclassification and balance-sheet engineering 

All three are textbook Minsky Ponzi Finance indicators: Cash flows cannot meet obligations; survival depends on rolling over liabilities and selling assets. 

2C. The Mirage of Liquidity 

SMC reports cash reserves (Php 344 billion) rising to nearly matching short‑term debt (Php 358 billion). (Figure 3, lowest diagram) 

But internal breakdowns suggest: 

  • A portion of “cash” is restricted
  • Some is pledged to lenders
  • Some sits inside joint ventures 

Balance-sheet “cash” includes mark-to-model items tied to asset transfers 

Meaning: true liquidity is far lower than reported. 

2D. Political Angle: Deals, Influence, and the Administration’s Footprint 

In the current political climate, the administration’s footprint is crucial for every major economic deal. 

SMC’s transactions likely benefited from proximity to the leadership — but political shifts also show how influence-connection-network shapes outcomes across the corporate landscape. 

Take the Villar group: after apparently losing favor with the administration, their Primewater franchise has been terminated in several provinces, and authorities have cracked down on their real estate assets, claiming prior valuations were inflated. The SEC even revoked the accreditation of the appraiser involved. 

Meanwhile, MVP of Meralco reportedly eyes Primewater, underscoring how political favor reshapes corporate fortunes. Where Villar faces contraction, SMC and its allies (Meralco, Aboitiz) secure expansion through administration‑blessed asset transfers. 

In any case, it is possible that the deal had administrative blessing—or at least the nudge, given the proximity of the principals involved. The other possible angle is that this could be an implicit bailout dressed up as a buy-in deal. 

But the more important point is this: 

Even political closeness cannot permanently mask structural insolvency. 

SMC is too big to fail on paper — but too debt-bloated to hide forever, or political cover buys time, not solvency. 

Segment 2.1 — Meralco: A Utility Showing Profit, But Hiding Stress 

2.1A. Chromite Gas Holdings: Meralco’s New Largest Exposure 

Meralco’s Chromite Gas Holdings investment has become its largest exposure among joint ventures and associates, carried at Php 84.08 billion in 2025. Yet, despite the size, Chromite has contributed no direct revenues so far. 

The assets acquired from San Miguel Global are framed as enhancing Meralco’s ability to deliver reliable, stable, and cost‑effective electricity—but the numbers tell a different story—one shaped more by accounting and regulatory pass-throughs than by genuine economic or demand strength. 

2.1B. Q3 and 9M Performance: Meralco’s Money Illusion Revenues


Figure 4 

The headline 4% GDP in Q3 exposed Meralco’s fragility: 

  • Revenues in gwh: –2.08% YoY, –6.64% QoQ.
  • Electricity sales in pesos: +7.09% YoY, –3.35% QoQ.
  • 9M gwh sales: –0.37% YoY, while peso sales rose +6%.
  • Profitability: +18.19% in Q3, +9.93% in 9M. 

This is classic money illusion: peso revenues rise while physical demand falls. (Figure 4, upper and lower graphs) 

Operational output is not driving earnings. Instead, tariff pass‑throughs, higher generation charges, and regulatory adjustments inflate nominal sales. It is a regulatory inflation windfall, not genuine demand strength. 

2.1C. GDP Mirage and Debt Surge and Asset Inflation 

Meralco’s results reinforce that Q3 GDP was effectively lower than the 4% headline once adjusted for inflation and real‑sector contraction. Nominal growth masks real decline—exactly the GDP mirage motif you’ve been threading. 

More troubling is the balance sheet: 

  • Debt surged +139% to Php 213.4 billion.
  • Assets inflated +34.5% to Php 792 billion. 

This scale of short‑term expansion is not normal for a utility. It only happens when major assets are shuffled, revalued, or purchased at non‑market prices. Capex and operations do not explain it. Asset transfers do. 

2.1D. What This Really Means: Meralco as the Balance-Sheet Absorber 

Regulated returns (tariff-based profits) look stable, but the underlying structure is growing riskier. A utility with: 

  • falling physical demand,
  • surging debt, and
  • massive non-operational asset expansion

is not strengthening — it is absorbing leverage for some entity. 

