USD-PHP at Record Highs: The Three Philippine Fault Lines—Energy Fragility, Fiscal Bailouts, Bank Stress

 

The pretended solicitude for the nation’s welfare, for the public in general, and for the poor ignorant masses in particular was a mere blind. The governments wanted inflation and credit expansion, they wanted booms and easy money—Ludwig von Mises

In this issue:

USD-PHP at Record Highs: The Three Philippine Fault Lines—Energy Fragility, Fiscal Bailouts, Bank Stress

I. USDPHP Record, BSP Rate Cuts, and Banking-Fiscal Fragility

II. Strong US Dollar Narrative Debunked

III. BSP’s Easing Cycle, Data vs. Narrative

IV. Cui Bono? (Redux)

V. More Energy Bailouts: Prime Infrastructure-First Gen’s Batangas Energy Buy-in Deal

VI. Political Redistribution: Consumers to Subsidize Debt-Heavy, Elite-Owned Renewables

VII. Averch–Johnson Trap and Public Choice Theory in Action

VIII. Elite Debt vs. Counterparty Exposure, Bank Centralization of Financial Assets

IX. Bank Liquidity Strains Beneath the Surface

X. The Wile E. Coyote Illusion of Stability, Bank’s Strategic Drift to Consumer Lending

XI. Keynesian Malinvestment and Policy Distortions

XII. AFS Losses and HTM Fragility

XIII. Banks Compound the Crowding Out Dynamics

XIV. The Biggest Borrower Is the State

XV. Public Revenues Are Collapsing

XVI. A Budget as Bailout

XVII. The Sovereign–FX–Savings Doom Loop

VIII. Conclusion: The Real Story: Bailouts Everywhere

XIX. Encore: From “Manageable Deficit” to Crisis Trigger 

Notice: This will likely be my last post of 2025 unless something interesting comes up. Have a safe, relaxing, and enjoyable holiday season! 🎄🎅

USD-PHP at Record Highs: The Three Philippine Fault Lines—Energy Fragility, Fiscal Bailouts, Bank Stress 

From peso weakness to systemic unraveling: energy and fiscal bailouts, malinvestment, and the illusion of stability. 

I. USDPHP Record, BSP Rate Cuts, and Banking-Fiscal Fragility 

On December 9, the USDPHP surged to a new record high—its third all-time highs since crossing the BSP’s 59-level “Maginot Line” on October 28. Yet despite the historic print, the pair has traded within an unusually narrow range—depicting active BSP intervention to suppress volatility 

This suppression of volatility has continued to date, with USDPHP retreating to the 58 level. The pair closed at 58.7 on December 19, roughly 0.9% below the record high of 59.22. 

Media outlets swiftly attributed the move to expectations of a BSP rate cut. Others defaulted to the familiar refrain of a “strong dollar.” 

II. Strong US Dollar Narrative Debunked 

Let us address the latter first. 

On the day the peso set a new record low, the US dollar weakened against 24 of the 28 currency pairs tracked by Exante Data. The Philippine peso stood out as one of only four Asian outliers—during a week when Asian FX broadly strengthened.

Figure 1

Moreover, the USDPHP has been on a steady ascent since May 2025, while the dollar index (DXY) peaked in September and has since shown signs of exhaustion. There is zero empirical basis to attribute this peso collapse to dollar strength. (Figure 1, topmost pane) 

But attribution often follows convenience—particularly when political patrons prefer comforting narratives. 

III. BSP’s Easing Cycle, Data vs. Narrative 

Now back to the first premise: interest rates as tinder to the USDPHP fire. 

Two days after the peso hit its latest record, the BSP announced its fifth policy rate cut of 2025 on December 11, the eighth since the easing cycle began in August 2024. This was accompanied by two reserve requirement (RRR) cuts—in September 2024 and March 2025—the latter bundled with a doubling of deposit insurance coverage. 

Why this aggressive easing? 

Like a religious incantation, the establishment rationalized BSP’s actions as growth stimulus. As the Inquirer noted, the BSP acted "as concerns about weakening economic growth outweighed the risks of peso depreciation." 

The BSP claims data-dependence. But has it examined its own history? 

Instead of catalyzing growth, repeated easing cycles have coincided with GDP deceleration— from 2012–2019, and again during the post-pandemic banking system rescue from Q2 2021 onward, even after interim rate hikes. (Figure 1, middle window) 

The much-cited “flood control” episode only emerged in Q3 2025, long after the damage was done. 

