Q1 2025 PSEi 30 Performance: Deepening Debt-Driven Gains Amid Slowing Economic Momentum

 

Bulls of 1929 like their 1990s counterparts had their eyes glued on improving profits and stock valuations.  Not a thought was given to the fact that the rising tide of money deluging the stock market came from financial leverage and not from savings-Dr. Kurt Richebacher 

In this issue:

Q1 2025 PSEi 30 Performance: Deepening Debt-Driven Gains Amid Slowing Economic Momentum

I. An Extension of 2024's Fiscal-Monetary Interplay

II. Debt-Led Growth: Fragile Foundations

III. Revenue Growth: Record Highs, Diminishing Returns

IV. Consumer Sector Strains: Retail and Real Estate Under Pressure

V. Net Income Surge: A Paradox of Profitability

VI. Sectoral Performance: Diverging Trends

VII. Top Movers: Individual Firm Highlights

VIII. A Fragile Foundation: The Risks of Fiscal and Financial Leverage

IX. Transparency and Accuracy Concerns

Q1 2025 PSEi 30 Performance: Deepening Debt-Driven Gains Amid Slowing Economic Momentum

Debt-fueled profits mask deeper signs of strain across retail, real estate, and consumer sectors—even as policy easing and fiscal expansion continue.

I. An Extension of 2024's Fiscal-Monetary Interplay 

The PSEi 30’s Q1 2025 performance is largely a continuation of the trends established throughout 2024 and the past decade. 

Fundamentally, it reflects the model of "trickle-down" economic development, underpinned by Keynesian debt-financed spending. This model is anchored primarily on the BSP’s policy of "financial repression"—or sustained easy money—combined with fiscal stabilizers. It has manifested through the persistent "twin deficits," driven by a record-high "savings-investment gap," and rests on the “build and they will come” dogma. 

Q1 2025 also marks the initial impact of the BSP’s first phase of monetary easing, with Q2 expected to reflect the effects of the second round of policy rate and reserve requirement (RRR) cuts. 

At the same time, the all-time high Q1 fiscal deficit—relative to previous first quarters—was clearly reflected in the PSEi 30’s performance. 

Nota Bene:

PSEi 30 data contains redundancies, as consolidated reporting includes both parent firms and their subsidiaries.

Chart Notes:

1A: Based on current index members; may include revisions to past data

1B: Historical comparison; includes only members present during each respective period; based on unaudited releases

 II. Debt-Led Growth: Fragile Foundations

Figure 1

In Q1 2025, non-financial debt among PSEi 30 firms surged by 7.6% to a record Php 5.87 trillion, with a net increase of Php 413 billion, marking the third-highest quarterly rise since 2020. (Figure 1, upper window)         

In context, this debt level accounted for about 17.12% of total financial resources (bank and financial assets), up from 16.92% in 2024, reflecting increased leverage in the financial system 

In addition, bills payable for the top three PSEi 30 banks soared by 117.5%, rising from Php 393 billion to Php 854 billion, a net increase of Php 461 billion, excluding bonds payable. 

This dramatic increase in the bank’s short-term borrowing likely stems from a sharp decline in the banking system’s liquidity metrics—specifically, the cash and due-from-banks-to-deposits ratio and the liquid assets-to-deposits ratio. 

III. Revenue Growth: Record Highs, Diminishing Returns 

Gross revenues for the PSEi 30 rose by 3.92% to a record Php 1.78 trillion in Q1 2025. However, the net revenue increase of Php 67 billion was the smallest in the past four years, signaling a clear deceleration in growth momentum. (Figure 1, lower image)

Figure 2

This revenue softness partly reflected disinflationary trends, as the Consumer Price Index (CPI) fell to 2.3%—marking its third consecutive quarterly decline. (Figure 2, topmost chart) 

This occurred despite the economy operating near full employment, with the average unemployment rate at 4%, all-time high Q1 fiscal deficit, and amid record levels of bank credit growth, particularly in consumer lending. (Figure 2, middle graph) 

Nonetheless, the validity of the near-full employment narrative appears questionable. Our estimates suggest that approximately 32% of the workforce remains 'functionally illiterate,' raising concerns about the accuracy of PSA labor market data. 

Yet, the paradox is telling: even with aggressive fiscal stimulus and sustained easy money policies, economic returns appear to be diminishing. 

The PSEi 30’s revenue slowdown closely mirrored real GDP growth of 5.4% in Q1 2025, reinforcing the broader downtrend. (Figure 2, lowest diagram) 

Nevertheless, the PSEi 30 revenues accounted for 27% of nominal GDP in Q1 2025, underscoring their substantial footprint in the Philippine economy. Broadening the scope of PSE-listed firms in national accounts would likely magnify this contribution—while simultaneously highlighting the risks posed by mounting economic and market concentration and the fragile underpinnings of "trickle-down" economic development. 

IV. Consumer Sector Strains: Retail and Real Estate Under Pressure

Figure 3

Consumer sector stress was evident in the performance of PSE-listed firms. While retail nominal GDP grew by 7.9% and real consumer GDP by 4.9%, Q1 2025 sales revenue growth for the six largest non-construction listed retail chains—SM Retail, Puregold, SSI Group, Robinsons Retail, Philippine Seven, and Metro Retail Group—slowed to 6.8%, down from 8% in Q4 2024. This deceleration occurred despite aggressive supply-side expansion, underscoring deteriorating growth dynamics. (Figure 3, upper pane) 

Since peaking in 2022, both statistical (GDP) and real indicators (sales) have undergone significant depreciation. Downstream real estate consumer publicly listed retail chains, Wilcon Depot (WLCON) and AllHome (HOME), continue to grapple with substantial challenges, as rising vacancies further deepen the ongoing sales recession. (Figure 3, lower image) 

For example, WLCON reported a 2% quarter-on-quarter increase in store count, but only a 1.2% increase in sales YoY—highlighting excess capacity amid softening demand.

Figure 4

The food services sector also showed signs of strain, despite posting 10.3% revenue growth in Q1 2025—outpacing both nominal and real GDP. (Figure 4, topmost visual) 

Jollibee’s domestic operations, which accounted for 80% of total group sales, led the sector with a 14% gain. 

