Showing posts with label retailing industry. Show all posts
Showing posts with label retailing industry. Show all posts

Sunday, April 12, 2026

Stagflation Is Already Here—Emergency Policies Are Now Entrenching It

 

No government or central bank will admit that rising inflation in essential goods is a direct consequence of financial and fiscal repression, and economic history always shows us that their reaction to rising discontent will be more financial repression and economic intervention—Daniel Lacalle

Stagflation Is Already Here—Emergency Policies Are Now Entrenching It

I. The Narrative Lag

II. Stagflation Is Not Just an Oil Story

III. The Deeper Mechanism: Policy-Driven Stagflation

IV. The Monetary Backdrop: Inflationary Pressure Pre-dated the Shock

V. The Philippine Parallel

VI. The Structure of Production: Why Disruptions Spread

VII. What a Binding Price Ceiling Looks Like in Real Time

VIII. The Transmission Phase: Downstream Sectors Feel the Strain

IX. The February Labor “Improvement” That May Not Last

X. Policy Responses Are Expanding

XI. Energy Supply Chains: Why the Shock Is Larger Than Oil

XII. Financial Markets Are Beginning to Reflect the Stress

XIII. Geopolitical Reordering and the Return of the War Economy

XIV. The Stages of Stagflation: A Historical Pattern

XV. The Political Economy of Entrenched Stagflation

XVI. Conclusion: The Adjustment That Has Been Delayed

Stagflation Is Already Here—Emergency Policies Are Now Entrenching It 

Rising costs, suppressed prices, and supply withdrawal are spreading distortions across the Philippine economy’s production structure. 

I. The Narrative Lag 

Public discourse continues to frame stagflation as a future risk—typically linked to external shocks such as oil price spikes—or, at times, dismisses it altogether

Yet across the Philippines, emerging patterns suggest something more immediate: stagflation is not impending; it is already taking shape and diffusing across sectors

Rising fuel costs are the visible catalyst, now transmitting through transport, agriculture, fisheries, tourism, retail and so forth. However, the deeper issue is not energy prices per se. 

It lies in the interaction between supply shocks and policies that suppress the price signals necessary for adjustment—policies increasingly institutionalized under Executive Order No. 110. 

When input costs rise but output prices are constrained, markets cannot equilibrate. Instead of correcting imbalances, the system propagates and amplifies them. Apparent stability becomes artificial and temporary. 

Eventually, these suppressed pressures re-emerge. And when supply simultaneously contracts across multiple sectors, the outcome is no longer simple inflation. 

It is stagflation. 

Recent geopolitical developments further complicate this outlook. The number of armed conflicts worldwide has risen sharply over the past two decades, accompanied by increasing geopolitical tensions and a renewed expansion of defense spending across many economies. This environment increasingly resembles the early stages of past periods in which geopolitical rivalry, fiscal expansion, and supply disruptions interacted with monetary accommodation to generate sustained inflationary pressures. For economies deeply integrated into global trade, energy, and security networks, these dynamics form part of the broader backdrop against which domestic stagflationary risks must be evaluated. 

II. Stagflation Is Not Just an Oil Story 

The dominant narrative equates stagflation with energy crises. This is analytically incomplete

There are well-documented cases of stagflation occurring even in the absence of major oil shocks. As economist Frank Shostak arguesstagflation typically arises from the interaction of monetary expansion and supply disruptions, not from relative price changes alone

An increase in oil prices, by itself, reallocates spending rather than increasing it in aggregate. If the money supply remains unchanged, higher expenditure on energy necessarily reduces expenditure elsewhere. Under such conditions, relative prices shift, but generalized inflation does not automatically follow. 

Broad-based and sustained inflation requires monetary accommodation. Without it, price increases in one sector are offset by contractions in others. 

This distinction is critical. 

III. The Deeper Mechanism: Policy-Driven Stagflation 

International experience reinforces this point. Economies such as ArgentinaTurkey, and Brazil have repeatedly exhibited a common pattern: 

  • Fiscal dominance constraining monetary policy
  • Liquidity expansion creating a fiscal–monetary trap
  • Supply-side rigidities limiting output response
  • Price suppression and exchange-rate management delaying adjustment 

These mechanisms do not merely coincide with stagflation—they produce it. 

They allow inflationary pressures to build while simultaneously weakening productive capacity. Growth slows, yet prices continue to rise

IV. The Monetary Backdrop: Inflationary Pressure Pre-dated the Shock 

The current energy shock did not arrive in a monetary vacuum.


Figure 1

Even before geopolitical tensions escalated, liquidity conditions in the Philippines were already accommodative. Data from the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) indicated that domestic liquidity and credit growth remained elevated as of February, despite signs of slowing economic momentum. 

Inflation dynamics reinforce this point. Headline CPI spiraled from 2.4% in February to 4.1% in March, but the uptrend had already been in motion—prices had been increasing for three consecutive months following the November 2025 trough of 1.5%. More tellingly, broad money (M3) growth had reaccelerated from roughly 5% in May 2025 doubling to 10.3% by February 2026. The U.S. WTI crude benchmark reinforced the upward trend. (Figure 1, upper and lower graphs) 

In other words, the economy entered the energy shock with inflationary pressure already embedded in the system. 

The March CPI spike reinforces our projection that a THIRD wave of inflation is now underway. 

At the same time, financial conditions reflected a policy environment leaning more on liquidity support than on productive expansion. Credit growth persisted, but its distribution remained uneven—tilted toward consumption, real estate, and sovereign-linked financing rather than broad-based investment in productive sectors. 

Under such conditions, supply disruptions do not result in simple relative price adjustments. Instead, they interact with existing liquidity and fiscal support, amplifying imbalances

The result is the classic stagflationary configuration: rising costs alongside weakening supply response. 

The war did not create these pressures. 

It exposed and accelerated them. 

