Showing posts with label prediction failures. Show all posts
Showing posts with label prediction failures. Show all posts

Sunday, February 08, 2026

Liquidity Without Output: The Balance-Sheet Recession Behind the Philippines’ Q4 and 2025 GDP Slowdown

   

People don’t realize how hard it is to speak the truth to a world full of people who don’t realize they’re living a lie– Edward Snowden 

In this issue

Liquidity Without Output: The Balance-Sheet Recession Behind the Philippines’ Q4 and 2025 GDP Slowdown

I. Q4 GDP Plunge: From Accommodation to Balance-Sheet

IA. Not a Shock, a Signal: Context Before the Q4 GDP Collapse

IB. Policy Accommodation Without Growth

IC. From Accommodation to Balance-Sheet Stress: The Currency Signal

ID. Debt-Financed Growth: When GDP Expansion Is Fully Absorbed by the State

IE. Liquidity Without Output: January CPI as Leakage

IF. Labor Market Confirmation, Not Contradiction

II. Why Institutions Miss Turning Points

IIA. The Jobs and Poverty Paradox

IIB. Corruption as Symptom, Not Cause

IIC. Public Spending Held Up — It Was Construction That Slumped, and Households That Broke

IID. Crowding Out and the Long Decline of Household Consumption

III. Select GDP Highlights

IIIA. Industrial Stress: Electricity GDP Enters Recession, Policy Scaffolding: Stabilizing Cash Flows, Not Demand

IIIB. Export Strength Without Domestic Production; External Demand Masks Weak Domestic Absorption

IIIC. Trade Expansion Signals Supply-Side Outgrowth; Real Estate Growth Amid Record Vacancies

IIID. Financial Sector Expansion Through Refinancing and Forbearance

IIIE. The Core Contradiction: GDP Without Balance-Sheet Healing

IV. Political Economy as Verdict, Not Sidebar

IVA. Entrenchment, Not Episodic Failure

IVB. The Political Economy Loop

IVC. Conclusion Spending as Sacred — Cost as Afterthought 

Liquidity Without Output: The Balance-Sheet Recession Behind the Philippines’ Q4 and 2025 GDP Slowdown 

Why record liquidity, rising debt, and policy accommodation failed to revive growth

I. Q4 GDP Plunge: From Accommodation to Balance-Sheet 

IA. Not a Shock, a Signal: Context Before the Q4 GDP Collapse 

Several things must be established before discussing the jarring drop in Philippine economic performance to 3.0% in Q4 2025 and 4.4% for full-year 2025. 

This was not an isolated surprise. Q3 2025 GDP was revised downward from 4.0% to 3.0%, retroactively weakening what was already a soft quarter. 

Q4 then arrived as yet another "shocker," printing well below consensus estimates clustered around 4.0–4.2%, mirroring forecasting failures seen repeatedly at major inflection points.

IB. Policy Accommodation Without Growth 

The slowdown occurred despite aggressive policy accommodation.


Figure 1

Since mid-2024, the BSP has clearly shifted toward easing. Policy rates were reduced cumulativelyreserve requirements were cut sharply, and bank deposit insurance coverage was doubled — all measures explicitly designed to support liquidity, stabilize the banking system, and revive credit transmission. At the same time, fiscal deficits returned to near-pandemic magnitudes. (Figure1, upper window) 

Yet growth continued to deteriorate. 

This divergence between policy stimulus and economic outcome is the central puzzle that headline narratives avoid. 

IC. From Accommodation to Balance-Sheet Stress: The Currency Signal 

The divergence between aggressive policy accommodation and deteriorating growth did not remain abstract. It surfaced explicitly in the monetary data. 

In December, currency in circulation/currency issuance surged by a staggering 17.7% year-on-year (YoY), marking the largest net increase in peso issuance on record, exceeding even the BSP’s pandemic-era liquidity response in 2020! (Figure 1 lower chart) 

Importantly, this spike occurred on top of an already elevated currency base, pushing the peso stock to a new structural high rather than merely reflecting a low base effect. 

This was not a seasonal cash phenomenonNor was it demand-driven. The surge coincided with GDP growth slowing to 3.0%, rising bond yields, and mounting evidence of balance-sheet strain across the financial system. 

In past cycles, expansions of this magnitude occurred only under acute stress conditions. 

The mechanics matter. 

By late 2025, banks had absorbed unprecedented government durationNet claims on the central government (NCoCG) rose 11% year-on-year to a record Php 5.888 trillion (as of November 2025), while hold-to-maturity securities (HTM) climbed to Php 4.077 trillion, locking balance sheets into long-dated, illiquid assets amid a rising yield environment.


Figure 2
 

Liquidity buffers have been deteriorating quietly for years: cash-to-deposit ratios have fallen to all-time lows, while liquid-assets-to-deposit ratios have retraced to levels last seen during the 2020 pandemic stress episode. (Figure 2, topmost pane) 

December exposed the constraintLiabilities to other depository corporations (ODC) collapsed by 35.5%, consistent with banks drawing down reserves toward effective reserve-requirement limits, while BSP bills outstanding declined sharply, signaling that banks were no longer willing or able to park liquidity even in short-term central bank instruments. With reserves and bills exhausted, liquidity preference shifted toward base money.  (Figure 2, middle image) 

The BSP accommodated this shift through record currency issuance, not to stimulate demand, but to prevent funding and settlement stressThis was not FX-driven monetization: headline reserve stability or international reserves was supported largely by gold valuation effects, foreign investments declined, and net foreign assets rose only modestly and liability-heavy. Peso liquidity creation occurred domestically, as a balance-sheet response to system-level strain. 

The Philippine treasury yield curve confirms the diagnosis. A bearish flattening from the front to the belly, alongside rising long-end yields, indicates tightening financial conditions despite liquidity injection. Monetary accommodation failed to translate into easier credit or stronger activity; instead, it morphed into defensive liquidity provision

In this context, the record surge in currency issuance was not an anomaly — it was a signalPolicy support did not revive growth because it was absorbed by balance-sheet repair, fiscal absorption, and liquidity preservation rather than by new consumption or productive investment. 

ID. Debt-Financed Growth: When GDP Expansion Is Fully Absorbed by the State 

2025 underscored the MOST critical — and least acknowledged — feature of recent Philippine GDP growth: its dependence on public debt expansion. 