So the question remains: cui bono? 

IV. Cui Bono? (Redux) 

Certainly not MSMEs. 

The beneficiaries are balance-sheet-heavy incumbents with preferential access to credit, regulatory relief, and FX protection. 

Bank compliance rates for MSME lending fell to historic lows in Q3 2025 as headline GDP slowed to pandemic levels. (Figure 1, lowest chart) 

The post–Global Financial Crisis easing playbook produced the same result: banks found it cheaper to pay penalties than lend to MSMEs. 

Most tellingly, the BSP removed the MSME lending compliance data from its website last week. 

And why now?

Because the data exposes the failure of both the Magna Carta for MSMEs and the BSP’s easing doctrine: liquidity was created, but it never reached the productive economy—the transmission channel broke down. 

This is not a failure of transparency. 

The peso is not reacting to rate cuts as stimulus. It is repricing a regime in which monetary easing now functions as fiscal accommodation and elite stabilization—diverting and diminishing productive credit. 

Removing an indicator does not eliminate the risk factor—it merely eliminates early-warning signaling 

And elite debt is one of the central forces driving this policy response. 

V. More Energy Bailouts: Prime Infrastructure-First Gen’s Batangas Energy Buy-in Deal 

As we have previously noted: “In the first nine months of 2025, the 26 non‑bank members of the elite PSEi 30 added Php 603.149 billion in debt—a growth rate of 11.22%, pushing their total to an all‑time high of Php 5.979 trillion. This was the second fastest pace after 2022.” (see reference, PSEi 30 Q3 and 9M 2025 Performance, November) 

And that’s just the PSEi 30. 

Financial fragility has intensified to the point that authorities have begun instituting explicit and implicit bailout measures. 

The regulatory relief via the suspension and forgiveness of real property taxes (RPTs) for independent power producers (IPPs) provided circumstantial—but powerful—evidence that the SMC–AEV–Meralco triangle was not an isolated deal, but part of a phased continuum: transactional camouflage, regulatory condonation, financial backstopping—ultimately leading to either socialization or forced liberalization. (see reference, Oligarchic Bailout—December) 

Crucially, the asset-transfer phenomenon in the energy sector is not confined to the SMC–AEV–MER axis. (see reference Inside the SMC–Meralco–AEV Energy Deal—November) 

Prime Infrastructure, controlled by tycoon Enrique Razon, acquired 60% of Lopez owned First Gen’s Batangas assets for Php50 billion. This occurred alongside broader liquidity-raising measures by the Lopez Group, including the sale of roughly 30,000 square meters of its ABS-CBN headquarters in Quezon City for Php 6.24 billion, and the termination of the ABS-CBN–TV5 partnership due to financial disagreements. 

VI. Political Redistribution: Consumers to Subsidize Debt-Heavy, Elite-Owned Renewables 

At the same time, regulatory support has extended beyond asset transfers. 

The Energy Regulatory Commission (ERC) approved the collection of the Green Energy Auction Allowance (GEA-All) on top of the existing Feed-in Tariff Allowance (FIT-All), explicitly allowing renewable developers to recover costs directly from consumers. These mechanisms institutionalize tariff pass-throughs as balance-sheet support.

Figure 2

Aggregate data underscore the scale of the problem. As of 9M 2025, the combined debt of major listed renewable firms—AP, ACEN, FGEN, CREC, SPNEC, and ALTER—surged from Php Php490.1 billion in 2024 to Php 682.2 billion in 2025, a 39.2% increase! (Figure 2, topmost table) 

The sharpest percentage increases came from SPNEC, ALTER, and CREC. 

Taken together, debt is the common thread now binding the Philippine energy sector’s restructuring. 

Beyond the SMC–AEV–Meralco triangle, leverage stress is visible across ownership groups. First Gen’s heavy debt load, the Lopez Group’s asset disposals, and Prime Infrastructure’s acquisition of operating assets all point to balance-sheet defense rather than expansion. These are not growth reallocations but late-cycle capital triage. 