V. The Philippine Parallel 

The Philippines is beginning to exhibit early signs of a similar dynamic. 

Fuel subsidies and price interventions may cushion short-term volatility, but they also dampen the transmission of price signals, delaying necessary adjustments in both consumption and production. In a system already characterized by elevated liquidity, such interventions do not merely stabilize—they compound existing distortions. 

When cost pressures are absorbed administratively while liquidity conditions remain accommodative, the adjustment process is deferred rather than resolved. 

The trajectory that follows is familiar:

  • Distortions accumulate beneath the surface
  • Supply responses weaken as incentives are misaligned
  • Inflationary pressures persist, even as real activity softens 

In this context, rising fuel costs are not the root cause but the trigger—interacting with a policy environment that suppresses signals, sustains liquidity, and ultimately amplifies underlying imbalances. 

VI. The Structure of Production: Why Disruptions Spread 

To understand how these pressures propagate, it is useful to revisit the structure-of-production framework developed by Carl Menger. 

Menger emphasized that production is not a collection of isolated activities, but a layered structure of interdependent stages. He distinguished between: 

  • Higher-order goods — inputs such as fuel, logistics, machinery, and intermediate materials
  • Lower-order goods — final goods and services consumed directly, including food, transport, and tourism 

Disruptions at the level of higher-order goods do not remain contained. They cascade through the production chain, with effects transmitted gradually depending on inventory buffers, contractual rigidities, and the willingness of firms to absorb rising costs. 

That lag, however, is finite. 

When input costs rise while downstream prices are suppressed, producers face a narrowing set of options:

  • absorb sustained losses
  • scale back production
  • or exit the market altogether 

Over time, the first becomes unsustainable and the second insufficient. The third becomes increasingly rational. 

What follows is not an immediate price spike, but a progressive weakening of supply capacity—a contraction that eventually surfaces as both rising prices and reduced output. 

This is precisely the dynamic now beginning to emerge in the Philippines. 

VII. What a Binding Price Ceiling Looks Like in Real Time 

The clearest evidence of distortion appears where regulated prices collide with rising costs.

These are the sectors where supply withdrawal begins—not as theory, but as observable behavior. 

a. Transport 

In Region I, nearly half of public utility vehicles reportedly halted operations as fuel costs surged while fares remained constrained. When operating costs exceed regulated fares, continued operation implies sustained losses. The predictable outcome is reduced service availability, alongside higher logistics costs that transmit directly into the price of goods and basic services. 

b. Fishing 

Fuel costs have similarly forced about half of the fishers across Luzon to suspend voyages. Comparable dynamics have been observed in other economies, including Thailand and Mumbai India, where fuel shocks—when not accompanied by price adjustment—have temporarily reduced or halted fishing activity. 

c. Agriculture

In several regions, farmers are beginning to scale back or abandon harvests as fertilizer, fuel, and transport costs rise faster than farm-gate prices. When input costs outpace realizable output prices, production becomes economically unviable. 

This does not only translate into higher food prices. It signals the early formation of a food stress dynamic, where supply contraction and forced consumption substitution reinforce each other across staple goodsraising the risk of an emerging food crisis

These developments are not isolated disruptions.


Figure 2

They represent the real-time manifestation of a binding price ceiling interacting with supply shocks. (Figure 2, upper window) 

Entrenchment begins not when prices rise, but when producers cease to respond to them. 

VIII. The Transmission Phase: Downstream Sectors Feel the Strain 

Once upstream production weakens, downstream sectors inevitably absorb the impact. 

Tourism—highly sensitive to both transport costs and discretionary income—is already being materially affected in key destinations such as Baguio (-50%), Boracay (-31%), Eastern Visayas (-15%), and Hundred Islands National Park (-24%). These declines reflect both rising travel costs and tightening household budgets under persistent price pressure. 

Baguio just declared a state of calamity. (Figure 2, lower image) 

Rising transport and input costs are compressing demand even as operating expenses continue to increase, producing simultaneous pressure on both revenue and margins. 

Cracks in the retail market are becoming increasingly pronounced. Chains such as Marks & Spencer and No Brand have begun scaling back/closing operations in the country. While these decisions predate the current shock, they remain indicative of underlying demand fragility and structural margin compression already present in the system.


Figure 3

This fragility is rooted in developing macroeconomic conditions: slowing real GDP growth, declining per capita income momentum, and an investment structure shaped by prolonged low interest rates and sustained credit expansion. Capital formation has been unevenly directed—toward consumption, real estate, and yield-seeking activities—rather than productivity-enhancing sectors. (Figure 3, topmost and middle visuals) 

The crowding-out effects from pandemic-era deficit spending further reinforced these distortions. Sovereign borrowing absorbed a significant portion of available financial resources, reducing the space for private sector investment. This did not only displace capital allocation but also raised the relative cost of funding for productive enterprises, shifting incentives away from long-gestation, productivity-enhancing investment toward short-term consumption and asset-based positioning. 

Pandemic-era deficits also contributed to a more centralized allocation of economic resources, increasing the degree of political discretion over investment direction and effectively shifting capital allocation decisions away from decentralized market signals toward administrative and fiscal channels. (Figure 3, lowest chart) 

All of these reflect not merely contemporary crowding-out and low-rate-driven misallocation, but a record savings–investment gap/imbalance that has been decades in the making. 

The recent corruption scandal highlights how such misallocation, diversion, and capital consumption processes have become structurally embedded 

In brief, these concurrent developments magnify the repercussions of existing imbalances

The result is an economy with limited buffer to cost shocks. 

What matters is not any single development in isolation, but their synchronization under a common pressure: rising input costs moving through a system already constrained by policy distortions, uneven capital allocation, and weakened supply responsiveness. 

In this phase, the effects of earlier imbalances are no longer latent. 

They become visible—simultaneously—in output, prices, and market participation. 