And that entity is SMC. 

The Chromite/Ilijan/EERI structure effectively places Meralco in the role of balance-sheet absorber for San Miguel’s asset-lightening strategy. 

Meralco’s earnings stability conceals a fragile, debt-heavy balance sheet inflated by SMC-linked asset transfers, not by real demand or utility fundamentals 

Segment 2.2 – AEV: Revenue Spikes as Balance-Sheet Shock Absorption 

Almost the same story applies to Aboitiz Equity Ventures

While AEV publicly emphasizes energy security, stability, market dominance, and regulatory influence as its core priorities, the weakening macro economy reveals a different angle.


Figure 5 

AEV posted Q3 revenues of +19.6%, pushing net income up +12.8%. (Figure 5, upper visual) 

But on a 9M basis, revenues were only +2.84% while net income fell –10.6% — a clear mismatch between quarterly momentum and year-to-date weakness. 

In its 17Q report, AEV notes that fresh contributions from Chromite Gas Holdings, Inc. (CGHI) drove the 5% rise in equity earnings from investees. This aligns precisely with the pattern seen in Meralco: newly consolidated or newly transferred assets creating a one-off jump

Meanwhile, the balance sheet shows the real story: 

  • Debt surged 24.3% to Php 460.7B
  • Cash jumped 15% to Php 90.84B
  • Assets expanded 14.94% to Php 971B 

A sudden Q3 revenue surge combined with a weak 9M total is entirely consistent with: 

  • Newly absorbed assets booking revenue only after transfer
  • Acquisition timing falling post–June 2025
  • Consolidation effects appearing sharply in Q3 

This means the revenue spike is not organic growth — it is the accounting after-effect of assets acquired or transferred in 1H but only recognized operationally in Q3

AEV’s cash swelling amid rapid debt accumulation strongly suggests:

  • bridging loans used during staged acquisition payments
  • temporary liquidity buffers ahead of full transfer pricing
  • staggered settlement structures typical in large utility-energy asset sales
  • pending regulatory approvals delaying full cash deployment 

Cash rises first debt stays elevated assets revalue revenue shows up later. 

This pattern is classic in large asset transfers, not in real economic expansion. 

2.2A AEV’s Q3–9M: Not Evidence of Business Growth 

They are the accounting shadow of San Miguel’s 1H asset unloading—financed by AEV’s debt surge and disguised as operational growth. 

What looks like stability is really fragility recycling: AEV, like Meralco, has become a balance-sheet counterparty absorbing the system-wide effects of SMC’s asset-lightening strategy, with short-term profitability masking long-term stress. 

Segment 3.0 — The Batangas LNG–Ilijan–EERI Triangle 

3.A How One Deal Created Three Balance-Sheet Miracles 

If Segment 2 showed the operational weakness across SMC, Meralco, and Aboitiz, Segment 3 explains why their balance sheets still looked strangely “strong.” 

The answer lies in one of 2025’s most consequential but least-understood restructurings: 

The Batangas LNG–Ilijan–EERI triangle. 

This single transaction is the hidden engine behind the debt spikes, asset jumps, and sudden income boosts in Q2–Q3. 

Once you see this triangle, everything else snaps into place. 

1. The Triangle in One Line 

This wasn’t three companies expanding. 

It was one deal split three ways, enabling:

  • SMC to book gains and create a “deleveraging” illusion
  • Meralco to justify its 139% debt explosion
  • Aboitiz to absorb a 24% debt spike while looking “strategically positioned” 

All this happened without producing a single additional unit of electricity. 

While the EERI–Ilijan complex is designed to deliver 1,200–2,500 MW of gas-fired capacity, as of Q3 only 850 MW are fully operational and a 425 MW unit remains uncertified — meaning the promised output exists largely on paper, not yet in reliable commercial dispatch. This reinforces the point: the triangle deal moved balance sheets faster than it delivered power.