Public debt rose 10.32% year-on-year, increasing by Php 1.656 trillion from Php 16.051 trillion to a record Php 17.71 trillion

Over the same period, nominal GDP (NGDP) increased by Php1.568 trillion, rising from Php 26.224 trillion in 2024 to Php 28.014 trillion, while real GDP expanded (RGDP) by just Php 979.5 billion, from Php22.244 trillion to Php23.223 trillion. (Figure 2, lowest diagram) 

Outside of the pandemic recession, this marks the first instance in modern Philippine data where the net increase in public debt EXCEEDED the net increase in nominal GDP. Put differently, the entirety of net economic expansion was fully matched — and slightly surpassed  by new government borrowing, even before accounting for private-sector leverage. 

This distinction matters. Conventional debt-to-GDP metrics obscure the underlying dynamic because deficit-financed spending has become the primary driver of GDP itself. In such a regime, rising debt ratios no longer merely reflect cyclical stimulus; they signal structural centralization of economic activity, where incremental growth accrues increasingly to the public sector while private balance sheets stagnate or retrench.


Figure 3

Consistent with this shift, the public debt-to-GDP ratio climbed sharply from 60.7% in 2024 to 63.2% in 2025, the highest level since 2005. Rather than indicating temporary countercyclical support, the data point to a growth model in which more government activity SUBSTITUTES for — rather than catalyzes — private-sector expansion. (Figure 3, topmost graph) 

GDP rose. But balance-sheet healing did not. 

IE. Liquidity Without Output: January CPI as Leakage 

January’s 2% CPI (inflation) print should not be read as a demand revival. It is better understood as liquidity leakage — the price-level consequence of record peso issuance interacting with constrained supply, weak productivity, and balance-sheet stress

Following the BSP’s late-2025 liquidity surge — coinciding with record currency issuance and a historic USDPHP depreciation — headline CPI rose to 2.0%, officially attributed to rents and utilities. This attribution is revealing rather than exculpatory. Housing costs and regulated utilities are precisely the sectors most sensitive to excess liquidityFX pass-through, and policy-mediated pricing, not organic demand strength. (Figure 3, middle visual) 

Crucially, this inflation impulse arrived without a corresponding expansion in real output or household purchasing power. As shown earlier, the net increase in GDP was fully absorbed by public debt expansion, leaving little room for private-sector income growth. Liquidity thus surfaced not as consumption-led growth, but as cost pressure, disproportionately borne by middle- and lower-income households. 

The electricity sector provides a concrete transmission channel. With real electricity GDP already in recessionpolicy interventions — including RPT accommodations, GEA-mandated pass-throughs, and the SMC–AEV–Meralco restructuring framework — function as cash-flow stabilizers rather than demand enhancers. These mechanisms preserve operator solvency and bank exposures, but shift cost burdens downstream to consumers through tariffs and ancillary charges, reinforcing CPI pressures even as physical demand stagnates. 

This dynamic helps explain why January CPI firmed despite weakening household fundamentals. Inflation, in this context, is not a sign of overheating. It is a symptom of liquidity misallocation — money created and absorbed within balance-sheet and regulated sectors, leaking into prices without generating commensurate output, productivity, or wage gains. 

IF. Labor Market Confirmation, Not Contradiction 

Employment data reinforce — rather than offset — this interpretation. 

While December’s month-on-month employment figures showed little change, employment rates declined from 96.2% in Q3 to 95.6% in Q4, consistent with the multi-year deceleration in per-capita consumption. (Figure 3, lowest image) 

Headline labor statistics obscure deeper structural weaknesses: persistently high functional illiteracydeclining educational proficiency from Grades 3 to 12, and deteriorating job quality limit productivity and suppress real income growth. 

In this environment, modest inflation increases translate rapidly into real income compression, particularly for households with limited bargaining power and high exposure to food, rent, utilities, and transport costs.


Figure 4

Record USDPHP levels amplify these pressures through import costs and energy pricing, while liquidity-driven CPI erodes purchasing power faster than nominal wages adjust. (Figure 4, topmost pane) 

The result is a stagflationary configuration: prices rising modestly but persistently, employment participation softening at the margin, and real household resilience deteriorating beneath superficially stable aggregates. 

December’s employment data thus serve as validation, not a counterweight, to the inflation signal. 

II. Why Institutions Miss Turning Points 

This section consolidates four commonly treated as separate problems — peso-denominated GDP misreading, consensus forecasting failure, the credit-growth paradox, and principal–agent distortions — into a single institutional explanation for why macro turning points are repeatedly missed. 

The repeated failure to anticipate — or even recognize — macro turning points is not accidental. It reflects structural blind spots embedded in both the data emphasized and the incentives governing their interpretation. 

Public discourse fixates on percentage growth rates while neglecting peso-denominated GDP levels and trends, obscuring the extent to which recent expansions have been driven by base effects, debt-financed activity, and balance-sheet repair rather than organic demand. (Figure 4, middle chart) 

When nominal output growth is examined alongside credit expansion, the disconnect becomes apparent: leverage rose, liquidity expanded, yet final demand and productive investment failed to follow. 

This disconnect exposes a deeper institutional bias. Credit growth, in nominal terms, remained brisk and at record levels — but the spending it should have financed never materialized. The most plausible explanation is not an acceleration of consumption or investment, but refinancing, rollover activity, and balance-sheet preservation among already leveraged borrowers. Credit existed, but it circulated within the financial system rather than transmitting to the real economy

Forecasting errors at major inflection points flow naturally from this framework. Consensus projections cluster safely around official targets because institutional managers optimize for career safety, benchmark adherence, and signaling compliance, not for early or accurate macroeconomic diagnosis. Being conventionally wrong is less costly than being unconventionally right — a dynamic John Maynard Keynes captured succinctly when he observed that "worldly wisdom teaches that it is better for reputation to fail conventionally than to succeed unconventionally." 

These principal–agent distortions ensure that warning signals — peso GDP deceleration, debt absorption, liquidity hoarding, and declining multipliers — are downplayed until they can no longer be ignoredBy then, the slowdown is framed as an exogenous shock rather than the predictable outcome of accumulated imbalances. 