In contrast, McDonald’s reported an 11.5% sales contraction despite its 'aggressive store expansion' strategy, which includes plans to open 65 new outlets in 2025. This disparity underscores uneven, yet broadly weakening, performance across major retail chains. (Figure 4, middle chart) 

Even electricity consumption has recently deteriorated. Meralco’s electricity consumption growth slowed to 1.5% (in GWh), diverging from historical GDP correlations. This downturn signals weakening underlying demand, despite near-full employment and record-high bank credit expansion. (Figure 4, lowest graph) 

V. Net Income Surge: A Paradox of Profitability

Figure 5

Despite revenue challenges, the PSEi 30’s net income amazingly surged by 16.02% to a record Php 290.6 billion in Q1 2025, with an absolute increase of Php 40.12 billion, the second-highest since 2020. (Figure 5, topmost diagram)

This was driven by a significant increase in net income margin, which reached 16.3%, the highest since 2020, possibly due to asset sales (e.g., SMC’s divestitures). (Figure 5, middle window)

Excluding SMC’s asset sales, PSEi 30’s net income would have stood at Php 269.3 billion—reflecting only a 7.6% increase. This equates to a net profit rise of Php 19.12 billion, rather than the reported Php 40.12 billion

The record Q1 fiscal deficit likely bolstered incomes, both directly through government contracts (e.g., infrastructure projects) and indirectly via increased consumer spending. However, this came at the cost of record public debt and systemic leverage, which reached Php 30.7 trillion. Public debt hit an all-time high of Php 16.683 trillion. (Figure 5, lowest image)

The PSEi 30’s debt-to-net income ratio revealed that Php 1.42 in net debt additions was required for every peso of profit generated. In terms of absolute gains, Php 10.3 in new debt supported each peso of profit increase, highlighting deepening debt dependency.

 

Figure 6 

Paradoxically, despite record borrowing and improved net income, net cash reserves fell to 2022 levels, raising more concerns about systemic liquidity. (Figure 6, upper chart)

VI. Sectoral Performance: Diverging Trends 

By sector:  (Figure 6, lower table) 

Debt: The industrial sector recorded the largest percentage increase at 48.9%, but holding companies led in absolute peso gains Php 165.644 billon, followed by industrials Php 151.4 billion. 

Revenues: Banks achieved the highest percentage revenue growth at 9.8%, but industrials led in nominal terms with Php 17 billion in gains. 

Net Income: Holding and property sectors posted the largest percentage increases at 31% and 7.6%, respectively, with holding firms leading in peso terms Php 33.8 billion. 

Cash: The services sector saw the largest increases in both percentage (30.9%) and peso terms (Php 56 billion). 

VII. Top Movers: Individual Firm Highlights

Figure 7

By firm: (Figure 7, upper table) 

Debt: Ayala Corp, San Miguel Corporation (SMC), and Aboitiz Equity Ventures (AEV) recorded the largest peso increases at Php 74 billion, Php 70 billion, and Php 62 billion, respectively. LT Group (LTG) showed a substantial reduction of Php 24 billion. 

Interestingly, SMC reported a reduction in total debt—from Q4 2024’s record Php 1.56 TRILLION to Php 1.511 TRILLION in Q1 2025—despite substantial capital and operating requirements. This decline coincided with a surge in income, primarily driven by Php 21 billion in energy asset sales (San Miguel Global Power Holding LNG Batangas facility). Even excluding one-off gains, core profits rose by 31% to Php 19 billion. The company also strengthened its cash position, with cash reserves increasing by Php 57 billion year-on-year. How did this happen? (Figure 7, lower graph) 

Revenue: GT Capital (GTCAP) and Meralco posted the largest revenue increases at Php 15.6 billion and Php 9 billion, while SMC recorded the largest decrease at Php 31.8 billion. 

Net Income: SMC led with a Php 34 billion increase, driven by asset sales, while JG Summit (JGS) reported the largest decline at Php 7.2 billion. 

Cash: ICTSI and SMC posted the largest cash expansions at Php 79.9 billion and Php 57.6billion, while LTG (due to debt repayment) and AEV had the largest reductions at Php 38.2 and 15.015 billion 

VIII. A Fragile Foundation: The Risks of Fiscal and Financial Leverage 

Consider the potential impact on the PSEi 30, the broader PSE, and GDP when: 

-Bond vigilantes demand fiscal prudence, pushing interest rates higher

-Heavily leveraged consumer adopt austerity measures.

-Malinvestments from "build and they will come" industries, such as over saturation in real estate (26% residential condominium and office condominium vacancy rates and 22% per Colliers Philippines), and trade sectors, could lead to rising unemployment. 

These risks, compounded by diminishing stimulus effectiveness, threaten the sustainability of PSEi 30 performance and GDP growth. 

For instance, SMC’s business model has become increasingly reliant on recycling its borrowings or asset sales, making it wholly dependent on the sustainability of cheap money to refinance its rapidly growing debt. Neo-Keynesian economist Hyman Minsky famously characterized this as 'Ponzi finance.' (Minsky,1992) 

In essence, the structural risks are real—and growing more visible in each earnings season. 

IX. Transparency and Accuracy Concerns 

As previously stated: 

"The credibility of this analysis rests on disclosures from the Philippine Stock Exchange and related official sources. However, questions persist regarding the possible underreporting of debt and the inflation of both top-line and bottom-line figures by certain firms." (Prudent Investor, May 2025) 

These concerns underscore persistent governance challenges—particularly if elite-owned firms are engaged in systematically underreporting liabilities and overstating revenues or profits. Such practices not only contribute to the distortion of market signals but also foster moral hazard, eventually eroding investor confidence and undermining regulatory integrity. 