IX. The February Labor “Improvement” That May Not Last 

These sectoral weaknesses are now beginning to transmit into labor market conditions, albeit with a lag. 

At first glance, the February labor report appeared reassuring. Headline employment “improved” and the unemployment rate edged lower (jobless rates eased from 5.8% in January to 5.1% in March.  On the surface, the data suggested that the labor market remained resilient despite (pre-war) rising cost pressures.


Figure 4 

But a closer look raises questions about whether this improvement represents a durable trend—or merely a statistical pause before broader economic strains surface. 

In stagflationary environments, firms initially attempt to absorb rising costs through reduced margins, shorter operating hours, and productivity adjustments in order to preserve employment levels. However, as cost pressures persist alongside weakening demand conditions, adjustment inevitably shifts into the labor market: hiring slows, job quality deteriorates, and informalization increases. Losses spur retrenchment. 

Retail and tourism fragility reinforce this transmission channel.  

Forthcoming increases in minimum wages should also serve as hindrance to the labor market growth. 

External labor dynamics add another layer of vulnerability. Reports of rising overseas worker repatriation suggest that global labor demand conditions may also be softening. For an economy such as the Philippines, which is heavily reliant on overseas employment and remittance inflows, even marginal shifts in external labor absorption can propagate quickly into domestic consumption, liquidity conditions, and household financial stability. 

Taken together, these developments indicate that February’s earlier employment “improvement” may represent a temporary statistical noise rather than a structural recovery

In such environments, labor markets typically lag real economic deterioration: employment initially appears stable even as underlying business conditions weaken beneath the surface. Over time, however, this lag resolves through reduced hiring, declining hours, and weakening job security. 

The result is a familiar stagflationary configuration: rising living costs alongside weakening labor conditions and employment quality. 

X. Policy Responses Are Expanding 

Rather than addressing underlying supply constraints, policy responses have increasingly focused on suppressing visible price adjustments. 

Recent measures illustrate this pattern

The Department of Trade and Industry reached an agreement with meat producers to delay price increases until the end of April

The Department of Health likewise reached arrangements with pharmaceutical firms to avoid medicine price increases—functioning effectively as negotiated price restraint mechanisms rather than pure market outcomes. 

Energy authorities, meanwhile, have warned oil firms against alleged “anti-competitive behavior,” at times framing price movements through cartel narratives. However, such cartel interpretations are better understood as policy-conditioned outcomes rather than purely market-generated coordination, particularly given the limited number of players in the industry and the regulatory structure governing pass-through pricing. 

More broadly, the policy stance has shifted in sequence rather than consistency. Authorities initially denied the presence of a systemic crisis, but subsequently imposed a ‘state of emergency’ once pressures became more visible. 

In parallel, emergency measures have been floated in public discourse—including fuel rationing and even temporary energy lockdown-type measures—despite public denials of such scenarios. 

As Bismarck’s oft-cited dictum suggests, policy signals are sometimes inferred more from what is denied publicly than what is formally declared. In this sense, the sequencing may reflect a form of preparatory signaling or conditioning toward prospective policy tools in the event that conditions deteriorate further. 

Fiscal responses have also expanded significantly. Free-lunch populism has prompted the government to allocate approximately Php 238 billion in subsidies and related support measures to cushion households and affected sectors. Within this framework, fuel subsidies for public utility vehicles have recently been extended. 

At the same time, structural intervention in the transport sector has intensified through the jeepney servicing and consolidation program, under which operators and drivers are mandated to continue providing services while receiving subsidized compensation. 

The state is increasingly assuming coordinating functions in route allocation, dispatch systems, and operational restructuring of jeepney services, effectively centralizing what was previously a decentralized operator-driven system—officially framed as temporary, but carrying the risk of extending state coordination capacity over time, and potentially creating a policy window through which long-desired transport modernization programs could be advanced. 

The temporary suspension of WESM operations also raises the possibility of broader shifts in market structure, including partial re-nationalization dynamics in parts of the energy and transport-linked system. 

Such episodes align with what economic historians describe as a ‘ratchet effect,’ as theorized by Robert Higgstemporary expansions of state control and intervention during periods of perceived crisis often persist in modified form even after the shock subsides, gradually shifting baseline institutional arrangements

While these measures aim to contain visible inflation, price suppression mechanisms rarely eliminate underlying inflationary pressure. Instead, they displace it toward producers, inventories, and fiscal balance sheets, transforming visible price adjustment into structural inflation accumulation across the production system. 

XI. Energy Supply Chains: Why the Shock Is Larger Than Oil 

Even if geopolitical tensions ease, the structural vulnerability remains. 

First, recent diplomatic developments in the Middle East may prove temporary. Historical precedent suggests that ceasefire arrangements in the region have often been fragile, particularly when major powers remain indirectly engaged in the conflict environment. The United States and Israel struck Iran at the end of February, even while negotiations were ongoing. 

Second, as former U.S. budget director David Stockman has argued, modern energy systems are not defined solely by crude oil prices but by interconnected refining, logistics, and distribution networks. Liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) and petrochemical supply chains, in particular, rely on tightly coupled processing infrastructure. 

Disruptions in these networks propagate far beyond fuel markets, affecting agriculture (fertilizer production), logistics (transport cost structures), manufacturing (input pricing), and services (operating costs). 

Energy shocks, therefore, do not remain confined to headline fuel prices.
They transmit through the entire structure of production, amplifying cost pressures across the economy—even in sectors not directly linked to energy consumption. 

XII. Financial Markets Are Beginning to Reflect the Stress 

Financial indicators are now starting to mirror these real-economy strains. 

The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas recently reported a decline in gross international reserves (GIR) last March amid lower gold prices, foreign investment outflows and pressure on the peso. 