IIA. The Jobs and Poverty Paradox 

Paradoxically, authorities took a victory lap, citing exceeded targets in job creation and poverty reduction for 2025

Weakening GDP growth, rising balance-sheet leverage, and persistent price pressures are difficult to reconcile with a sustained expansion in employment. Slower output growth constrains firms’ revenue expectations, higher leverage limits risk-taking and new hiring, and elevated input costs compress margins. Together, these dynamics weaken the incentive and capacity of firms to add jobs. 

If one or all of these forces are magnified in 2026, the economy risks shifting from a cyclical slowdown to a more structural drag: employment growth could decelerate, informalization may rise, and productivity-enhancing investment could be deferred as firms prioritize liquidity preservation over expansion. 

Additional regulatory pressures—such as higher minimum wages—would further complicate this adjustment, particularly for MSMEs, which account for the bulk of employment. For smaller firms with limited pricing power and thin margins, higher labor costs may translate into slower hiring, reduced hours, or a shift toward informal labor, rather than higher real incomes or improved job quality. 

Once again, these dynamics are even harder to reconcile with persistently high functional illiteracy and mounting evidence of declining educational proficiency among Filipino learners from Grades 3 to 12. Weak human capital outcomes constrain labor productivity and employability, limiting the economy’s capacity to generate higher-quality jobs even in periods of credit expansion. 

They are equally difficult to square with surveys that continue to report elevated self-rated poverty and hunger, notwithstanding modest improvements in Q4 2025. (Figure 4, lowest images) 

Such indicators tend to lag headline growth and are highly sensitive to inflation, labor market quality, and household debt servicing costs. 

As economic pressures intensify, these measures are more likely to deteriorate than improve. A slowing economy does not remain an abstract macro concept; it ultimately surfaces in household balance sheets—through weaker income growth, reduced job security, higher debt burdens, and diminished resilience to shocks. 

IIB. Corruption as Symptom, Not Cause 

Public discourse has instead fixated on a simplistic (black and white) equation: corruption equals low GDP equals economic paralysis

Moral signaling may sound persuasive, but it confuses symptoms for causes.

Figure 5

Even the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) chart shows that recently exposed corruption scandals, including those linked to flood-control projects, merely accelerated a slowdown already underway. The deceleration began after the BSP’s banking-system rescue in 2021, with pronounced deterioration starting in Q2 2023 and intensifying over the last two quarters. (Figure 5, topmost visual) 

IIC. Public Spending Held Up — It Was Construction That Slumped, and Households That Broke 

Yes, real government final consumption expenditure (GFCE) slowed sequentially—from 8.7% in Q2 to 5.8% in Q3 and 3.7% in Q4, marking its weakest pace since early 2024. 

Still, full-year 2025 real GFCE expanded by 9.1%, far outpacing 2024’s 7.3%. Consequently, government spending’s share of GDP rose from 14.5% in 2024 to 15.1% in 2025, equaling its 2020 level and approaching the 2021 peak of 15.3%. 

In short, public spending was not cut—it increased. 

The collapse occurred in government construction. The sector contracted for three consecutive quarters in 2025, effectively entering a recession (Q2: –8.2%, Q3: –26.2%, Q4: –41.9%). (Figure 5, middle image) 

The downturn began in Q2 amid election-related spending restrictions and was compounded by the flood control scandal. For the full year, government construction shrank by 17.9%, pulling its share of real GDP down to 4.73% from a record 6.02% in 2024—still above pre-pandemic levels, but a sharp reversal nonetheless. 

However, real government spending and construction together accounted for 19.8% of GDP in 2025—roughly one-fifth—only slightly below the record 20.5% reached in 2024 and 2021. 

This indicates that the government’s drag on GDP stemmed largely from disruptions to ‘Build Better More’ projects rather than from an overall retrenchment in public spending. However, this was not the most pivotal factor behind the broader slowdown. 

The weakest link was households. 

Once government absorption rises and construction volatility disrupts income channels, households become the residual shock absorber 

IID. Crowding Out and the Long Decline of Household Consumption 

The rising share of government final consumption expenditure (GFCE) in GDP since 2005 has coincided with a persistent decline in household consumption’s share, pointing to a long-running crowding-out of private demand. 

Household consumption peaked at 78.6% of GDP in 2003 and has since trended steadily lower, falling to 72.6% in 2025—among the weakest readings on record, comparable only to 2019 and 2024.

Figure 6

In 2025, household consumption per capita growth slowed to 3.7%, its weakest pace since 2021, when the BSP mounted a historic rescue of the banking system. This deceleration pulled per capita GDP growth down to 3.5%, the lowest since 2011. (Figure 6, topmost window) 

However, per capita metrics mask distributional realities: income and consumption gains have been concentrated among higher-income households, while lower-income groups continue to bear the brunt of inflation, weak job quality, and rising debt burdens

The crackdown on flood control corruption could have reverberated across its extensive network of contractors, workers, and local beneficiaries, interrupting income streams and further weighing on household consumption, with the ongoing scandal acting as an accelerant to already-existing demand weakness. 

III. Select GDP Highlights

IIIA. Industrial Stress: Electricity GDP Enters Recession, Policy Scaffolding: Stabilizing Cash Flows, Not Demand

The slowdown is no longer confined to households or government spending. Real electricity GDP has slipped into a recession, a development last observed during the pandemic in Q2–Q3 2020, pointing to deeper industrial weakness. 

After stagnating in Q2, electricity GDP contracted by -1.1% in Q3 2025, worsening to -2.5% in Q4—notably a quarter that is typically strong for consumption. The sector has been in a persistent downtrend since peaking in Q2 2024. (Figure 6, middle chart) 

For the full year 2025, electricity GDP declined by -0.4% and accounted for 81.1% of the Electricity, Steam, Water, and Waste Management sector. 

This two-quarter contraction helps contextualize the extraordinary policy and quasi-fiscal support now directed at the sector. Direct and indirect interventions—including the SMC–AEV–MER transaction, RPT suspensions, and GEA-mandated rate increases passed on to consumers—function as income transfers that stabilize sector cash flows, particularly in favor of renewable energy operators, rather than reflecting underlying demand recovery. 

IIIB. Export Strength Without Domestic Production; External Demand Masks Weak Domestic Absorption 

The national accounts display growing internal inconsistencies. 