___ 

References 

Hyman P. Minsky, The Financial Instability Hypothesis* The Jerome Levy Economics Institute of Bard College May 1992 

Prudent Investor, The PSEi 30 in 2024: Debt-Fueled Expansion Amid Fiscal and Monetary Shifts, Substack May 25, 2025

 

 

The PSEi 30 in 2024: Debt-Fueled Expansion Amid Fiscal and Monetary Shifts

 

Besides, stock prices are primarily information... they tell investors where their capital can be most fruitfully employed. The important thing is not that prices be high or low... but that they be honest—Bill Bonner 

In this issue

The PSEi 30 in 2024: Debt-Fueled Expansion Amid Fiscal and Monetary Shifts

I. Monetary Tailwinds and a Fiscal Inflection

II. PSEi 30: Debt as the Primary Growth Driver

III. Record Revenues, Yet Slowing Growth Momentum

IV. Net Income Challenges: Slow Growth and Declining Margins

V. “Cui Bono?” — Who Benefits from GDP Growth? A Symptom of Trickle-Down Economics

VI. Sectoral Performance: Debt, Revenue, and Income Trends

VII Top Movers: Individual Firm Highlights

VIII. Final Notes on Transparency and Accuracy 

The PSEi 30 in 2024: Debt-Fueled Expansion Amid Fiscal and Monetary Shifts 

What the PSEi 30 tells us about the Philippine economy’s fiscal and financial direction in 2024. 

I. Monetary Tailwinds and a Fiscal Inflection 

The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) initiated the first phase of its easing cycle in the second half of 2024, comprising three policy rate cuts alongside a reduction in the Reserve Requirement Ratio (RRR). 

This coincided with an all-time high in public spending, bolstered by a surge in non-tax revenues. As a result, the Philippine fiscal deficit marginally narrowed to Php 1.506 trillion in 2024—still the fourth largest in history. To fund this gap, public debt rose to a historic high of Php 16.05 trillion. 

Simultaneously, a steep decline in quarterly Consumer Price Index (CPI) readings during Q3 and Q4 pulled average annual inflation down from 6.0% in 2023 to 3.2% in 2024. 

These three macroeconomic developments—monetary easing, record government expenditure, and easing inflation—served as key underpinnings of GDP growth. Despite noticeable slowdowns in Q3 (5.2%) and Q4 (5.3%), relatively stronger performances in Q1 (5.9%) and Q2 (6.5%) lifted full-year GDP growth to 5.7%, edging up from 5.5% in 2023.

Against this backdrop, how did the elite composite members of the PSEi 30 perform in 2024?

This article examines their financial performance, focusing on debt, revenue, net income, and sectoral contributions, while highlighting the broader implications for the Philippine economy. 

Nota Bene:

PSEi 30 data include redundancies due to the inclusion of assets and liabilities of subsidiaries and their parent holding firms.

Chart Labels:

B 1A Recent Data: Consists of current members and includes possible data revisions from the past year.

1B Data: Reflects comparisons between previous years, consisting of members during the existing period and unaudited publications for the period.

II. PSEi 30: Debt as the Primary Growth Driver

Figure 1 

In 2024, non-financial debt surged by 8.44% to a record Php 5.767 trillion, marking the third largest annual increase since 2018. (Figure 1, topmost pane) 

This Php 449 billion net addition occurred despite elevated borrowing costs, with 10-year BVAL rates remaining high. (Figure 1, middle graph) 

Relative to the broader financial system, non-financial debt accounted for 16.92% of total financial resources (bank and financial assets), slightly above the 16.87% share in 2023. (Figure 1, lowest image) 

On top of this, the top three PSEi 30 banks reported a staggering 49.99% increase in bills payable—from Php 483.58 billion in 2023 to Php 725.30 billion in 2024. Notably, this figure excludes bond issuances. 

III. Record Revenues, Yet Slowing Growth Momentum

Figure 2

The PSEi 30 collectively posted record revenues of Php 7.22 trillion, representing a 7.91% increase or Php 529.07 billion in absolute terms. This slightly surpassed the 7.8% growth or Php 478 billion gain in 2023. (Figure 2, upper chart) 

However, in historical context, the 2024 increase ranked as the third smallest since 2018—reflecting the easing of price pressures as the CPI cooled. 

Systemic leverage—defined here as the sum of public debt and universal/commercial bank loans (excluding fixed-income instruments and FDIs)—rose by 11.1% in 2024, reaching an all-time high of Php 29.96 trillion. (Figure 2, lower chart) 

This expansion in credit, alongside continued deficit spending, substantially supported aggregate demand, thereby contributing to the PSEi 30’s revenue gains. 

Figure 3 

However, viewed from another lens, the slowing contribution of money supply relative to GDP—a key indicator of real economy liquidity—has increasingly revealed slack in both PSEi 30 performance and broader GDP growth. (Figure 3, upper image) 

The 2020 spike in this metric underscored the BSP’s historic role in backstopping the banking system during the pandemic. 

Yet it also marked a turning point in the financialization of the Philippine economy—an underlying force behind demand-side inflation and a structural driver of imbalances between financial sector gains and real-sector productivity. 

Importantly, the deceleration in revenue growth mirrored the nominal GDP trends of 2023 and 2024, highlighting the interconnectedness of corporate performance and macroeconomic trends. (Figure 3, lower visual) 

IV. Net Income Challenges: Slow Growth and Declining Margins

Figure 4

Net income across PSEi 30 firms grew at a sluggish 6.8% to a record Php 971 billion. While this represents a nominal gain of Php 80.31 billion, both the growth rate and the absolute increase were the smallest since 2021. (Figure 4, topmost image) 

Despite widespread corporate participation in government projects, historic public spending growth of 11.04% outpaced net income growth, underscoring the accumulating inefficiencies in the effectiveness of 'trickle-down' policies. (Figure 4, middle graph) 

The PSEi 30 maintained a steady net income margin of 13.44%, slightly lower than last year's 13.45% but still exceeding the 5-year average of 12.15% (2019–2024). (Figure 4, lowest chart) 

Critically, the debt-to-net income ratio revealed that Php 0.46 in debt was needed to generate every Php 1 in profit. 

More alarmingly, on a net basis, Php 7.3 in new debt was required for every Php 1 increase in profit—a record high. 

The takeaway: Deepening debt dependency to drive profits is not only artificial but also subject to diminishing returns. 

V. “Cui Bono?” — Who Benefits from GDP Growth? A Symptom of Trickle-Down Economics

Figure 5

Revenue as a share of GDP edged up to 27.3% in 2024 from 27.22% in 2023—marking the third-highest level since 2019. (Figure 5 upper window) 

The PSEi 30 accounted for more than a quarter of nominal GDP, excluding additional contributions from other publicly listed firms under elite conglomerate umbrellas. 