Figure 5

Although the BSP’s headline reserve buffer still appears comfortable, a closer look at composition tells a different story. Non-gold reserves—essentially the liquid foreign-currency assets used to stabilize the peso and finance imports—have declined markedly since late 2024. Rising gold valuations have helped cushion the headline GIR figure, but valuation gains are not equivalent to fresh external inflows. This compositional shift suggests that reserve resilience may be weaker than the aggregate figure implies. (Figure 5, topmost diagram) 

Meanwhile, S&P Global Ratings lowered the Philippines’ outlook from positive to stable, citing risks to fiscal and external positions linked to persistent energy-related pressures. 

Credit ratings rarely lead markets; more often, they echo or confirm stresses already developing beneath the surface. While not explicitly stated, recent movements in Philippine credit default swaps (CDS), along with a bearish flattening of the yield curve and rising yields across maturities, may have contributed to the revised outlook, reflecting increasing market sensitivity to external and fiscal pressures. (Figure 5, middle and lowest charts) 

This evolving bond market dynamic suggests investors are recalibrating their expectations—demanding higher risk premia while simultaneously pricing in weaker forward growth. 

Historically, such curve behavior often reflects a policy environment in which monetary conditions remain accommodative while structural growth prospects deteriorate. In this sense, the yield curve may be signaling the same tension visible in the real economy: rising inflation pressures interacting with slowing productive momentum. 

XIII. Geopolitical Reordering and the Return of the War Economy 

In examining the broader stagflationary risks facing the global economy, it is difficult to ignore a parallel structural shift: the gradual return of what economists historically describe as a war economy. 

The stagflationary episode of the 1970s did not arise solely from the oil embargo. It emerged from a broader combination of fiscal expansion, geopolitical conflict, and monetary transformation following the collapse of the Bretton Woods system. The suspension of dollar convertibility during the Nixon Shock effectively loosened the monetary constraints that had previously anchored the international financial system. This shift coincided with large-scale fiscal expenditures associated with the Vietnam War and domestic “guns and butter” policies in the United States. 

The subsequent 1973 Oil Crisis then transmitted these underlying monetary and fiscal pressures into global energy markets, transforming what might otherwise have been a relative price shock into a generalized inflationary episode.


Figure 6 

Recent developments suggest that elements of this broader geopolitical environment may be re-emerging. Data compiled by the International Monetary Fund indicate that the number of armed conflicts worldwide has risen sharply since the mid-2000s, reaching levels not observed in decades. (Figure 6) 

Measures of geopolitical risk have increased in tandem, while the share of countries allocating more than 2 percent of GDP to military spending has begun to climb again after declining during the post–Cold War period. 

Such developments do not automatically produce stagflation. However, they signal a structural shift in the global policy environment. Rising defense expenditures, strategic supply chain realignments, and heightened geopolitical rivalry all tend to increase fiscal demands while simultaneously disrupting trade, energy, and commodity flows

For economies integrated into global security networks, these pressures can have direct domestic implications. The Philippines, as a longstanding client state of the United States and host to several defense cooperation facilities, is not insulated from these dynamics. 

Increased defense commitments, strategic realignments in trade and energy flows, and the potential weaponization of financial and technological networks could all influence fiscal policy, investment allocation, and external financial conditions. 

While these developments alone do not determine the trajectory of Philippine inflation or growth, they form part of the broader global environment within which domestic stagflationary pressures may evolve. 

XIV. The Stages of Stagflation: A Historical Pattern 

Stagflation rarely emerges as a fully formed crisis overnight. Historical episodes—from the 1970s United States to more recent cases in Latin America and emerging markets—suggest that the process tends to unfold in stages. 

In the initial phaseinflation begins to rise while economic growth slows, typically following a combination of monetary accommodation and supply disruptions. Policymakers often interpret this period as temporary, responding with targeted subsidies, negotiated price restraint, or administrative coordination designed to cushion consumers from visible price increases. 

In the second phasepressures begin to propagate more visibly through the production structure. Producers facing sustained input cost increases and constrained output prices start adjusting operations. Margins compress, inventories decline, and investment slows. Supply responses weaken as firms scale back production or exit markets entirely. Labor markets frequently appear stable during this stage, but job quality deteriorates, hiring slows, and working hours are reduced as businesses attempt to manage rising costs without immediate layoffs. 

Only in the later phase does the full stagflationary configuration emerge: persistent inflation combined with visibly weakening economic activity, deteriorating labor conditions, and widening fiscal intervention as governments attempt to stabilize prices and incomes simultaneously. 

The developments now visible in the Philippines—sectoral supply withdrawals in transport, fisheries, and agriculture, increasing reliance on subsidies and administrative coordination, and early financial stress signals—suggest that the economy may already be moving through the earlier stages of this historical pattern. 

XV. The Political Economy of Entrenched Stagflation 

Economic distortions rarely persist because policymakers misunderstand them. More often, they persist because they become politically useful. 

Once subsidies, price controls, and administrative coordination mechanisms are introduced, they generate new constituencies whose interests become tied to their continuation. Temporary interventions gradually evolve into institutional arrangements that are difficult to reverse. 

As political economist Mancur Olson argued, concentrated interest groups tend to organize effectively to protect benefits, while the broader public—bearing the dispersed costs—faces weaker incentives to mobilize. Policies that begin as crisis responses therefore often survive long after the original shock has passed. 

Fiscal incentives reinforce this tendency. Governments facing rising costs and slowing growth frequently prefer policies that postpone adjustment rather than those that impose immediate economic pain. As James Buchanan observed, democratic fiscal systems possess a structural bias toward deficit spending and monetary accommodation, particularly when the costs of such policies are distributed through inflation rather than explicit taxation. 

Under such conditions, stagflation can become not merely a cyclical outcome but an institutional equilibrium. Policies intended to suppress inflation in the short run—subsidies, administrative pricing agreements, and coordinated market interventions—gradually weaken the supply responses necessary to stabilize the economy. 