Real manufacturing GDP was effectively stagnant in Q3 (+1.3%) and Q4 (+1.6%), even as goods exports surged by 11.6% and 22.8%, respectively. The magnitude of export growth is too large to be explained by foreign-exchange translation or pricing effects alone. Re-exports offer only a partial explanation, as available PSA data do not indicate volumes sufficient to reconcile the gap. (Figure 6, lowest graph) 

The more plausible interpretation is a decoupling between export values and domestic manufacturing value-added, weakening GDP multipliers and masking industrial stagnation. 

This divergence is reinforced by the external accounts. Real exports of goods and services rose 13.2% in Q4, while imports increased by just 3.5%, signaling subdued domestic absorption. 

Export performance continues to support headline GDP, but with limited spillovers into domestic production, employment, or investment. 

IIIC. Trade Expansion Signals Supply-Side Outgrowth; Real Estate Growth Amid Record Vacancies

Figure 7

Despite softening household consumption, real trade GDP expanded by 4.6%, indicating supply-side outgrowth rather than demand-led expansion. This pattern raises the risk of excess capacity, inventory accumulation, and future pricing pressure, particularly in sectors already facing weak end-user demand. 

The real estate sector further illustrates the disconnect between GDP and market fundamentals. Real estate GDP expanded by 4.5%, despite only marginal improvements in occupancy and persistently elevated vacancy rates. 

In a functioning market, excess supply should constrain prices and turnover. The observed growth instead reflects construction pipelines, valuation effects, and policy or regulatory support, rather than successful absorption or improved affordability. 

IIID. Financial Sector Expansion Through Refinancing and Forbearance 

Financial sector growth follows the same logic. Financials expanded by 5.6%, led by banking and insurance, even as both consumers and producers remain under strain. This expansion reflects refinancing activity, loan restructurings, fee income, and margin preservation, aided by regulatory forbearance and delayed loss recognition, rather than new credit formation or productive risk-taking. 

IIIE. The Core Contradiction: GDP Without Balance-Sheet Healing 

The central question is unavoidable: if both consumers and producers are under pressure, how are large-ticket transactions being sustained? 

Elevated vacancy rates should translate into slower real estate turnover and rising credit stress. The absence of immediate deterioration suggests activity is being propped up by refinancing, balance-sheet rollovers, and accounting smoothing, masking underlying fragility rather than resolving it

Taken together, these dynamics point to an economy where headline GDP is increasingly supported by intermediation, policy scaffolding, and financial engineering, while final demand and productive capacity continue to weaken beneath the surface. 

IV. Political Economy as Verdict, Not Sidebar 

IVA. Entrenchment, Not Episodic Failure 

Survey data reinforce what the macro data already imply. When 94% of respondents describe corruption as widespread, the issue is not episodic misconduct but institutional entrenchment. “Widespread” denotes a system that reproduces itself, not isolated moral lapses. 

Recent high-profile cases — including the deportation of a foreign vlogger whose jailhouse documentation led to the dismissal of senior Bureau of Immigration officials — are not aberrations. They are visible manifestations of an underlying structure in which accountability is reactive, selective, and rarely preventative. 

IVB. The Political Economy Loop 

At the core lies a self-reinforcing political economy loop characteristic of ochlocratic, distribution-driven governance: 

  • Ballots confer control.
  • Control enables financing.
  • Financing incentivizes intervention.
  • Intervention multiplies dysfunction.
  • Rinse. Repeat. 

Attempts to ‘depoliticize’ aid distribution miss the structural point. Someone must still execute these programs. Congress appropriates. Bureaucracies implement. Local political actors remain embedded throughout the chain (directly or indirectly), as the flood-control scandal illustrates. 

This loop explains why fiscal expansion, liquidity provision, and bailout mechanisms persist even as their growth efficacy declines. 

Intervention becomes politically necessary not because it works, but because it sustains the system that authorizes it. 

IVC. Conclusion Spending as Sacred — Cost as Afterthought 

Public spending is no longer treated as a policy choice subject to trade-offs, but as a sacred act insulated from cost scrutiny

Authorities now project Php 1.4 billion in Q1 2026 ‘pump-priming’ to support GDP growth, while the enacted 2026 budget has expanded to Php 6.793 trillion, a 7.4% increase over 2025—reinforcing the primacy of scale over efficiency.

What remains conspicuously absent from the discussion is the cost — and the bearer of that cost. 

Recent energy bailout-style interventions — including RPT accommodations, GEA-mandated transfers, and the SMC–AEV–Meralco restructuring framework — function less as growth support than as liquidity bridges. They shift duration and cash-flow risk away from stressed operators and onto banks, consumers, and quasi-public balance sheets, reinforcing the same liquidity pressures already visible in the monetary and inflation data. 

This pattern is not accidental. It reflects an embedded policy ideology, inherited from social-democratic institutional frameworks, that equates economic progress with centralization, scale, and administrative control. In such a regime, intervention becomes the default response to stress, while decentralization, market clearing, and balance-sheet discipline are treated as politically risky or socially unacceptable. 

As a result, genuine market reform is perpetually deferred. Losses are smoothed rather than resolved, costs are socialized rather than priced, and liquidity is injected to preserve stability rather than to restore productivity. The system survives quarter to quarter — but at the expense of private-sector dynamism, household resilience, and long-term growth capacity. 

In this context, slowing GDP, rising debt, tariff pass-throughs, and household strain are not isolated policy failures. They are the logical endgame of an entrenched framework in which spending is reflexive, cost is displaced, and growth is increasingly measured by activity sustained rather than value created. 

What emerges is an unsustainable equilibrium: centralization replaces discipline, coercive redistribution substitutes for price signals, and policy-induced malinvestment is perpetuated in the name of stability — until the system ultimately fails on the very contradictions it suppresses. 

Crisis, under such conditions, is not a shock — it is the system’s resolution. 