2. How the Triangle Worked 

Here’s the real flow: 

  • SMC restructured and monetized its stakes in Ilijan, Excellent Energy Resources Inc. (EERI) and Batangas LNG terminal
  • Meralco bought in — financed almost entirely by new debt
  • AboitizPower bought in — also financed by new debt 

The valuation uplift flowed back to SMC, booked as income and “deleveraging progress” 

The result: 

  • All three balance sheets expanded
  • None of them improved real output
  • This was transaction-driven balance-sheet inflation, not industrial growth. 

3. Why This Triangle Matters: It Solves Every Q3 Puzzle 

Without this transaction, Q3 numbers look impossible:

  • Meralco’s debt doubling despite falling electricity volume
  • AEV’s Php 90B debt jump despite declining operating income
  • SMC’s “improving leverage” despite worsening cash burn 

Once the triangle is added back in, the contradictions vanish:

  • Meralco and AEV levered up to buy SMC’s assets
  • SMC booked the valuation uplift as earnings
  • All three appeared financially healthier — e.g. cash reserves jumped— without becoming economically healthier (Figure 5, middle graph) 

Q3 looked disconnected from reality because it was. 

4. The Illusion of Progress 

On paper:

  • SMC: higher profit
  • Meralco: larger asset base
  • AEV: greater scale 

In substance:

  • SMC gave up future revenue streams
  • Meralco and AEV loaded up on liabilities
  • System-wide fragility increased— e.g. accelerates the rising trend of financing charges. (Figure 5, lowest chart) 

The triangle recycles the same underlying cash flows, but layers more leverage on them

This is growth by relabeling, not growth by production. 

5. What This Signals for 2025–2026 

The triangle exposes the real state of Philippine corporate finance:

  • cash liquidity is tight
  • banks are reaching their risk limits
  • debt has become the default funding model
  • GDP “growth” is being propped up by inter-corporate transactions, not capex
  • conglomerates are supporting each other through balance-sheet swaps 

Most importantly: 

This is a leverage loop, not an investment cycle. The mainstream is confusing balance-sheet inflation for economic progress. 

The Batangas LNG–Ilijan–EERI triangle created no new power capacity. Instead, it created the appearance of corporate strength.

Segment 4.0: Conclusion: How Concentration Becomes Crisis: The Philippine Energy Paradox 

The Philippine energy sector operates as a political monopoly with only the façade of market competition. 

The triad of San Miguel, Aboitiz, and Meralco illustrates deepening centralization, pillared on a political–economic feedback loop. 

Major industry transactions, carried out with either administration blessing or tacit nudging, function as implicit bailouts channeled through oligarchic control

This further entrenches concentration, while regulatory capture blinds the BSP, DOE, and ERC to mounting risks—encouraging moral hazard and ever-bolder risk-taking in expectation of eventual government backstops. 

This concentration funnels public and private savings into monopolistic hands, fueling outsized debt that competes directly with banks and government borrowings, intensifying crowding-out dynamics, resulting in worsening savings conditions, suppressing productivity gains, and constraining consumer growth. 

Fragility risks do not stop with the borrowers: counterparties—savers, local and foreign lenders, banks, and bond markets—are exposed as well, creating the potential for contagion across the broader economy. 

The feedback loop is self-reinforcing: policies fuel malinvestments, these malinvestments weaken the economy, and weakness justifies further interventions that deepen concentration, heighten vulnerability, and accelerate structural maladjustments. 

Viewed through a theoretical lens, San Miguel’s ever-expanding leverage fits a Minsky-style financial instability pattern—now extending into deals that serve as camouflaged backstops. This reflects what I call "benchmark-ism": an engineered illusion of stability designed to pull wool over the public’s eyes, mirroring Kindleberger’s cycle of manipulation, fraud, and corruption

Taken together, these dynamics reveal unmistakable symptoms of late-cycle fragility

What is framed as reform is, in truth, a vicious cycle of concentration, political capture, extraction, and systemic decay. 

____ 

references 

Prudent Investor Newsletters, Q2–1H Debt-Fueled PSEi 30 Performance Disconnects from GDP—What Could Go Wrong, Substack, August 24, 2025 

Prudent Investor Newsletters, Is San Miguel’s Ever-Growing Debt the "Sword of Damocles" Hanging over the Philippine Economy and the PSE? December 02, 2024