The Prime Infra–First Gen transaction fits the same pattern seen elsewhere: risk is being relocated, not resolved. Mature energy assets migrate toward entities best positioned to manage regulatory and political risk, while leverage remains embedded in the system. Market discipline is deferred, price discovery suppressed, and time is bought—without reducing aggregate debt exposure and systemic malinvestments

These are not M&A events. These are distressed-asset reallocations under sovereign protection. 

Renewables exhibit the same logic through a different channel. 

VII. Averch–Johnson Trap and Public Choice Theory in Action 

Under FIT-All and GEA-All, tariff pass-throughs convert private leverage into consumer-backed cash flows. 

This is the Averch–Johnson trap in practice: capital intensity and debt are rewarded, inefficiency is preserved, and default risk is implicitly backstopped—reaffirming public choice theory in action: concentrated benefits, dispersed costs; privatized gains, socialized losses. 

Firms such as SPGEN, ALTER, and ACEN are not anomalies. They are rational actors responding to a regulatory regime that socializes balance-sheet stress through electricity prices. 

All these said, asset transfers in conventional power and tariff-embedded support for renewables show that the sector is no longer allocating capital for efficiency or growth. It is preserving leverage. Whether through strategic transactions or regulatory pass-throughs, losses are being deferred and dispersed—into consumers, banks, and ultimately the sovereign—confirming that the energy sector has entered a late-cycle rescue phase rather than a genuine transition. 

In the Philippines, ESG is not a financing premium—it has become a political guarantee of revenue recovery. 

In essence, these bailouts are not energy policy. They are rent-seeking protectionism.  

VIII. Elite Debt vs. Counterparty Exposure, Bank Centralization of Financial Assets 

But elite debt isn’t the only problem. 

For every borrower is a creditor—a counterparty. And banks are heavily exposed. 

Total financial resources (TFR) rose 6.76% to Php 35.311 trillion, with bank assets expanding faster at 7.2% to Php29.21 trillion last October. (Figure 2, middle image) 

Both sit at the second-highest nominal levels on record. Banks now hold 82.74% of TFR, and universal/commercial banks (UCs) account for 76.8% of that. UC banks make up 92.87% of total bank assets. 

The Bank-UC share of TFR has risen steadily since 2007—and the pandemic recession accelerated that centralization trend. 

Fundamentally, bank centralization of financial assets means:

• They dominate credit allocation and distribution.
• They generate and circulate most liquidity and money supply.
• In a low-volume, savings-deprived system, they are the dominant players in capital markets (stocks and bonds).
• They command the financial-intermediation process. 

A BSP-driven concentration of financial assets therefore escalates concentration risk. Yet almost no mainstream analysts address this. 

IX. Bank Liquidity Strains Beneath the Surface 

Even less is said about the intensifying liquidity strains in the banking system. 

Despite supposedly “manageable” NPLs, banks’ cash-to-deposit ratio hit all-time lows last October. Liquid assets-to-deposits plunged to 47.44%— a level last seen during the March 2020 pandemic outbreak—essentially erasing the BSP’s historic Php 2.3 trillion liquidity injection. (Figure 2, lowest graph) 

This signals that tightening bank cash reserves mirrors tightening corporate liquidity. 

And the pressures are not just from the elite portfolios—they span bank operating structure. 

X. The Wile E. Coyote Illusion of Stability, Bank’s Strategic Drift to Consumer Lending

Figure 3

NPL ratios have been propped up by a Wile E. Coyote velocity race: NPLs are near all-time highs, but their growth is masked by faster loan expansion. The 3.33% gross NPL ratio in October reflects gross NPL growth of 2.43% YoY versus 10.7% TLP growth. As long as credit velocity outruns impairment, the illusion of stability persists. (Figure 3, topmost visual) 

Yet NPLs also remain strangely “stable” even as GDP momentum breaks and unemployment rises—an inversion of normal credit dynamics. In a normal cycle, deteriorating growth and labor markets should push impairments higher; the fact that they don’t suggests suppression, rollover refinancing, and delayed recognition rather than genuine asset quality. 

Consumer credit cards illustrate the spiral—receivables at Php 1.094 trillion, NPLs at Php 52.72 billion, both at record highs. (Figure 3, middle diagram) 

Since 2020, the BSP’s rate cap and the recession pushed banks toward a consumer-credit model—where consumer credit growth now outpaces production loans. That dynamic amplifies inflation: too much money chasing too few goods. 