This substantial contribution highlights a hallmark of the government and BSP’s “trickle-down” economic development model, characterized by increased business operations through direct state spending, which disproportionately benefits politically connected corporate giants. 

Importantly, the BSP’s easy-money regime functions as an implicit subsidy, enabling elite firms to acquire cheaper credit as a protective moat against competition. 

The result: a centralization of economic gains among the elite, while MSMEs and average Filipinos—Pedro and Maria—bear the costs. 

In essence, the model privatizes profits while socializing costs, exacerbating economic inequality. 

VI. Sectoral Performance: Debt, Revenue, and Income Trends 

In 2024, sectoral performance varied significantly: (Figure 5, lower table) 

Debt: The industrial sector posted the largest percentage increase in debt at 17.33% year-on-year (YoY), but holding firms dominated in peso terms, accounting for a 67.85% share of total debt. 

Revenues: Despite rising vacancies, the property sector recorded the highest percentage revenue gain at 16.6% YoY. However, holding firms led in absolute peso increases and percentage share, contributing 45.9% of total revenue growth. 

Net Income: The services and property sectors outperformed with net income growth of 20.6% and 17.6%, respectively. Banks, however, led in peso growth and accounted for 45.6% of the net income increase. 

Cash Holdings: Non-financial firms’ cash holdings contracted by 1.91%, driven by a 14.6% and 3.35% decline in reserves in the industrial and service sectors, respectively. 

In contrast, PSEi 30 banks saw their cash holdings rise by 14.6%, despite the BSP reporting otherwise. This discrepancy raises questions over possible dual standards in bank reporting. 

VII Top Movers: Individual Firm Highlights

Figure/Table 6 

Debt: San Miguel Corporation (SMC) led all firms with a Php 155 billion increase in debt, bringing its total to a historic Php 1.560 TRILLION—comprising 35% of all non-financial PSEi 30 debt. Ayala Corporation and its energy subsidiary ACEN followed with Php 76.9 billion and Php 54 billion increases, respectively.

Revenues: San Miguel, BPI, and BDO were the top contributors in terms of revenue increases. Conversely, DMC and its subsidiary Semirara reported revenue contractions. 

Net Income: ICT, BPI, and BDO led net income growth in absolute terms, while SMC and SCC posted the largest declines. 

Cash Holdings: The largest cash increases came from SMC and ICT, while Aboitiz Equity Ventures and LTG Group reported the steepest reductions. 

VIII. Final Notes on Transparency and Accuracy 

The credibility of this analysis rests on disclosures from the Philippine Stock Exchange and related official sources. However, questions persist regarding the possible underreporting of debt and the inflation of both top-line and bottom-line figures by certain firms. 

Moreover, when authorities overlook or fail to act on instances of misreporting—especially by large, elite-aligned corporations—this raises serious governance concerns. Such inaction fosters moral hazard and risks entrenching a culture of non-transparency within the corporate sector. 

How Surging Gold Prices Could Impact the Philippine Mining Industry (3rd of 3 Series)

 

With the exception only of the period of the gold standard, practically all governments of history have used their exclusive power to issue money to defraud and plunder the people—Friedrich August von Hayek 

In this issue 

How Surging Gold Prices Could Impact the Philippine Mining Industry (3rd of 3 Series)

I. The Absence of Commodity Markets Limits Investment Alternatives and Risk Management

II. Rising Operating Leverage: A Profit Margin Accelerator for Philippine Mines

III. Record-Breaking Gold Prices Spark a Reawakening of Philippine Gold Mining Shares (Exclusive for Substack Readers)

A. Belated Run-Up: Delayed Market Response to Gold’s Rally

B. Market Internals Reveal Vast Underweighting: Low Trading Volume and Limited Institutional Interest

C. Threading Uncharted Waters

D. Philippine Mining Industry: Entering a Bull Market Cycle? Potential for a Multi-Year Uptrend Amid Structural Challenges 

How Surging Gold Prices Could Impact the Philippine Mining Industry (3rd of 3 Series) 

This is the third and final article of our series on gold. How will record gold prices affect the Philippine Mining industry and share prices in the face of many challenges. 

I. The Absence of Commodity Markets Limits Investment Alternatives and Risk Management 

The absence of a robust commodity market in the Philippines limits investment alternatives for both producers and investors, particularly in a resource-rich nation where gold plays a significant economic role. 

Back in 2008, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) acknowledged this reality, noting that one reason for holding gold reserves was because "the Philippines is a significant producer of gold." 

This admission reveals a critical gap: instead of fostering investment alternatives for the public, the gold market remains underdeveloped, heavily reliant on physical sales—such as jewelry and ornaments—and the BSP as a major buyer of gold from local producers. 

Unlike other major ASEAN countries, including Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia, and Vietnam, which have established commodity futures and derivatives exchanges, the Philippines lacks such a market infrastructure. 

These exchanges, accessible via platforms like the Indonesia Commodity and Derivatives Exchange, the Thailand Futures Exchange, the Bursa Malaysia Derivatives, and the Vietnam Commodity Exchange, provide critical benefits for resource-rich nations. 

Commodity markets enhance pricing efficiency by establishing transparent benchmarks, improve the allocation of commodity investments, and reduce the role of intermediaries or middle men, thereby lowering transaction and search costs. 

They enable producers and farmers to hedge against price volatility, access insurance, and secure better prices through competitive bidding, while also matching buyers and sellers more effectively. 

For savers and investors, commodity markets expand the investment universe, offering opportunities to diversify portfolios and achieve better returns by directly tapping into the price movements of commodities like gold, copper, and agricultural products. 

In the Philippines, the absence of such markets not only stifles these benefits but also limits the growth potential of the gold mining sector, leaving investors with few options beyond speculative investments in mining stocks. 

The lack of a commodity market means producers have fewer opportunities to hedge against price volatility, leaving them partially exposed to the risks of a potential global downturn, as discussed in the first article, where gold’s predictive power suggests an impending crisis.