The result is a policy environment in which inflation persists, growth weakens, and intervention expands—reinforcing the very dynamics policymakers initially sought to prevent.

XVI. Conclusion: The Adjustment That Has Been Delayed 

While the developments described above do not yet constitute a full stagflationary crisis, they reveal the early stages of a process that historically unfolds in recognizable sequence. 

Inflationary pressures typically emerge first under conditions of monetary accommodation and fiscal expansion. When supply disruptions occur in such an environment, rising input costs begin to propagate through the production structure. If policy responses attempt to suppress the resulting price signals—through subsidies, negotiated price restraint, or administrative coordination—the adjustment process does not disappear. It simply shifts location. 

Instead of being resolved through market pricing, the pressure accumulates within the production system. Producers absorb losses, inventories are drawn down, and investment slows. Over time, supply responsiveness weakens as firms scale back operations or exit markets altogether. 

The resulting configuration reflects the interaction of liquidity expansion, fiscal subsidies, and supply disruptions within a system where price signals are increasingly constrained. Demand is sustained through transfers and credit support even as rising costs erode productive capacity. Under such conditions, inflationary pressure does not dissipate; it is displaced—reappearing later through shortages, reduced output, or both. 

Many of the mechanisms that historically generate stagflation are therefore already visible in the Philippine economy: rising input costs, sustained liquidity expansion, widening fiscal intervention, weakening supply responses, and increasing reliance on administrative price management. 

What appears today as temporary stability may instead represent the delayed adjustment of an economic system whose imbalances are already surfacing. 

This adjustment may also unfold within a broader global environment that increasingly resembles earlier stagflationary eras. Rising geopolitical tensions, expanding defense expenditures, and the gradual re-emergence of war-economy dynamics suggest that inflationary pressures may not be purely cyclical

Rather, they may reflect deeper structural shifts in the international system—shifts that interact with domestic policy distortions and amplify the economic stresses already visible across sectors.

 


 


Sunday, March 29, 2026

EO-110 and the Politics of Price Suppression: How the Energy Emergency Is Becoming a Nationwide Economic Intervention

 

Economics does not say that isolated government interference with the prices of only one commodity or a few commodities is unfair, bad, or unfeasible. It says that such interference produces results contrary to its purpose, that it makes conditions worse, not better, from the point of view of the government and those backing its interference—Ludwig von Mises 

In this issue:

EO-110 and the Politics of Price Suppression: How the Energy Emergency Is Becoming a Nationwide Economic Intervention

I. From Oil Shock to Emergency Response

II. The Rice Policy Template

III. Administrative Pricing Returns: The Suspension of the Power Spot Market

IV. Price Control Proof Is Already in the Streets: Shortages Appear

V. Crisis Messaging and Political Theater

VI. Crony Gains in an Energy Emergency

VII. The Financial Stability Motive

VIII. Markets Push Back

IX. Intervention Begets Intervention

X. Echoes of the Energy Crisis—Marcos Sr. vs Marcos Jr.

XI. Conclusion: Suppressing Scarcity, Shifting the Pressure 

EO-110 and the Politics of Price Suppression: How the Energy Emergency Is Becoming a Nationwide Economic Intervention 

How EO-110, emergency powers, and BSP policy are converging into a nationwide price-control regime. 

I. From Oil Shock to Emergency Response 

In a previous report, we warned that the Philippines might be entering the early stages of an oil shock.

Events over the past week suggest the policy response is now accelerating. 

Within a span of only a few days, the government has rolled out an unusually rapid sequence of interventions. 

  • On March 24, the administration issued Executive Order 110, declaring a national energy emergency.
  • On March 25, Congress moved to grant emergency authority to suspend fuel excise taxes.
  • On March 26, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) held an off-cycle policy meeting and decided to keep interest rates unchanged. 

Each step has been framed as an effort to protect consumers from the impact of rising energy costs. 

Yet taken together, they reveal something broader: the emergence of an integrated policy approach aimed at suppressing the economic transmission of the oil shock. 

This strategy is not entirely new. 

It closely resembles the template already deployed in another politically sensitive sector—rice. 

II. The Rice Policy Template 

Over the past year, rice policy has increasingly relied on administrative intervention. 

The government imposed maximum suggested retail prices (MSRP), released reserves through the National Food Authority, introduced the highly publicized Php 20 rice program, and deployed fiscal subsidies to farmers and importers. 

In effect, the state has attempted to contain consumer prices by transferring costs elsewhere—through fiscal spending, balance-sheet adjustments, and administrative supply management. 

Public choice theorists such as James M. Buchanan and Geoffrey Brennan in The Power to Tax describe this phenomenon as fiscal illusion: the obscuring of the true cost of government through indirect financing—such as borrowing, inflation, or off-budget transfers—allowing policymakers to sustain the appearance of relief while shifting the burden forward. 

This same policy template now appears to be extending into energy markets. 

The national response to the oil shock has included:

Demands for price controls are also broadening, now encompassing LPG and imported rice. 

As with the rice program, these measures aim to soften the visible price impact of scarcity—while redistributing the underlying costs across the fiscal system and the broader economy.


Figure/Table 1

Policy intervention appears to be expanding sector by sector. Measures initially introduced to stabilize politically sensitive goods are gradually extending into energy markets and financial policy. (Table 1) 

III. Administrative Pricing Returns: The Suspension of the Power Spot Market 

The spread of price suppression is not limited to transport fuels. 

On March 25, the Energy Regulatory Commission ordered the temporary suspension of the Wholesale Electricity Spot Market (WESM) across the Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao grids after simulations suggested electricity prices could surge to around ₱9 per kilowatt-hour amid the Middle East energy shock. 

The WESM is the Philippines’ real-time electricity trading platform, where elite owned and controlled power producers and distributors buy and sell electricity based on supply and demand conditions. Prices in this ‘caged’ market normally fluctuate to reflect fuel costs, generation capacity, and grid constraints. 