The consumer-loan share of UC lending (ex-real estate) hit a record 13.73% in October, while production loans fell to 86.27%—an all-time low. (Figure 3, lowest chart) 

XI. Keynesian Malinvestment and Policy Distortions 

This reflects Keynesian stimulus ideology—the belief that consumers can borrow and spend their way to prosperity. Its Achilles heel is the disregard for balance sheets and malinvestment risks. 

Banks have now wagered not only on elites but a widening consumer base—including subprime borrowers. And because participation in consumer credit remains limited, concentration keeps rising. 

Pandemic-era regulatory relief still suppresses benchmark NPL recognition.

XII. AFS Losses and HTM Fragility 

Simultaneously, banks accelerated balance-sheet leverage through Available-for-Sale (AFS) assets—another velocity game.

Figure 4

Losses in financial assets have slowed earnings. AFS exposure surged from 3Q 2023 to today, closing the gap with Held-to-Maturity (HTM). As of October, AFS and HTM made up 41.04% and 51.21% of financial assets, respectively. (Figure 4, topmost diagram) 

Financial-asset losses climbed from Php 16.94 B (1Q 2023) to Php 41.45 B (3Q 2025), which capped profit growth—banks earned just 2.5% more in 3Q 2025. (Figure 4, middle image) 

HTMs act as hidden NPLs and suppressed mark-to-market losses, worsening liquidity drought. Cash ratios peaked in 2013 and have declined ever since—mirroring the rise of HTM.

It’s no coincidence that record-high HTMs accompany the surge in banks’ net claims on central government (NCoCG). In October, NCoCG hit Php5.663 T (2nd-highest on record), and HTMs reached Php4.022 T (also near a record). (Figure 4, lowest graphs) 

Siloed government securities—rationalized under "Basel compliance"—combined with NPL overhang (consumer and likely under-reported production) and asset losses help explain slowing deposit growth. 

Velocity masking is inherently pro-cyclical. When velocity slows, NPL truth appears—all at once 

XIII. Banks Compound the Crowding Out Dynamics 

Banks are now forced to compete with elites and the government for scarce household savings.

Figure 5

Bank bonds and bills payable stood at Php1. 548 trillion in October 2025, down 3.44% YoY but still hovering near record highs. (Figure 5, topmost pane) 

To meet FX requirements and even assist the BSP in propping up Gross International Reserves (GIR), banks have increasingly tapped global capital markets. BSP data show the banking system’s external debt rose 0.3% to $28.97 billion in Q3 2025—its third‑highest level. BDO itself raised US$500 million through five‑year fixed‑rate senior notes in November 2025. (Figure 5, middle graph) 

Meanwhile, BSP’s Net Foreign Assets climbed 2.12% YoY, driven by a 26.3% surge in Other Deposits Corporation (ODC) FX assets—a growth spiral over the last three months that underscores a rapid FX-liquidity build-up outside deposit funding and a scramble for offshore liquidity. 

When banks become the transmission channel for fiscal deficits, corporate rescues, consumer support, and green‑subsidy pipelines, the endgame isn’t stability—it is deposit fragility, duration risk (asset‑liability mismatch), and the erosion of market discipline. These are the seeds of a balance sheet crisis, with BSP backstops looming ominously over a weak peso. 

XIV. The Biggest Borrower Is the State 

The biggest borrowers are not only the elites and the banks—the government itself stands at the center. 

Last September, the Bureau of Treasury signaled that public debt would ease toward year-end through scheduled amortizations and a slowdown in issuance. 

We warned that without genuine spending restraint; any dip would be a temporary statistical blip. 

And so it was. After two months of declines, public debt surged 9.6% YoY to Php 17.562 trillion in October—just Php1 billion shy of July’s record Php17.563 trillion. Local borrowings climbed 10.6%, outpacing external debt growth of 7.53%. 

Why would debt slow when deficit spending remains unchecked? 

XV. Public Revenues Are Collapsing 

Authorities and media largely ignored the mechanics behind October’s seasonal surplus (Php 11.154 billion), driven by a reporting artifact (the shift from monthly to quarterly VAT). 

They fixated on the headline numbers: a spending dip linked to the flood-control scandal, and 6.64% shrinkage in collections. 