While some Philippine gold producers mitigate this risk by hedging through international markets—such as the London Metal Exchange (LME) or the Chicago Mercantile Exchange (CME)—this approach is costly and less accessible for smaller firms, often requiring sophisticated financial expertise and exposure to foreign exchange risks. 

A local commodity market would provide a more direct and cost-effective hedging mechanism, enabling producers to lock in prices and protect against sudden drops in global demand. 

A crisis, as potentially signaled by gold’s historic highs, could expose gold miners to heightened credit risk, as lenders may tighten financing amid economic uncertainty, leading to critical dislocations in funding for operations and expansion. 

Additionally, such a downturn could reduce export revenues, particularly for the Philippines, where Switzerland and Hong Kong rank as the largest gold export markets (July 2024), accounting for a significant share of the country’s mineral exports.

For other commodity producers, such as those in agriculture or base metals like nickel, a global downturn could similarly dampen demand, disrupt supply chains, and lower export revenues, exacerbating economic vulnerabilities in a nation heavily reliant on commodity exports. 

The absence of a commodity market also limits the broader economic benefits for the Philippines. A well-functioning commodity exchange could channel investment into the mining sector, support infrastructure development—such as roads and processing facilities in mining regions—and create jobs in mining communities, fostering economic growth and reducing poverty in rural areas. 

For investors, it would provide a less speculative avenue to gain exposure to gold, copper and other commodity price movements, reducing reliance on volatile mining stocks and enabling more stable portfolio diversification. 

For listed Philippine gold mining companies, the current surge in gold and copper prices could drive share prices higher as investors seek to capitalize on rising profit margins driven by operating leverage. 

However, the lack of accessible hedging mechanisms increases their vulnerability to price swings, leaving them exposed to the downside risks of a potential crisis, such as a sudden drop in commodity prices or a contraction in global demand. 

II. Rising Operating Leverage: A Profit Margin Accelerator for Philippine Mines 

The current environment of rising commodity prices amplifies the financial dynamics for Philippine mining companies, particularly through operating leverage.

Gold has reached historic highs, as discussed in the first and second series of this article, driven by geopolitical tensions, deglobalization, and central bank buying, while copper prices have also broken into all-time highs, partly influenced by Trump’s tariffs, which have increased demand for domestically sourced metals and disrupted global supply chains.

Figure 1 

The chart of gold and copper prices illustrates this tandem rise, with gold climbing steadily since 2023 and copper following suit, reflecting heightened industrial demand and inflationary pressures. 

For Philippine gold mining companies, which often extract copper as a byproduct due to the geological association of these metals in porphyry deposits, this dual price surge presents a unique opportunity to capitalize on rising revenues, but, again, also underscores the need for accessible commodity markets to manage price volatility and attract broader investment.

Investment in mining companies hinges primarily on their reserves, which represent future earnings potential and determine a mine’s long-term viability.  

Rising commodity prices—particularly gold and copper—amplify the financial benefits for these companies through operating leverage.

Operating leverage measures how sensitive a company’s profit is to changes in revenue, driven by its mix of fixed and variable costs.

In the mining industry, high fixed costs—such as equipment, infrastructure, permits, licensing, labor, and energy—create significant operating leverage. 

This means that small increases in revenue, whether from rising commodity prices or higher output, can lead to disproportionately large boosts in profit margins, as the additional revenue is not offset by proportional cost increases. 

Conversely, if revenues decline due to falling prices or reduced production, profit margins can shrink rapidly since fixed costs remain unchanged, exposing companies to heightened financial risk during downturns.

To illustrate this dynamic, consider the following table of a hypothetical gold mining company, showing the impact of rising gold prices on its operating leverage: 

Figure/Table 2

In this example, as the gold price rises from $1,800 to $2,200 per ounce—a 22.2% increase—revenue grows from $18 million to $22 million. However, because fixed costs remain at $10 million, the operating profit surges from $6 million to $9.6 million, a 60% increase, and the profit margin expands from 33.3% to 43.6%. (Figure 2, upper table)

This demonstrates how operating leverage acts as a profit margin accelerator, making mining companies highly profitable during commodity price upswings.

Another table from Canada highlights B2Gold, a Canadian company listed in Canada, with a mining project in the Philippines provides insights into the country's gold production costs, particularly in terms of cash operating costs and All-in Sustaining Costs (AISC). (Figure 2, lower table)

The same principle applies to copper, where price increases further enhance revenues for Philippine mines that produce both metals, amplifying the financial upside.

However, this high operating leverage is a double-edged sword.

Ceteris paribus, while rising prices boost margins, a downturn in commodity prices can lead to significant losses, as fixed costs remain constant, squeezing profitability. 

Moreover, operating margins also depend on cost discipline—mines that fail to control variable costs, such as energy or labor, may see diminished gains even during price surges. 

For Philippine gold mining companies, the current environment of historic highs in both gold and copper prices offers a window of opportunity to leverage these gains, improve financial stability, and attract investment. 

Yet again, the lack of a local commodity market exacerbates their exposure to global market risks, as they cannot easily hedge against price volatility. 

As global uncertainties mount—driven by geopolitical tensions, deglobalization, and central bank policies—the development of a commodity market in the Philippines becomes increasingly urgent to unlock the full potential of its gold mining sector, mitigate the risks of an impending crisis, and ensure sustainable economic benefits for the nation. 

III. Record-Breaking Gold Prices Spark a Reawakening of Philippine Gold Mining Shares 

A. Belated Run-Up: Delayed Market Response to Gold’s Rally

Despite gold prices achieving a successive winning streak since at least 2022, as highlighted in the first segment, the Philippine Stock Exchange (PSE) largely overlooked these developments until the start of 2025. 

This delayed reaction underscores significant shortcomings in the PSE’s pricing mechanism, reflecting deeper structural issues in the market. 

Please continue reading at substack, press link below:

https://open.substack.com/pub/theseenandunseenbybjte/p/how-surging-gold-prices-could-impact?