____

Selected References 

Prudent Investor Newsletters, USD-PHP at Record Highs: The Three Philippine Fault Lines—Energy Fragility, Fiscal Bailouts, Bank Stress, Substack, December 21, 2025 

Prudent Investor Newsletters, The Oligarchic Bailout Everyone Missed: How the Energy Fragility Now Threatens the Philippine Peso and the Economy, Substack, December 07, 2025 

Prudent Investor Newsletters, Inside the SMC–Meralco–AEV Energy Deal: Asset Transfers That Mask a Systemic Fragility Loop, Substack, November 23, 202 

Prudent Investor Newsletters, The Philippine Q3 2025 “4.0% GDP Shock” That Wasn’t, Substack, November 16, 2025


Sunday, November 16, 2025

The Philippine Q3 2025 “4.0% GDP Shock” That Wasn’t

 

There is enormous inertia — a tyranny of the status quo — in private and especially governmental arrangements. Only a crisis — actual or perceived — produces real change. When that crisis occurs, the actions that are taken depend on the ideas that are lying around. That, I believe, is our basic function: to develop alternatives to existing policies, to keep them alive and available until the politically impossible becomes politically inevitable—Milton Friedman  

In this issue

The Philippine Q3 2025 “4.0% GDP Shock” That Wasn’t

I. Q3 GDP Shock: A Collapse Few Saw Coming; The Loose Cauldron of Policy Support

II. Why Then the Surprise?

III. The Echo Chamber: Forecasting as Optimism Theater

IV. Statistics ≠ Economics: The Public’s Misguided Faith

V. Ground Truth: SEVN as a Proxy — Retail Reality vs. GDP Fiction

VI. The Consumer Slump is Structural, Not Episodic; Hunger as a Better Predictor; CPI Is Not the Whole Story

VII. So What Happened to Q3 GDP?

VIII. Household Per Capita: The Downtrend

IX. The Real Q3 2025 GDP Story: Consumer Slowdown

X. Government Spending Didn’t Collapse — It Held Up Amid Scandal; Public Construction Implosion

XI. External Sector: Trump Tariffs’ Exports Front-Loaded, Imports Slowing

XII. Corruption Is the Symptom; Policy Induced Malinvestment Is the Disease

XIII. Increasing Influence of Public Spending in the Economy

XIV. Crowding Out, Malinvestment, and the Debt Time Bomb

XV. Statistical Mirage: Base Effects and the GDP Deflator

XVI. Testing Support: Fragility in the Data, Institutional Silence

XVII. Overstating GDP via Understating the CPI

XVIII. Real Estate as a Case Study: GDP vs. Corporate Reality

XIX. Calamities and GDP: Human Tragedy vs. Statistical Resilience

XX. Calamities as a Convenient Political Explanation and Bastiat’s Broken Window Fallacy

XXI. Expanding Marcos-nomics: State of Calamity as Fiscal Stimulus

XXII. More Easing? The Rate-Cut Expectations Game

XXIII. A Fiscal Shock in the Making, Black Swan Dynamics

XXIV. Conclusion: Crisis as the Only Reform 

The Philippine Q3 2025 “4.0% GDP Shock” That Wasn’t 

Behind the typhoon-and-scandal headlines lies the real story: a shocked consensus, overstated aggregates, expanded stimulus, and a political economy running on malinvestment.

I. Q3 GDP Shock: A Collapse Few Saw Coming; The Loose Cauldron of Policy Support 

The Philippine government announced that Q3 GDP growth slumped to a mere 4%, the slowest pace since the pandemic recession. This came as a ‘shock’ to mainstream forecasters, who had projected a modest deceleration—not a plunge. 

Statistics must never be viewed in isolation. This GDP print must be seen in context. Q3 unfolded amid a deepening BSP easing cycle—six rate cuts (with a seventh in October or Q4), two RRR reductions, and a doubling of deposit insurance coverage. 

This stimulus-driven environment was reinforced by all-time-high bank lending, particularly in consumer credit, even as employment—though slightly weaker—remained near full employment levels. 

In short, Q3 growth occurred under the most accommodative financial and fiscal conditions in years—a cauldron of policy backstops

II. Why Then the Surprise? 

Forecasting errors were not only widespread—they were flagrant. 

Reuters called the result “shocking,” citing a corruption scandal linked to infrastructure projects that hammered both consumer and investor confidence. The report noted that growth came in “well below the 5.2% forecast in a Reuters poll and significantly weaker than the 5.5% expansion in the previous quarter.” 

BusinessWorld’s survey of 18 economists yielded a median forecast of 5.3%.

Philstar’s poll of six economists projected 5.45%, barely below Q2’s 5.5%. 

A 50-bps drop was labeled a ‘slowdown’? Really? 

That’s not analysis—it’s narrative management. 

Why such a brazen forecasting error? 

III. The Echo Chamber: Forecasting as Optimism Theater 

The DBM chief claimed that Q4 growth would “normalize,” insisting that the 5.5–6.5% full-year target “remains attainable.” 

Implicit in that projection was a soft but stable Q3—a forecast that proved disastrously optimistic

This consensus blindness mirrors past failures: the Q1 2020 COVID shock and the 2022 inflation spike. 

This isn’t ideological—it’s institutional. Forecasts aren’t tools for analysis; they are marketing vehicles for official optimism. Economic statistics are not used to diagnose, but to promote and reassure. 

Hence the futility of “pin-the-tail-on-the-donkey” forecasting: a guessing game played on deeply flawed metrics. 

IV. Statistics ≠ Economics: The Public’s Misguided Faith 

Statistics is NOT economics. 

Despite repeated misses, the public continues to cling to mainstream forecasts. They fail to see the incentive mismatch—institutions seek fees, commissions, and access, while individuals seek returns. 

Agency problems, asymmetric information, and lack of skin in the game define this relationship—core realities that mainstream commentary refuses to admit

V. Ground Truth: SEVN as a Proxy — Retail Reality vs. GDP Fiction


Figure 1 

Take Philippine Seven Corp. [PSE: SEVN]. In Q3: 

  • Revenue rose just 3.8% YoY, its weakest since Q1 2021.
  • Same-store sales contracted 3.9%, the worst since the pandemic.
  • Store count rose 8.6%, yet total sales fell—signaling demand erosion. 

This downtrend, persisting since 2022, mirrors the slowdown in real retail and household consumption GDP, which posted 5.1% and 4.09% in Q3, respectively. (Figure 1, topmost and middle windows) 

Yet the gap between SEVN’s data and official GDP implies potential overestimation in national accounts. 

If major retail chains show a sustained slowdown or outright contraction, then headline consumption growth of 4–5% either overstates economic reality—or implies that GDP should be even weaker than reported. 

These trend declines offer a structural lens into the economy’s underlying deterioration. 