The bigger picture was ignored: BIR’s 1.02% growth was its weakest since December 2023; Bureau of Customs fell 4.5%; non‑tax revenues collapsed 53.3% 

The 10-month numbers confirm structural decay: revenue growth slid to 1.13%, the weakest since 2020. Tax revenue growth of 7.45% is also at post-pandemic lows. BIR’s 9.6% is a four-year trough; BoC’s 0.9% has drifted toward contraction; non-tax revenues collapsed 36.7%—the weakest since at least 2009. 

A narrow decline in the fiscal deficit (Php1.106 trillion—third-largest on record) provides no comfort. With two months remaining, the deficit can surpass 2022’s Php1.112 trillion and approach 2021’s Php1.203 trillion—entirely dependent on tax performance. (Figure 5, lowest visual) 

Since GDP drives revenues, these numbers reaffirm the dynamic: slowing growth, rising unemployment, yet oddly “stable” NPLs—a contradiction sustained by velocity illusions. 

Expenditure growth may remain muted by political scandal, but revenue weakness is decisive. 

XVI. Debt and Debt Servicing Is Crowding Out Everything Else 

Record public debt now drives record servicing. As of October, Php1.935 trillion in debt payments has nearly breached the Php2.02-trillion 2024 record—a gap of barely 4.3% with two months to go. 

The identity is mechanical: (as discussed last August, see reference)

• More debt → more servicing → less for everything else
• Public and private spending are crowded out
• Revenue cannot keep pace with amortization
• FX depreciation and inflation risks accelerate
• Higher taxes become inevitable

This process is becoming more apparent by the month. 

XVI. A Budget as Bailout 

Yet ideology prevails. Despite weakening revenues and slowing nominal GDP, Congress has passed a record Php 6.793‑trillion 2026 budget. 

Figure 6 

The headline implies “just” a 7.4% increase from 2025, but because spending targets for 2025 were revised downward, the 2026 expansion is far larger once fully implemented. (Figure 6, topmost window) 

The cut to DPWH—politically expedient after a corruption uproar—was simply reallocated to entities like PhilHealth. No discipline, just reshuffling. 

Record spending in the face of a deteriorating economy is not stimulus—it is a fiscal bailout in progress. 

XVII. The Sovereign–FX–Savings Doom Loop 

An economy with an extreme savings-investment gap and a quasi-‘soft peg’ to the USD must fund deficits externally. Public sector foreign debt reached USD 90.6 billion in Q3—up 11.7% YoY, with a record 61% share of the total. (Figure 6, middle image) 

Every peso the state cannot fund through revenue must be sourced from bank balance sheets—through deposits, government securities, or offshore borrowing. The sovereign becomes a debtor to the banking system, and the banks become debtors to households. That is the sovereign–bank–household doom loop. 

This external financing occurs despite a stretched fiscal capacity: the Q3 deficit-to-GDP ratio of 6.63% was the fourth-widest on record, achieved at the expense of households via  intensifying financial repression and crowding-out. (Figure 6, lowest chart) 

Despite mainstream optimism about “manageable” fiscal health, current dynamics risk unraveling into fiscal shock. 

Monetary loosening—locally and globally—is masking fragility. When that cover fades, the peso absorbs the shock. 

VIII. Conclusion: The Real Story: Bailouts Everywhere 

While the public fixates on the corruption scandal, bailouts continue in real time—implicit and explicit, fiscal and regulatory. 

• The SMC–AEV–Meralco and Prime Infra–First Gen transactions are political rescue operations transferring assets among leveraged elites. 
• Direct relief has been delivered through taxpayer-funded suspensions (e.g., Real Property Taxes for IPPs) and electricity price hikes to sustain overleveraged “green” portfolios. 
• Record fiscal outlays shift resources toward the state, elite firms, and banks. 
• BSP’s easing cycle provides the monetary channel to accommodate the whole structure. 

This is not reform—it is redistribution upward. 

The great economist Frédéric Bastiat’s "legal plunder" describes the mechanism; Acemoglu-Robinson’s extractive institutions describe the outcome: enrichment of incumbents, depletion of the real economy, and accumulation of malinvestment. 

A fourth fault line left to be discussed: The Philippine real estate bubble. 

XIX. Encore: From “Manageable Deficit” to Crisis Trigger

2025 already saw GDP pull the rug out from under the institutional optimists. 