By suspending the market, regulators effectively replaced price discovery with administrative allocation. 

The objective is straightforward: prevent a sudden spike in electricity prices from feeding into consumer inflation. 

But the economic implications are significant. 

Spot markets exist precisely to coordinate supply and demand under changing conditions. When prices rise, they signal scarcity and encourage additional generation or conservation. 

Administrative suspension interrupts that signal. 

Instead of electricity being allocated through price adjustments, dispatch decisions increasingly become centralized—determined by regulatory directives rather than market incentives. 

The result may temporarily contain visible price increases, but it also risks creating deeper distortions in the power sector. 

Power producers must now operate under uncertain compensation conditions, while distributors and large consumers lose the market signals that normally guide electricity procurement. 

In effect, one of the country’s most important energy markets has been replaced—at least temporarily—by administrative pricing. 

This development reinforces a broader pattern emerging across sectors: the gradual substitution of price mechanisms with regulatory control. 

But suppressing prices does not eliminate the underlying imbalance between supply and demand. 

As Friedrich Hayek famously argued in The Use of Knowledge in Society, prices function as signals coordinating dispersed knowledge across the economy. Suspending markets may suppress volatility, but it also suppresses the information that allows the system to adjust. 

If we can agree that the economic problem of society is mainly one of rapid adaptation to changes in the particular circumstances of time and place, it would seem to follow that the ultimate decisions must be left to the people who are familiar with these circumstances, who know directly of the relevant changes and of the resources immediately available to meet them 

Or suppressing those signals inevitably disrupts the coordination process. It also shifts the adjustment to other parts of the economy.

Yet authorities have not only suspended WESM; they are reportedly considering permanently repealing the only partially deregulated segment of the energy sector, as well as the removal of VAT. Both measures may provide temporary relief, but such band-aid solutions carry the risk of future unintended consequences. 

Moreover, while reducing taxes may be desirable, without corresponding spending constraints this approach would likely worsen fiscal deficits and heighten the fragility of public finances. 

In effect, short-term interventions may shield consumers today, but they also deepen structural vulnerabilities that could amplify costs tomorrow. 

IV. Price Control Proof Is Already in the Streets: Shortages Appear 

Basic economic theory predicts that price ceilings eventually produce shortages. 

Early signs of this dynamic are already emerging. 

Reports indicate that more than 400 gasoline stations have temporarily closed, citing supply difficulties even as authorities insist that fuel inventories remain sufficient. 

Public transport is showing similar strains. 

Jeepneys in Quezon City and bus operators in Metro Manila (about 20%) and Baguio City (up to 50%) have significantly reduced operations, with stranded commuters and growing protests highlighting the mismatch between controlled fares and rising fuel costs. 

As an aside, this is just the first few days! 

Despite subsidy rollouts, the economics of operating public transport under capped fares have become increasingly difficult.

Figure 2

The result is a classic outcome described in the literature on price ceiling: supply contraction rather than price adjustment. (Figure 2, upper window) 

Retail markets are beginning to reflect the same pressures. 

Supermarkets and some food manufacturers have signaled price increases beginning April 1, reversing a March commitment to uphold a temporary two-month price freeze. The Department of Trade and Industry (DTI), however, insists that any price adjustments should not take effect until April 16. 

In the aviation sector, the pattern has been equally revealing. 

After the president warned that aircraft might be grounded if fuel shortages worsened, Philippine Airlines assured the public that jet fuel supplies were sufficient for the ‘foreseeable future.” 

Shortly afterward, the airline quietly cut several domestic and international flight routes  suggesting fuel conservation moves. 

These episodes illustrate a recurring feature of interventionist policy regimes: the widening gap between official reassurance and market behavior. 

V. Crisis Messaging and Political Theater 

Public messaging surrounding the energy situation has evolved rapidly. 

Initially, officials emphasized that there was ‘no energy crisis.’ 

More recently, the government has declared an energy emergency while simultaneously insisting that there is still no reason to panic. 

The pattern echoes a famous observation often attributed to Otto von Bismarck:
never believe anything until it has been officially denied. 

Policy actions suggest a far more serious assessment than the rhetoric implies. 

Authorities have begun cracking down on alleged fuel hoarding, floated the possibility of repealing elements of the country’s oil deregulation law, and raised the prospect of removing the value-added tax on petroleum products (as noted above). 

At the extreme end of the policy spectrum, discussions have even surfaced about the possibility of an energy lockdown should supply conditions deteriorate further. 

As political economist Albert O. Hirschman observed in The Rhetoric of Reaction, crisis politics often produces a distinctive rhetorical pattern: policies framed as temporary necessities gradually become permanent features of governance. 

Taken together, these measures suggest a steady expansion of administrative control not only over the energy sector, but more broadly across society. 

VI. Crony Gains in an Energy Emergency 

While the policy framework emphasizes consumer protection, the distribution of benefits within the energy sector tells a more complex story. 

Several large corporate groups appear poised to gain from the shifting landscape. 

Petron Corporation, a subsidiary of San Miguel Corporation (SMC), has reportedly sourced discounted Russian crude, including last week’s shipments of roughly 700,000 barrels. 

At the same time, Tycoon and SMC chair, Ramon S. Ang has revived proposals for the government to acquire Petron—a move that could effectively transfer part of the firm’s humungous debt burden onto the public balance sheet. 

Such a shift reflects what Gordon Tullock described as rent-seeking dynamics: firms capture gains during favorable market conditions, yet seek to socialize losses when the cycle turns. Private upside, public downside. 

Other developments point in a similar direction. Amid public pressure against coal, policymakers have signaled support for its “temporary” expansion under the banner of energy security—even as official rhetoric continues to favor renewables. 