VI. The Consumer Slump is Structural, Not Episodic; Hunger as a Better Predictor; CPI Is Not the Whole Story

The consumer slowdown did not emerge from the corruption scandal or recent natural calamities (earthquakes and typhoons)—it preceded both. The underlying weakness has long been visible to anyone looking beyond the official narrative. 

While economists missed the turn, sentiment data didn’t. 

The SWS hunger survey—a proxy for household stress—proved a far better leading indicator. Its late-September spike revealed deepening hardship among lower- and middle-income Filipinos—mirroring the Q3 GDP plunge. (Figure 1, lowest graph) 

Like SEVN’s revenue and the deceleration in consumption and retail GDP, hunger is not an anomaly—it’s a trend. One that has persisted since the pandemic and now appears to be accelerating.


Figure 2

With CPI steady at 1.4% for two consecutive quarters—assuming the number’s accuracy—the malaise clearly extends beyond price pressures. 

The hunger dilemma reflects deeper economic deterioration: slowing jobs, stagnant wages, weak investments, falling earnings, declining productivity, and eroding savings. (Figure 2, topmost image) 

This is the institutional blind spot—prioritizing political and commercial relationships over truth. 

VII. So What Happened to Q3 GDP? 

Aside from back-to-back typhoons, officials attributed the unexpected slowdown to concerns over the integrity of public spending and further erosion of investor sentiment. 

And it was not just investors. According to Philstar, the DEPDEV (Department of Economy, Planning, and Development) chief said consumer confidence has also been hit by the flood control probes, with many households postponing planned purchases. 

But unless there has been a call for nationwide civil disobedience (à la Gandhi or Etienne de La Boétie), why should people’s daily consumption habits suddenly be affected by politics? 

The reality is more complex. Universal commercial banks’ household loan portfolios surged 23.5% in Q3 2025—marking the 13th consecutive quarter of 20%+ growth. If households weren’t spending, what were they doing with interest-bearing loans? Investing? Speculating? Or simply refinancing old debt? (Figure 2, middle chart) 

VIII. Household Per Capita: The Downtrend 

Meanwhile, real household per capita consumption grew just 3.2%, its lowest since the BSP-sponsored recovery in Q2 2021. This wasn’t an anomaly—it reflected a downtrend in household spending growth since Q1 2022. (Figure 2, lowest visual) 

In short, the corruption scandal was not the root cause but an aggravating circumstance layered atop an existing structural slowdown. 

IX. The Real Q3 2025 GDP Story: Consumer Slowdown

Let us look at the real Q3 2025 expenditure trend, and how it compares with recent periods. 

Q3 2025 (4% GDP):

  • Household spending: +4.1%
  • Government spending: +5.8%
  • Construction spending: –0.5%
  • Gross capital formation: –2.8%
  •  Exports: +7%
  • Imports: +2.6%

Q2 2025 (5.5% GDP): 

  • Household spending: +5.3%
  •  Government spending: +8.7%
  • Capital formation: +1.2%
  • Construction: +0.9%
  • Exports and imports: +4.7%, +3.5%

Q3 2024 (5.2% GDP): 

  • Household spending: +5.2% 
  • Government spending: +5%
  • Capital formation: +12.8%
  • Construction: +9%
  • Exports and imports: –1.3%, +6.5%

X. Government Spending Didn’t Collapse — It Held Up Amid Scandal; Public Construction Implosion 

Despite the corruption scandal, government consumption remained positive and was even higher in Q3 2025 than in Q3 2024. This alone undermines the narrative that the GDP slump was simply "sentiment shock."


Figure 3

Government construction plummeted 26.6%, matching the pandemic lockdown era of Q3 2020. This single line item pulled construction GDP into a mild –0.5% decline. (Figure 3, topmost pane) 

But buried beneath the headline, private construction was strong:

  • Private corporate construction: +14.4%
  • Household construction: +13.3%

These robust figures cushioned the damage from the government crash.

Absent private-sector strength, construction GDP would have mirrored the government collapse. 

Government construction also contracted –8.2% in Q2, reflecting procurement restrictions during the midterm election ban. 

As we already noted last September: (bold original) 

"Many large firms are structurally tied to public projects, and the economy’s current momentum leans heavily on credit-fueled activity rather than organic productivity."

"Curtailing infrastructure outlays, even temporarily, risks puncturing GDP optics and exposing the private sector’s underlying weakness." 

The Q3 data has now validated this. 

A large network of sectors tied to public works absorbed the first-round impact—and that ‘shock’ bled into already stressed consumers. 

XI. External Sector: Trump Tariffs’ Exports Front-Loaded, Imports Slowing 

Exports rose +7% in Q3 2025, boosted by front-loading ahead of Trump tariffs

Imports slowed to +2.6%, the weakest pace in recent periods, reflecting consumer retrenchment

This divergence highlights how external momentum was artificially timed, while domestic demand faltered.

XII. Corruption Is the Symptom; Policy Induced Malinvestment Is the Disease

The controversial flood control scandal represents the visible tip of a much deeper corruption iceberg. It is not the anomaly—it is the artifact. 

Political power is, at its core, about monopoly. 

In the Philippines, political dynasties are merely its institutional symptom. The deeper question is: what incentives drive politicians to cling to power, and how do they sustain it? 

Public service often serves as a facade for the real intent: access to political-economic rents, impunity, and the machinery of patronage. Through electoral engineering—name recall, direct and indirect (policy-based) vote-buying, and bureaucratic capture—politicians commodify entitlement, turning public goods into tradable favors.

Dependency is weaponized or transformed into political capital, politicizing people’s basic needs to secure loyalty, votes, and tenure. 

Poverty becomes leverage. 

This erodes the civic ethic of self-reliance and responsibility, and it traps constituents—who participate out of a survival calculus—into legitimizing dynastic monopolies. 

This free-lunch electoral process, built on deepening dependence on ever-growing public funds, represents the social-democratic architecture of a political economy of control, centralization, and extraction—one that incentivizes corruption not as an aberration but as a structural outcome of concentrated power. 

XIII. Increasing Influence of Public Spending in the Economy 

Direct public spending reached 16.1% of 9M 2025 real GDP—the second highest on record after the 2021 lockdown recession.  (Figure 3, middle diagram) 

This figure excludes government construction outlays and the spending of private firms reliant on state contracts and agency revenues, such as PPPs, suppliers, outsourcing, etc. 