The next phase is simpler:

• Rising debt
• Weakening revenues
• Record spending
• External borrowing
• Peso strain
• Price pressures
• Monetary accommodation
• Banking-system transmission

This is how sovereign balance-sheet stress becomes a macro-financial shock.

The question is no longer whether debt climbs. 

It is whether the system can finance it without a solvency event. 

Will 2026 be the year national finances follow Ernest Hemingway’s arc—gradually, then suddenly? 

And when the adjustment comes, does the peso simply slip past 60—or does something in the system fracture before it gets there?

Because the endgame of fiscal ochlocratic social democracy isn’t fairness—it’s insolvency masked as compassion. 

_____

References: 

Prudent Investor Newsletter, PSEi 30 Q3 and 9M 2025 Performance: Late-Stage Fragility Beneath the Headline Growth, Substack, November 30, 2025 

Prudent Investor Newsletter, The Oligarchic Bailout Everyone Missed: How the Energy Fragility Now Threatens the Philippine Peso and the Economy, Substack, December 7, 2025 

Prudent Investor Newsletter,  Inside the SMC–Meralco–AEV Energy Deal: Asset Transfers That Mask a Systemic Fragility Loop, Substack, November 23,2025 

Prudent Investor Newsletters, June 2025 Deficit: A Countdown to Fiscal Shock, Substack, Substack, August 3, 2025 

 

The BSP’s Seventh Rate Cut, the Goldilocks Delusion, and Technocracy in Crisis

 

Economic interventionism is a self-defeating policy. The individual measures that it applies do not achieve the results sought. They bring about a state of affairs, which—from the viewpoint of its advocates themselves—is much more undesirable than the previous state they intended to alter—Ludwig von Mises 

In this issue

The BSP’s Seventh Rate Cut, the Goldilocks Delusion, and Technocracy in Crisis

I. The Goldilocks Delusion: Rate Cuts as Ritual

II. Cui Bono: Government as the Primary Beneficiary

III. Wile E. Coyote Finance: The Race Between Bank Credit Expansion and the NPL Surge

IV. Minsky’s Warning: Fragility Beneath the Easing

V. Concentration and Contagion, The Exclusion of Inclusion: MSMEs and the Elite Credit Divide

VI. A Demand-Driven CPI? BSP’s Quiet Admission: Demand Weakness Behind Low Inflation

VII. Employment at the Edge of Fiction: Volatility, Illusion, and Structural Decay

VIII. The War on Cash and the Politics of Liquidity

IX. The War on Cash Disguised as Corruption Control

X. From Cash Limits to Systemic Liquidity Locks

XI. The Liquidity Containment Playbook and the Architecture of Control

XII. Curve-Shaping and Fiscal Extraction

XIII. When Discretion Becomes Doctrine: From Institutional Venality to Kindleberger’s Signpost

XIV. Conclusion: The Technocrat’s Mirage: Goldilocks Confronts the Knowledge Problem and Goodhart’s Law 

The BSP’s Seventh Rate Cut, the Goldilocks Delusion, and Technocracy in Crisis 

From rate cuts to cash caps: how the BSP’s containment playbook reshapes power and fragility in the Philippine economy

I. The Goldilocks Delusion: Rate Cuts as Ritual 

In delivering its “surprise” seventh rate cut for this August 2024 episode of its easing cycle, the BSP chief justified their decision on four grounds: 

• 1 Outlook for growth has softened in the near term
• 2 Growth was weaker because demand is weaker. This, in turn, is why inflation is low
• 3 Governance concerns on public infrastructure spending have weighed on business sentiment
• 4 “We’re still refining our estimates. We had thought that our Goldilocks policy rate was closer to 5 percent, now it’s closer to 4 percent. So we have to decide where we really are between 5 percent and 4 percent.” 

For a supposedly data-dependent political-monetary institution, the BSP never seems to ask whether rate cuts have delivered the intended results—or why they haven’t. The rate-cut logic rests on a single pillar: the belief that spending alone drives growth. 

In reality, the BSP’s spree of rate and reserve cuts, signaling channels, and relief measures has produced a weaker, more fragile economy.

Figure 1

GDP rates have been declining since at least 2012, alongside the BSP’s ON RRP rates. Yet none of this is explained by media or institutional experts. These ‘signal channeling’ tactics are designed for the public to unquestioningly accept official explanations. (Figure 1, upper chart) 

II. Cui Bono: Government as the Primary Beneficiary 

Second, cui bono—who benefits most from rate cuts? 