Despite its political unpopularity, Department of Energy data indicate that coal accounted for an all-time high 62% of gross power generation in 2024. (Figure 2, lower image) 

A subsidiary of Manila Electric Company, Meralco PowerGen Corp. (MGEN), has reportedly expressed interest in assets linked to Semirara Mining and Power Corporation (PSE: SCC). 

Notably, some of these assets had already been subjected to regulatory or contractual rebidding processes prior to the current crisis.  

In that context, the present moment may be less a sudden policy shift than an acceleration of an existing trajectory—one in which administrative actions reshape ownership and market structure. The result is a coal sector that may not only revive, but consolidate under a few hands through policy-mediated channels.

Meanwhile, announcements surrounding the Camago-3 field within the Malampaya Phase 4 gas field development have been presented as evidence of incoming domestic supply. Yet such projects typically take years to materially affect output, and gas contracts remain indexed to global prices.  Absent subsidies, price relief is unlikely in the near term. For now, these announcements function more as reassurance than resolution. 

While the timing of benefits to consumers remains uncertain, the consortium—particularly Tycoon Enrique Razon led Prime Energy—is clearly positioned to capture upstream gains 

As Mancur Olson observed in The Rise and Decline of Nations, crises tend to strengthen “distributional coalitions”—organized interests that secure concentrated benefits while dispersing costs across the broader public. 

The pattern is hardly new. Frédéric Bastiat, in The Law, warned that when the state becomes an instrument for particular interests to extract from the public, law itself is transformed—from a protector of rights into a vehicle for legalized transfer. 

The emerging picture suggests not merely an energy response, but a reconfiguration of advantage. The beneficiaries appear to be those corporate groups already positioned to consolidate and potentially cartelize segments of the country’s energy supply chain. 

In effect, the crisis is not only redistributing costs—it also seems to be concentrating access to resources, decision-making power, and control in fewer hands. 

VII. The Financial Stability Motive 

The government’s intervention in energy and monetary policy may extend beyond protecting consumers. 

Energy shocks transmit rapidly through the financial system: higher fuel prices feed into consumer inflation, which in turn pressures the central bank to tighten policy. The BSP recently revised its 2026 inflation forecast to 5.1%—well above its 2–4% target, underscoring the magnitude of underlying price pressures. Rising interest rates reduce asset valuations and weaken collateral across the banking system.


Figure 3 

As an aside, the BSP’s 5.1% 2026 inflation forecast reveals much about their expectations. With January and February CPI at 2% and 2.4%, this implies that the average CPI for the remaining ten months would need to reach roughly 5.68%. Such a trajectory would push monthly CPI above 6%, potentially testing or exceeding the 8.7% high recorded in February 2023! If realized, this would reinforce what appears to be our long projected third wave of the CPI cycle since 2015. (Figure 3, upper graph) 

Banks in the Philippines are heavily exposed to property lending and government securities. A rapid rise in rates could trigger cascading balance-sheet pressures—falling bond prices, declining property valuations, and rising non-performing loans. From this perspective, suppressing the visible impact of the oil shock may help delay financial tightening. 

The BSP’s off-cycle decision to hold policy rates steady has been widely interpreted as part of this stabilization effort. Officials from the Bureau of the Treasury have acknowledged or admitted that maintaining stable borrowing conditions in the bond market was an important consideration. 

In effect, the policy response aims to keep inflation, interest rates, and asset prices contained simultaneously. 

These constraints are consistent with the structural limitations faced by semi-peripheral economies. The Philippines’ persistent savings–investment gap makes it reliant on external capital, which limits independent monetary policy and exposes the financial system to global market pressures. As Giovanni Arrighi observed, countries in the semi-periphery are structurally dependent on foreign financing and currency, leaving central banks with limited room to maneuver. 

The BSP is therefore not simply choosing between “good” and “bad” options; it is deciding which part of the balance sheet to protect first. 

VIII. Markets Push Back 

Financial markets rarely remain passive. The US dollar–Philippine peso exchange rate has surged to a record 60.55, marking a historic low for the peso. 

At the same time, government bond yields—particularly in the one- to seven-year segment—have moved decisively higher, underscoring growing unease about fiscal stability and inflation risks. (Figure 3, lower chart) 

Although Philippine equity markets have declined, trading patterns suggest that downside volatility is being deliberately managed, or at least cushioned, within the heavily weighted components of the PSEi-30 index. 

The market’s verdict appears clear: the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) is likely to absorb external pressures through currency adjustment rather than aggressive rate hikes and use of reserves, constrained by fiscal realities. 

Inflation is nearing 5%, with second-round effects increasingly visible across transport, food, fertilizer, and electricity costs. These pressures are no longer isolated—they are feeding into broader economic feedback loops. 

Meanwhile, signs of strain are becoming more evident across the broader economy. 

The retail sector continues to undergo restructuring. Marks & Spencer has withdrawn its operations despite earlier signals of recalibration, while Robinsons Retail has announced the closure of its No Brand outlets. The conglomerate is also reportedly considering the possibility of delisting from the Philippine Stock Exchange. 

Taken together, these developments may reflect more than isolated corporate decisions. They point to a tightening environment for both consumers and listed firms, as financing conditions gradually shift and economic pressures intensify.

IX. Intervention Begets Intervention


Figure/Table 4

Intervention often follows a self-reinforcing cycle. Initial controls distort market signals, producing shortages that then justify further administrative action. (Figure 4) 

The trajectory of recent policy decisions follows a pattern long recognized in economic theory.

Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises argued that partial government intervention in markets tends to generate unintended distortions that eventually require additional intervention. 

Wrote the great von Mises 

Price control is contrary to purpose if it is limited to some commodities only. It cannot work satisfactorily within a market economy. The endeavors to make it work must enlarge the sphere of the commodities subject to price control until the prices of all commodities and services are regulated by authoritarian decree and the market ceases to work.