In this context, corruption is not merely a moral failure but a symptom of structural defects in the political-economic electoral process, reinforced by the misdirection of resources and finances, which signifies chronic systemic malinvestment. 

GDP metrics mask political decay, economic erosion, and institutional fragility. 

Yet even with statistical concealment, the entropy is visible. 

XIV. Crowding Out, Malinvestment, and the Debt Time Bomb 

The ever-rising share of public spending has coincided with a slowdown in GDP growth. Public outlays now prop up output, while pandemic-level deficits have shrunk the consumer share of GDP. (Figure 3, lowest graph) 

Crowding-out effects, combined with “build-and-they-will-come” malinvestments, have drained savings and forced greater reliance on leverage—weakening real consumption.


Figure 4 

Most alarming, nominal public debt rose Php 1.56 trillion YoY in September, equivalent to 126% of the Php 1.237 trillion increase in nominal GDP over the same period. 126%! (Figure 4, topmost visual) 

As a result, 2025 public debt-to-GDP surged to 65.11%—the highest since 2006. (Figure 4, middle graph) 

Needless to say, Corruption is what we see; malinvestment is what drives the crisis path. 

XV. Statistical Mirage: Base Effects and the GDP Deflator 

Yet, the “shocking” Q3 GDP overstates its actual rate. 

Because the headline GDP growth rate is derived from statistical base effects, almost no analyst examines the underlying price base, which is the most critical determinant of real GDP. The focus is always on the percentage change—never on the structural level from which the change is computed. 

For years, the consensus has touted the goal of “upper middle income status,” equating progress with high GDP numbers. 

But whatever outcome they anticipate, the PSA’s nominal and real GDP price base trends have consistently defied expectations. (Figure 4, lowest chart) 

The primary trend line was violated during the pandemic recession and replaced by a weaker secondary trend line. Statistically, this guarantees that base-effect growth will be slower than what the original trajectory implied. 

The economy is no longer expanding along its pre-pandemic path; it is merely oscillating below it. 

XVI. Testing Support: Fragility in the Data, Institutional Silence 

Recent GDP prints have repeatedly tested support levels. The risk is not an upside breakout but a downside violation—the path consistent with a recession.   

Q3 GDP brought both the nominal and real price base to the brink of its crucial support. A further slowdown could trigger its incursion. 

Yet you hear none of this discussed—despite all this coming straight from government data. 

The silence underscores a broader indictment: statistics are deployed as optimism theater, not as diagnostic tools

XVII. Overstating GDP via Understating the CPI 

And this brings us to a deeper issue that amplifies the problem. 

Real GDP is computed by dividing nominal GDP by the implicit GDP deflator. For the personal consumption component, the PSA uses CPI-based price indices to adjust nominal household spending.


Figure 5

The implicit price index is technically the GDP deflator. (Figure 5, topmost diagram) 

If CPI becomes distorted by widespread price interventions—such as MSRPs, the Php 20-rice rollout, or palay price floors—its measured inflation rate can diverge from actual market conditions. 

Any downward bias in CPI would mechanically lower the corresponding deflators used in the national accounts. 

A lower deflator raises the computed real GDP. 

Thus, even without access to PSA’s internal methodology, the basic statistical relationship still holds: systematic price suppression in CPI-tracked goods would tend to understate the deflator and, in turn, overstate real GDP. 

As noted in our August post: (bold & italics original) 

"Repressing CPI to pad GDP isn’t stewardship—it’s pantomine. A calculated communication strategy designed to preserve public confidence through statistical theater.  

"Within this top-down, social-democratic Keynesian spending framework, the objective is unmistakable: Cheap access to household savings to bankroll political vanity projectsThese are the hallmarks of free lunch politics 

"The illusion of growth props up the illusion of competence. And both are running on borrowed time.  

XVIII. Real Estate as a Case Study: GDP vs. Corporate Reality 

The GDP headline may be overstating growth due to deviations in calculation assumptions or outright political agenda— what I call as "benchmark-ism." 

Consider the revenues of the Top 4 listed developers—SM Prime, Ayala Land, Megaworld, and Robinsons Land. 

Despite abundant bank credit flowing to both supply and demand sides, their aggregate revenues increased only 1.16% in Q3 2025, barely above Q2’s 1.1%. This mirrors the slowing consumer growth trend: since peaking in Q2 2021, revenue growth rates have been steadily declining, leading to the current stagnation. The slowdown also coincides with rising vacancies. Reported revenues may still be overstated, given that the industry faces slowing cash reserves alongside record debt levels. 

Meanwhile, official GDP prints show:

  • Real estate nominal GDP: +6.8%
  • Real estate real GDP: +4.7% 

Yet inflation-adjusted revenues for the Top 4 translate to zero growth—or contraction

Their revenues accounted for 26.4% of nominal real estate GDP in Q3 2025. Real estate’s share of national GDP was 6.2% nominal, 6% real. (Figure 5 middle image) 

This gap between corporate revenues and GDP aggregates suggests statistical inflation of output. 

This highlights a broader point: The industry’s CPI barely explains the wide divergence between revenues and GDP. And this is just one sector. 

Comparing listed company performance with GDP aggregates exposes the disconnect between macro statistics and micro realities, not just episodic shocks—a motif that recurs across retail, consumption, and sentiment indicators. 

Yet, natural calamities—especially typhoons—are often blamed, but their impact on national output is minimal—much like the weak revenue trends, the real slowdown lies deeper than headline statistics suggest. 

XIX. Calamities and GDP: Human Tragedy vs. Statistical Resilience

Despite public perception, the Philippine economy has been structurally resilient to typhoon disruptions—not because disasters are mild, but because GDP barely registers them. 

In Q3 2025, ten tropical cyclones passed through or enhanced the monsoon system, with the July cluster (Crising, Dante, Emong + Habagat) causing an estimated Php 21.3 billion in officially reported damages and the September cluster (Nando/Ragasa, Bualoi/Ompong + Habagat) adding another Php 1.9 billion in infrastructure and agricultural losses. 

The combined Php 23.1 billion destruction sounds enormous, but in macroeconomic terms it is equal to just 0.37% of quarterly nominal GDP. 