The biggest borrower is the government. Its historic deficit spending spree hit an all-time high in 1H 2025, reaching a direct 16.71% share of GDP. This is supported by the second-highest debt level in history—ballooning to Php 17.468 trillion in August 2025—and with it, surging debt servicing costs. (Figure 1, lower window) 

As explained in our early October post: 

• More debt → more servicing → less for everything else
• Crowding out hits both public and private spending
• Revenue gains won’t keep up with servicing
• Inflation and peso depreciation risks climb
• Higher taxes are on the horizon 

The likely effect of headline “governance concerns” and BSP’s liquidity containment measures—via capital and regulatory controls—is a material slowdown in government spending. In an economy increasingly dependent on deficit outlays, this amplifies what the BSP chief calls a “demand slowdown.” 

In truth, the causality runs backward: public spending crowding out and malinvestments cause weak demand. 

III. Wile E. Coyote Finance: The Race Between Bank Credit Expansion and the NPL Surge 

Banks are the second biggest beneficiaries. Yet paradoxically, despite the BSP’s easing cycle, the growth rate of bank lending appears to have hit a wall.

Figure 2

Gross Non-Performing Loans (NPL) surged to a record Php 550 billion up from 5.4% in July to 7.3% in August. (Figure 2, topmost image)

Because lending growth materially slowed from 11% to 9.9% over the same period, the gross NPL ratio rose from 3.4% to 3.5%—the highest since November 2024. This is the Wile E. Coyote moment: credit velocity stalls and NPL gravity takes hold. 

As we noted in September: 

“Needless to say, whether in response to BSP policy or escalating balance sheet stress, banks may begin pulling back on credit—unveiling the Wile E. Coyote moment, where velocity stalls and gravity takes hold.” 

Even BSP’s own data confirms that the past rate cuts have barely permeated average bank lending rates. As of July 2025, these stood at 8.17%—still comparable to levels when BSP rates were at their peak (8.23% in August 2024). The blunting of policy transmission reveals deep internal imbalances. (Figure 2, middle graph) 

Production loans (9.8%) signaled the slowdown in lending, while consumer loans (23.4%) continued to sizzle in August. The share of consumer loans reached a historic 15.5% (excluding real estate loans). (Figure 2, lowest visual) 

IV. Minsky’s Warning: Fragility Beneath the Easing 

The BSP’s admission that the economy has softened translates to likely more NPLs and an accelerating cycle of loan refinancing. Whether on the consumer or supply side, this incentivizes rate cuts to delay a reckoning 

From Hyman Minsky’s Financial Instability Hypothesis, this deepens the drift toward Ponzi finance: insufficient cash flows from operations prompt recycling of loans and asset sales to fund mounting liabilities. (see Reference)

Figure 3

As major borrowers, lower rates also benefit banks’ own borrowing sprees. While banks trimmed their August bond and bill issuances (-0.79% YoY, -3.7% MoM, share down from 6.52% to 6.3%), both growth rates and shares remain on an uptrend. (Figure 3, topmost graph) 

The slowdown in bank borrowing stems from drawdowns from BSP accounts—justified by recent reserve rate ratio (RRR) cuts. BSP’s MAS reported a Php 242 billion bounce in liabilities to Other Depository Corporations (ODC) in August, reaching Php 898.99 billion. (Figure 3, middle diagram) 

Ultimately, the seventh rate cut—deepening the easing cycle—is designed to keep credit velocity ahead of the NPL surge, hoping to stall the reckoning or spark productivity-led credit expansion. Growth theater masks the real dynamics. 

Rate cuts today are less about the economy and more about survival management within the financial system. 

V. Concentration and Contagion, The Exclusion of Inclusion: MSMEs and the Elite Credit Divide 

MSME lending—the most vital segment—continues to wane. Its share of total bank lending fell to a paltry 4.6% in Q2, the lowest since 2009. Ironically, MSME lending even requires a mandate. BSP easing has little impact here. (Figure 3, lowest visual) 

Some borrowers engage in wholesale lending or microfinancing—borrowing from banks to relend to SMEs. But if average bank lending rates haven’t come down, why would this segment benefit? 

Informal lenders, who fill the gap left by banks, absorb this risk—keeping rates sticky, as in the case of 5-6 lending. 