Either production can be directed by the prices fixed on the market by the buying or the abstention from buying on the part of the public; or it can be directed by the government’s offices. There is no third solution available. Government control of a part of prices only results in a state of affairs which—without any exception—everybody considers as absurd and contrary to purpose. Its inevitable result is chaos and social unrest. 

The preeminent Dean of Austrian School of Economics, Murray Rothbard’s concept of triangular intervention helps explain how regulating one set of exchanges can distort others, setting off a chain of interventions across sectors. 

A triangular intervention occurs when an intervener either compels a pair of people to make an exchange or prohibits them from making an exchange. The coercion may be imposed on the terms of the exchange or on the nature of one or both of the products being exchanged or on the people doing the exchanging… 

Directly, the utility of at least one set of exchangers will be injured by the control. Indirectly, as we find by further analysis, hidden, but just as certain, effects injure a substantial number of people who thought they would gain in utility from the imposed controls. The announced aim of a maximum price control is to benefit the consumer by giving him his supply at a lower price; yet the objective effect is to prevent many consumers from having the good at all. The announced aim of a minimum price control is to insure higher prices to the sellers; yet the effect will be to prevent many sellers from selling any of their surplus. Furthermore, the price controls inevitably distort the production and allocation of resources and factors in the economy, thereby injuring again the bulk of consumers. And we must not overlook the army of bureaucrats who must be financed by the binary intervention of taxation and who must administer and enforce the myriad of regulations. This army, in itself, withdraws a mass of workers from productive labor and saddles them onto the remaining producers—thereby benefiting the bureaucrats, but injuring the rest of the people. 

More broadly, the expansion of state authority during crises was famously analyzed by historian Robert Higgs, who observed that emergency conditions often lead to permanent increases in government control over economic activity. 

The emerging policy response to the oil shock appears to be following this familiar path.

  • Price controls lead to shortages.
  • Shortages trigger enforcement actions.
  • Enforcement expands administrative authority.
  • Administrative authority creates new political and economic beneficiaries. 

The cycle then repeats.

X. Echoes of the Energy Crisis—Marcos Sr. vs Marcos Jr. 

The Philippines has confronted energy shocks before. But the institutional setting of the crisis today differs profoundly from the one that shaped the policy response half a century ago. 

During the global oil shocks of the 1970s—particularly the 1973 Oil Crisis and 1979 Oil Crisis—the Philippines was already operating under authoritarian rule. Ferdinand Marcos Sr. had declared Martial Law in the Philippines in September 1972, consolidating political power and weakening institutional checks on executive authority. 

Energy policy therefore unfolded within a centralized political system capable of imposing controls, directing credit, and reorganizing industries with limited resistance. 

The current oil shock, by contrast, is unfolding under the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos Jr. within a formally democratic political structure. Instead of authoritarian command, policy is emerging through a rapid layering of interventions—executive orders, emergency powers, regulatory suspensions, subsidies, and monetary accommodation. 

This difference matters.


Figure/Table 5
 

Energy shocks have struck the Philippines under both Marcos administrations. The key difference lies in the institutional pathway of intervention: centralized command under martial law in the 1970s versus layered regulatory and fiscal intervention within a democratic framework today. (Figure/Table 5) 

In the 1970s, authoritarian institutions allowed the state to impose controls directly and sustain them over time. Today, similar economic objectives must be pursued through a more fragmented political process involving subsidies, administrative pricing, and financial policy coordination. 

Yet the economic trajectory may still converge. 

The interventionist policies of the 1970s ultimately culminated in the Philippine external debt crisis of 1983, when mounting fiscal deficits, rising external borrowing, and weakening investor confidence forced a restructuring of sovereign obligations. 

Today’s macroeconomic backdrop exhibits its own form of imbalance. 

Fiscal deficits remain historically elevated. Public debt has risen sharply relative to national output. Liquidity conditions—reflected in rapid monetary expansion and sustained deficit financing—have reached levels rarely seen in the country’s economic history. 

Measured as shares of GDP, many of these indicators appear manageable. But GDP itself increasingly reflects government spending and credit expansion rather than productivity growth. 

In that sense, the underlying dynamics bear an uncomfortable resemblance to the earlier era.

The key difference is speed. 

During the 1970s, the accumulation of distortions took years to unfold. Today, early symptoms are appearing within days of the policy response. 

Transport shortages are already emerging only days after the declaration of the energy emergency. If such distortions persist, the policy logic may lead to further escalation: larger subsidies, deeper price controls, emergency procurement programs, and expanding administrative authority. 

Economic crises have historically been fertile ground for political centralization. Severe shocks—whether economic, geopolitical, or social—often generate the conditions under which governments justify extraordinary powers. 

The Philippines’ current constitutional framework imposes safeguards against such outcomes. Yet history also shows that institutional constraints can erode rapidly under sustained crisis conditions. 

Whether today’s oil shock remains an economic problem—or evolves into a broader political one—will depend less on official assurances than on the incentives shaping policy decisions in the months ahead. 

XI. Conclusion: Suppressing Scarcity, Shifting the Pressure 

The oil shock may only be the beginning. EO-110 could come to be seen not as a solution, but as the opening phase of a broader cycle of intervention. 

From rice to fuel, from transportation to energy markets, policy is increasingly aimed at suppressing how rising costs flow through the economy—seeking to contain inflation, stabilize financial conditions, and preserve asset values. 

Yet economic reality rarely accommodates such efforts for long. Suppressing prices does not remove scarcity; it merely redirects it. The adjustment reemerges elsewhere—through fiscal strain, currency pressure, supply disruptions, or financial instability. 

The Philippines may therefore be entering not just an energy emergency, but a wider economic experiment: an attempt to delay market adjustment through expanding intervention. History suggests these efforts seldom end as intended. 

The real question is no longer whether adjustment will occur—but where the pressure will surface next.