Debt-Financed Stimulus Forever? The Philippine Government’s Relentless Pursuit of "Upper Middle-Income" Status

 

Deficits are always a spending problem, because receipts are, by nature, cyclical and volatile, while spending becomes untouchable and increased every year—Daniel Lacalle

In this issue

Debt-Financed Stimulus Forever? The Philippine Government’s Relentless Pursuit of "Upper Middle-Income" Status

I. Changes in Tax Collection Schedules Distort Philippine Treasury Data and Highlight Fiscal Cycles; Spending’s Legal Constraints

II. Stimulus Forever? The Quest for "Upper Middle-Income" Status and Credit "A" Rating, Rising Risks of a Fiscal Blowout

III. 10-Month Public Revenue Growth Deviates from PSEi 30’s Activities

IV. Q3 2024: 2nd Highest Revenue to NGDP, Headline GDP Weakens—The Crowding Out Effect?

V. Record 10-Month Expenditure: The Push for "Big Government"

VI. 10-Month Debt Servicing Costs Zoom to All-Time Highs!

VII. Rising Foreign Denominated Debt Payments!

VIII. Despite Slower Increases in Public Debt, Little Sign of the Government Weaning Off Stimulus

IX. Q3 2024: Public Debt to GDP rises to 61.3%

X. Conclusion: The Relentless Pursuit Of "Upper Middle Income" Status Resembles a Futile Obsession 

Debt-Financed Stimulus Forever? The Philippine Government’s Relentless Pursuit of "Upper Middle-Income" Status 

Improvements in the 10-month fiscal balance have fueled the Philippine government’s unrealistic fixation on achieving 'Upper Middle Income' status—here's why. 

I. Changes in Tax Collection Schedules Distort Philippine Treasury Data and Highlight Fiscal Cycles; Spending’s Legal Constraints 

Inquirer.net, November 28: A double-digit revenue growth helped swing the government’s budget position back to a surplus in October, keeping the 10-month fiscal deficit below the 2024 ceiling set by the Marcos administration. The government ran a budget surplus of P6.3 billion in October, a reversal from the P34.4- billion deficit recorded a year ago, figures from the latest cash operations report of the Bureau of the Treasury (BTr) showed. 

Most media outlets barely mention that recent changes in tax collection schedules have distorted the Bureau of the Treasury’s reporting data. 

As noted in September, these adjustments significantly impact the perception of fiscal performance. 

That is to say, since VAT payments are made at the end of each quarter but recorded in the first month of the following quarter, this quarterly revenue cycle inflates reported revenues for January, April, July and October, often resulting in a narrowed deficit or even a surplus for these months. 

Therefore, we should anticipate either a surplus or a narrower deficit this October. (Prudent Investor, October 2024)

Figure 1 

For instance, October’s surplus of Php 6.34 billion underscores how the quarterly revenue cycle boosts collections at the start of every quarter, often leading to either a surplus or a narrowed deficit. Surpluses were observed in January, April, and October this year. (Figure 1, topmost chart) 

However, as the government pushes to meet its year-end 'budget execution' targets in December, a significant spike in the year-end deficit could emerge from the remaining spending balance. 

Based on the budget allocation for 2024 amounting to Php 5.768 trillion, the unspent difference from the ten-month spending of Php 4.73 trillion is Php 1.038 trillion. 

Notably, in contrast to previous years, 2024 has already experienced three months of public spending exceeding Php 500 billion, with December still underway. (Figure 1, middle image) 

On the other hand, this could indicate a potential frontloading of funds to meet year-end targets. 

While spending excesses are constrained by law, the government has consistently exceeded enacted budget allocations since 2019. (Figure 1, lowest diagram) 

Consequently, this trend, shaped by political path dependency, suggests that the remaining Php 1.038 trillion could likely be surpassed. 

According to the Department of Budget and Management (DBM), budget adjustments are permissible under specific conditions: (DBM, 2012) 

1.    Enactment of new laws,

2.    Adjustments to macroeconomic parameters, and

3.    Changes in resource availability. 

These provisions may provide political rationales to justify increases in the allocated budget.

Figure 2

Expenditures, while down from last month, remain within their growth trajectory, while revenues have so far outperformed expectations. (Figure 2, topmost graph)

Despite October’s 22.6% revenue growth contributing to a lower ten-month deficit—down from Php 1.018 trillion in 2023 to Php 963.9 billion—it remains the fourth largest on record.

II. Stimulus Forever? The Quest for "Upper Middle-Income" Status and Credit "A" Rating, Rising Risks of a Fiscal Blowout

What is seldom mentioned by mainstream media is that such deficits serve as "fiscal or automatic stabilizers," ostensibly for contingent or emergency (recession) purposes.

While authorities repeatedly propagate their intent to elevate the economy to "upper middle-income" status and attain a credit "A" rating soon, they fail to disclose that current political-economic conditions are still functioning under or reflect continued reliance on a "stimulus" framework.

In fact, as we keep pointing out, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP)’s reserve requirement ratio (RRR) and interest rate cuts represent monetary measures, while authorities have ramped up fiscal measures or "Marcos-nomics stimulus" for their political agenda—namely, pre-election spending and a subtle shift toward a war economy, alongside centralization through increased public spending and an enlarged bureaucracy or "Big Government."

Finally, while expenditures adhere to programmed allocations and revenues fluctuate based on economic and financial conditions as well as administrative efforts, they remain inherently volatile.

Any steep economic slowdown or recession would likely compel the government to increase spending, potentially driving the deficit to record levels or beyond.

Unless deliberate efforts are made to curb spending growth, the government’s ongoing centralization of the economy will continue to escalate the risk of a fiscal blowout.

Despite the mainstream's Pollyannaish narrative, the current trajectory presents significant challenges to long-term fiscal stability.

III. 10-Month Public Revenue Growth Deviates from PSEi 30’s Activities

Let us now examine the details.

In October, public revenue surged by 22.6%, driven primarily by a 16.94% growth in tax revenues, with the Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) contributing 16.19% and the Bureau of Customs (BOC) 11.5%. Meanwhile, non-tax revenues soared by 87.7%, largely due to revenues from other offices, including "privatization proceeds, fees and charges, and grants."

These activities boosted the 10-month revenue growth from 9.4% in 2023 to 16.8% this year, largely driven by a broad-based increase, largely powered by non-tax revenues.