This pattern is consistent with past experience: Yolanda (Q4 2013, 5.4%), Odette (Q4 2021, 7.9%), Ompong (Q3 2018, 6.1%), Pablo (Q4 2012, 7.8%), and Glenda (Q3 2014, 5.9%) all inflicted large localized damage yet barely dented national output. (Figure 5, Table) 

The reason is structural: GDP is weighted toward services and urban economic activity, while disasters strike geographically narrow areas. Catastrophic in human terms, typhoons seldom materially affect national accounts. 

The Q3 2025 storms fit the same pattern: human tragedy, fiscal strain, and regional losses—but minimal macroeconomic imprint. Resilience in the data conceals suffering on the ground, because GDP measures transactions, not destroyed livelihoods

XX. Calamities as a Convenient Political Explanation and Bastiat’s Broken Window Fallacy 

Given this historical consistency, attributing the Q3 slowdown to typhoons is politically convenient but analytically weak. It reflects self-attribution bias—positive outcomes are claimed as accomplishments, negative ones pinned on exogenous forces. 

GDP simply does not respond to weather shocks of this scale. At most, calamities intensify pre-existing consumption weakness rather than create it. They add entropy to a deteriorating trend; they do not determine it. 

The same applies to earthquakes. The deadly July 1990 Luzon earthquake claimed over 1,600 lives and caused Php 10 billion in damage, yet Q3 1990 GDP posted +3.7% growth. The slowdown that followed led to a technical recession in Q2 (-1.1%) and Q3 1991 (-1.9%), driven more by political crisis (coup attempts, post-EDSA transition) and the US recession (July 1990–March 1991) than by the quake itself. 

Recovery spending from calamities gets factored into GDP, but as Frédéric Bastiat taught us, this is the broken window fallacy—a diversion of resources, not genuine growth. 

XXI. Expanding Marcos-nomics: State of Calamity as Fiscal Stimulus 

The administration has relied on this same narrative today. 

The cited calamities—Typhoon Tino and Uwan, plus the Cebu and Davao earthquakes—occurred in Q4 2025. These events contributed to entropic consumer conditions but did not create them. 

But their political and bureaucratic timing proved useful. 

Authorities tightened the national price freeze a day before the USD/PHP broke 59 (see reference discussion on the USDPHP breakout) 

Typhoon Tino, followed by Uwan, justified declaring a State of Nationwide Calamity for one year—the longest fixed-term declaration in Philippine history. (By comparison, the COVID-era State of Calamity lasted 2.5 years due to repeated extensions.) 

This one-year window: 

  • Reinforces the price freeze, aggravating distortions.
  • Enables liberalized public spending under relief and rehabilitation cover.
  • Allows budget realignments, procurement exemptions (RA 9184 Sec. 53[b]), calamity/QRF access, and inter-agency mobilization (RA 10121). 

In effect, the national calamity declaration acts as a workaround to the spending constraints imposed by the flood-control corruption scandal. It restores fiscal maneuvering room under the guise of emergency relief and rehabilitation. 

This is emergency Marcos-nomics, designed to lift headline GDP via public-sector outlays—on top of pandemic-level deficits, easy-money liquidity, and the FX soft-peg regime. 

XXII. More Easing? The Rate-Cut Expectations Game 

Layered onto this is the growing consensus expectation of a jumbo BSP rate cut in November. One must ask: 

  • Are establishment institutions applying indirect pressure on the BSP?
  • Or is the BSP conditioning the public for an outsized cut to stem a crisis of confidence? 

Both interpretations are possible—and neither signals macro-stability. 

Meanwhile, supermarkets warn that “noche buena” food items may rise due to relief-driven demand—a symptom of distortions

This is the predictable byproduct of a price-freeze regime: shortages, hoarding, cost-pass-through, and black-market substitution.

XXIII. A Fiscal Shock in the Making, Black Swan Dynamics 

At worst, emergency stimulus during a slowdown widens the deficit and accelerates fiscal deterioration—pushing the economy toward the fiscal shock we warned about in June

"Unless authorities rein in spending—which would drag GDP, risking a recession—a fiscal shock could emerge as early as 2H 2025 or by 2026.  

"If so, expect magnified volatility across stocks, bonds, and the USDPHP exchange rate."


Figure 6 

Market behavior is already signaling intensifying stress: the USDPHP and the PSE remain under pressure despite repeated rescue efforts. (Figure 6) 

XXIV. Conclusion: Crisis as the Only Reform 

A political-economic crisis—a black swan event—doesn’t happen when expected. It occurs because almost everyone is in entrenched denial and complacency, blinded by past resilience. Like substance abuse, they believe unsustainable events can extend indefinitely: It hasn’t happened, so it won’t (appeal to ignorance). 

But history gives us a blueprint: 

economic strains political tensions revolution/reforms

  • EDSA I followed the 1983 debt crisis.
  • EDSA II followed the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis.

Economic strains were visible even before the flood-control scandal. This is Kindleberger’s and Minsky’s late-cycle phase: swindles/fraud/deflacation emerge when liquidity thins, growth slows, tenuous relationships and political coalitions fracture. 

More improprieties—public and private—will surface as slowing growth exposes hidden malfeasance, nonfeasance, and misfeasance. 

The sunk-cost architecture of vested interests, built on free-lunch trickle-down policies, points to a grand finale: either EDSA 3.0 or a putsch. 

A crisis, not politics, will force change. 

To repeat our conclusion last October, 

In the end, because both political and economic structures are ideological and self-reinforcing, reform from within is improbable.  

The deepening economic and financial imbalances will not resolve through policy, but will ventilate through a crisis—again the lessons of the post-1983 debt restructuring of EDSA I and the post-Asian Financial Crisis of EDSA II.  

____

References

Prudent Investor Newsletter, When Free Lunch Politics Meets Fiscal Reality: Lessons from the DPWH Flood Control Scandal, Substack, September 07, 2025 

Prudent Investor Newsletter, The 5.5% Q2 GDP Mirage: How Debt-Fueled Deficit Spending Masks a Slowing Economy, Substack, August 10, 2025 

Prudent Investor Newsletter, Is the Philippines on the Brink of a 2025 Fiscal Shock? Substack, June 08, 2025

Prudent Investor Newsletter, The Political Economy of Corruption: How Social Democracy Became the Engine of Decay, Substack, October 26, 2025 

Prudent Investor Newsletter, The USD-PHP Breaks 59: BSP’s Soft Peg Unravels, Exposing Economic Fragility, Substack, November 02, 2025