It is worth noting that, despite reaching a record high in pesos, the BIR’s net income and profit growth significantly softened to 8.3%, the lowest since 2021, remaining consistent with the 9-month growth rate.  This segment accounted for 50% of the BIR’s total intake. (Figure 2, middle pane)

In contrast, sales taxes jumped by 30.6% over the first 10 months, marking the highest growth rate since at least 2017, and represents 30% of the BIR’s total revenues. Sales taxes vaulted by 31.6% in the first 9 months. (Figure 2, lowest chart)

The reason for focusing on the 9-month performance is to compare its growth rate with that of the PSEi 30, allowing for a closer understanding or providing a closer approximation of the BIR's topline performance.

Figure 3

Unfortunately, when using same-year data, the PSEi 30 reported a 9-month revenue growth of 8.1%, the slowest since 2021. This pattern is echoed in its net income growth of 6.8%, which is also the most sluggish rate since 2021. (Figure 3 upper window) 

To put this in perspective, as previously discussed, the 9-month aggregate revenues of the PSEi 30 represent approximately 27.9% of the nominal gross domestic product (NGDP) for the same period. 

IV. Q3 2024: 2nd Highest Revenue to NGDP, Headline GDP Weakens—The Crowding Out Effect? 

In its September disclosure, the Bureau of the Treasury cited changes in the VAT schedule as a key factor boosting tax collections: " The increase in VAT collections in 2024 is partly due to the impact of the change in payment schedule introduced by the TRAIN law provision which allows the tax filers to shift from monthly to quarterly filing of VAT return" (Bureau of Treasury, October 2024) [bold added] 

Once again, the adjustment in VAT schedules played a pivotal role in increasing revenues, helping to reduce the deficit and debt—a topic we discussed in September 2024 (Prudent Investor, September 2024). 

Or, whether by design or as an unintended consequence, a critical factor in the slower deficit has been a shift in government tax collection and accounting procedures. 

But what will happen if, under the same economic conditions or with only slight improvements, the effects of such transient changes wear off? Will the deficit soar again? 

Moreover, it is important to note that all this is occurring while bank credit expansion and public debt are at record highs. 

What will happen to credit and liquidity-fueled demand once household and corporate balance sheets become saturated with leverage? 

It’s also noteworthy that, even as the share of revenue to nominal GDP (NGDP) reached its highest level in Q2 and Q3 of 2024, real GDP continues its downward trend—a dynamic that has persisted since 2016 and reemerged in 2021. (Figure 3, below graph) 

Are these not symptoms of the "crowding-out effect," where the increasing share of government interventions, measured by expenditures, debt, and deficits, translates into diminished savings and capital available for private sector investments? 

V. Record 10-Month Expenditure: The Push for "Big Government" 

But what about expenditures? 

Local Government Unit (LGU) spending surged by 11.97%, and national disbursement growth reached 14.3%, powering an overall increase in October expenditures of 11.1%. Interest payments, on the other hand, fell by 6.1%. The former and the latter two accounted for shares of 18.1%, 66.64%, and 11.9% of the total, respectively.

For the first 10 months of the year, expenditures grew by 11.5%, reaching a record-high Php 4.73 trillion, driven by LGU spending, National disbursements, and interest payments, which posted growth rates of 9.1%, 11.9%, and 23.03%, respectively.

As noted above, these record expenditures are primarily focused on promoting political agendas: pre-elections, a subtle shift towards a war economy, and an emphasis on centralization through infrastructure, welfare, and bureaucratic outlays.

Figure 4

One notable item has played a considerable role: 10-month interest payments not only outperformed other components in terms of growth but also reached a record high in peso terms. (Figure 4, topmost graph) 

Additionally, their share of total expenditures rose to levels last seen in 2009. 

That said, the ratio of expenditures to NGDP remains at 23.98% in Q2 and Q3 and has stayed within the range of 22% to 26%—except for two occasions—since Q2 2020. (Figure 4, middle chart) 

Over the past 18 quarters, this ratio has averaged 23.4%. 

As mentioned above, despite all the hype about achieving "upper middle income" status and attaining a "Class A" credit rating, the Philippines continues to operate under a fiscal stimulus framework, which has only intensified with recent policies which I dubbed as "Marcos-nomics stimulus."

In the timeless words of the distinguished economist Milton Friedman, "Nothing is so permanent as a temporary government program."

Current conditions also validate the "Big Government" theory articulated by the economist Robert Higgs, particularly regarding what he termed "The Ratchet Effect." This concept refers to the "tendency of governments to respond to crises by implementing new policies, regulations, and laws that significantly enhance their powers. These measures are typically presented as temporary solutions to address specific problems. However, in history, these measures often outlast their intended purpose and become a permanent part of the legal landscape." (Matulef, 2023)

The push towards "Big Government" is evident, with approximately a quarter of the statistical economy deriving from direct government expenditures.

This figure does not include the indirect contributions from private sector participation in government activities, such as public-private partnerships (PPPs), suppliers, outsourcing and etc. 

As a caveat, the revenue and expenditure-to-NGDP ratio is derived from public revenue and spending data and nominal GDP—an aggregate measure where government spending is calculated differently—potentially leading to skewed interpretations of its relative size. 

In any case, as the government grows, so too does its demand for resources and finances—all at the expense of the private sector, particularly micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs), as well as the purchasing power of the average Filipinos, represented here as Pedros and Marias. 

While government fiscal health may provide some insights into its size, there are numerous hidden or immeasurable costs associated with its expansion: compliance costs, public sector inefficiencies, regulatory and administrative burdens, policy uncertainty, moral hazard, opportunity costs, reduced incentives for innovation, deadweight losses, productivity costs, economic distortions, social and psychological costs, and more.

VI. 10-Month Debt Servicing Costs Zoom to All-Time Highs!

Rising interest payments represent some of the symptoms of "Big Government."

What’s remarkable is that, in just the first 10 months of 2024, the cost of servicing debt (amortization plus interest) soared to an all-time high of Php 1.86 trillion—16% higher than the previous annual record of Php 1.603 trillion set in 2023. And there are still two months to go! (Figure 4, lowest visual)

Amortization and interest payments exceeded their 2023 annual figures by 25.3% and 1.65%, respectively. 

Notably, amortization payments surged by a staggering 760% in October alone, reaching Php 161.5 billion.

As a result, amortization and interest payments have already surpassed their full-year 2023 totals. However, because the government categorizes amortizations (or principal payments) as financing rather than expenditures, they are not included in the budget.

VII. Rising Foreign Denominated Debt Payments!

There's more to consider.

Figure 5

Payments (amortization + interest) on foreign-denominated debt in the first 10 months of 2024 increased by 52%, reaching a record high. This brought their share of total payments to 21.9%, the highest since 2021. (Figure 5, topmost chart)

Unsurprisingly, the government borrowed USD 2.5 billion in the end of August, likely to refinance existing obligations. Adding to this, authorities reportedly secured another $500 million loan from the Asian Development Bank last week in the name of "climate financing."

Nonetheless, these serve as circumstantial evidence of increased borrowing to fund gaps, reflecting the "synthetic dollar short" position discussed last week.

VIII. Despite Slower Increases in Public Debt, Little Sign of the Government Weaning Off Stimulus

Here’s where mainstream narratives often place emphasis: a slower deficit translates into slower growth in public debt. (Figure 5, middle graph)

In other words, a decrease in financing requirements or a reduction in the rate of increase in public debt decreases the debt/GDP ratio.

Authorities are scheduled to announce public debt data next week.

The apparent gaslighting of fiscal health suggests that authorities are employing tactical measures to improve macroeconomic indicators temporarily. These efforts seem aimed at buying time, likely in the hope that the economy will gain sufficient traction to mask structural weaknesses.

Still, while public debt continues to rise—albeit at a slower pace—bank financing of public debt through net claims on the central government (NCoCG), which began in 2015, appears to have temporarily plateaued. At the same time, the BSP's direct financing of the national government seems to have stalled. (Figure 5, lowest image)

However, none of these emergency measures have reverted to pre-pandemic levels.

The government shows no indication of weaning itself off the stimulus teats.

IX. Q3 2024: Public Debt to GDP rises to 61.3%

Unfortunately, the record savings-investment gap underscores a troubling reality: the GDP is increasingly propped up by debt.

While mainstream narratives highlight the prospect of a lower public debt-to-GDP ratio, they often fail to mention that public debt does not exist in isolation.

In the aftermath of the Asian Financial Crisis, the Philippine economy underwent a cleansing of its balance sheet, which had been marred by years of malinvestment. When the Great Financial Crisis struck in 2007-2008, the Philippine economy rebounded, aided by the national government’s automatic stabilizers and the BSP's easing measures.

However, during that period, the BSP mirrored the Federal Reserve's policy playbook, prompting the private sector to absorb much of the increased borrowing. This reduced the economy’s reliance on deficit-financed government spending and shifted the debt burden from the public to the private sector, enabling a decline in the public debt-to-GDP ratio.

Today, however, this is no longer the case.

Figure 6

Following the pandemic-induced recession, where bank credit expansion slowed, the government stepped in to take the reins, driving public debt-to-GDP to surge. As of Q3, it remained at 61.3%—the second highest level since 2021’s peak of 62.6% and the highest since 2004. 

Currently, despite high-interest rate levels, both public borrowing and universal commercial bank lending have been in full swing—resulting in a systemic leverage ratio (public debt plus universal commercial bank credit) reaching 108.5% of nominal GDP in 2023. 

This means that the government, large corporations, and many households with access to the banking system are increasingly buried in debt.  

In any case, debt is perceived by consensus as a "free lunch," so you hardly ever hear them talk about it. 

X. Conclusion: The Relentless Pursuit Of "Upper Middle Income" Status Resembles a Futile Obsession 

In conclusion, while current fiscal metrics may appear to show surface-level improvements, the government remains addicted to various free-lunch policies characterized by easy money stimulus. 

The government and elites will likely continue to push for a credit-driven savings-investment gap to propel GDP growth, leading to further increases in debt levels and necessitating constant liquidity infusions that heighten inflation risks. 

The establishment tend to overlook the crowding-out effects stemming from government spending (and centralization of the economy), which contribute to embedding of the "twin deficits" that require more foreign financing—ultimately resulting in a structurally weaker economy. 

The relentless pursuit of "upper middle income" status resembles a futile obsession—a "wet dream" driven more by the establishment’s obsession with benchmarks manifesting social signaling than substantive progress. 

For distributional reasons (among many others), the GDP growth narrative does not reflect the true state of the economy. 

Persistent self-rated poverty and hunger, widening inequality, elevated vacancies in the real estate sector, low savings rates, and stagnating productivity are clear indicators that GDP number benefits a select few at the expense of many. This, despite debt levels soaring to historic highs with no signs of slowing. 

Even the Philippine Statistics Authority’s (PSA) per capita consumer and headline GDP trendlines contradict the notion of an imminent economic or credit rating upgrade. 

While having the U.S. as a geopolitical ally could offer some support in the pursuit of cheaper credit through a potential credit upgrade, it is important to acknowledge that actions have consequences—meaning the era of political 'free lunches' are numbered. 

And do authorities genuinely believe they can attain an economic upgrade through mere technical adjustments of tax schedules and dubious accounting practices, akin to the "afternoon delight" and 5-minute "pre-closing pumps" at the PSEi 30? 

Yet because the political elites benefit from it, trends in motion tend to stay in motion, until… 

___

References 

Prudent Investor, September 2024 Fiscal Deficit Highlights the "Marcos-nomics Stimulus"; How Deficit Spending Drives a WEAKER Philippine Peso October 28, 2024 

Department of Budget and Management, THE BUDGETING PROCESS, March 2012, dbm.gov.ph

Bureau of Treasury, September 2024 Budget Deficit at P273.3 Billion Nine-Month Deficit Narrowed to P970.2 Billion, October 24, 2024, treasury.gov.ph

Prudent Investor, Philippine Government’s July Deficit "Narrowed" from Changes in VAT Reporting Schedule, Raised USD 2.5 Billion Plus $500 Million Climate Financing, September 1, 2024

Michael Matulef Beyond Crisis: The Ratchet Effect and the Erosion of Liberty, August 18, 2023, Mises.org