If lending to MSMEs remains negligible, who are the real beneficiaries of bank credit?

The answer: elite-owned, politically connected conglomerates.

Figure 4

In 1H 2025, borrowings of the 26 non-financial PSEi members reached a record Php 5.95 trillion—up Php 423.2 billion YoY, or 7.7%. That’s about 16.92% of total financial resources (TFR) as of June 2025. Bills Payable of the PSEi 30’s 4 banks jumped 64.55% YoY to P 859.7 billion. (Figure 4, topmost graph) 

This concentration is reflected in total financial resources/assets: Philippine banks, especially universal-commercial banks, hold 82.7% and 77.1% of total assets respectively as of July. 

Mounting systemic fragility is being masked by deepening concentration. A credit blowup in one major sector or ‘too big to fail’ player could ripple through the financial system, capital markets, interest rate channel, the USD–PHP exchange rate—and ultimately, GDP. 

The structure of privilege and fragility is now one and the same.

VI. A Demand-Driven CPI? BSP’s Quiet Admission: Demand Weakness Behind Low Inflation 

The BSP chief even admitted "demand is weaker. This, in turn, is why inflation is low."

Contrastingly, when authorities present their CPI data, the penchant is to frame inflation as a supply-side dynamic. Yet in our humble opinion, this marks the first time that the BSP confesses to a demand-driven CPI. 

September CPI rose for the second consecutive month—from 1.5% to 1.7%. If the ‘governance issues’ have exacerbated the demand slowdown, why has CPI risen? Authorities pointed to higher transport and vegetable prices as the culprit. 

Yet core CPI slowed from 2.7% in August to 2.6% in September, suggesting that the lagged effects of earlier easy money have translated to its recent rise. 

But that may be about to change. 

The drop in core CPI to 2.6% YoY was underscored by its month-on-month (MoM) movement, as well as the headline CPI’s MoM, both of which were flat in September. Historically, a plunge in MoM tends to signal interim peaks in CPI. (Figure 4, middle and lowest diagrams) 

So, while the unfolding data suggest that public spending may slow and bank lending continues to decelerate, “demand is weaker” would likely mean not only a softer GDP print but an interim “top” in CPI. 

If inflation reflects weak demand, labor data should show the same — yet the opposite is being claimed 

VII. Employment at the Edge of Fiction: Volatility, Illusion, and Structural Decay 

Authorities also produced another remarkable claim—on jobs.

Figure 5

They say employment rates significantly rebounded from 94.67% in July to 96.1% in August, even as the August–September CPI rebound supposedly showed that “demand is weaker.” This rebound was supported by a sudden surge in labor force participation—from 60.7% in July to 65.06% in August. (Figure 5, topmost and middle charts) 

The PSA’s employment data defies structural logic. Labor swings like stocks despite rigid labor laws and weak job mobility. The data also suggest that the wide vacillation in jobs indicates abrupt shifts between searching for work and refraining from doing so—as reflected in the steep changes in labor force participation. 

Furthermore, construction jobs flourished in August even amid flood-control probes, reflecting either delayed fiscal drag—or inflated data, to project immunity of labor markets from governance scandals. (Figure 5, lowest graph) 

Yet high employment masks poor-quality, low-literacy work—mostly in MSMEs—which explains elevated self-rated poverty and hunger rates. 

Additionally, both employment and labor force data have turned ominous: a rounding top in employment rates, while labor force participation also trends downward. 

Despite tariff woes, the slowdown in manufacturing jobs remains moderate. 

Nonetheless, beneath this façade, record consumer credit and stagnant wages reveal a highly leveraged, increasingly credit-dependent household sector. 

Labor narrative inflation—the embellishment of job metrics—would only exacerbate depressed conditions during the next downturn, leading to sharper unemployment. 

When investors interpret inaccurate data as fact, they allocate resources erroneously. The resulting imbalances won’t just show up in earnings losses—they’ll manifest as outright capital consumption. 

And while public spending may be disrupted, authorities can always divert “budget” caught in controversies to other areas. 

That said, jobs decay could rupture the banks propping up this high-employment illusion. 

VIII. The War on Cash and the Politics of Liquidity 

This week puts into the spotlight two developments which are likely inimical to the banking system, the economy and civil liberties. 

This Philstar article points to the banking system’s implementation of the BSP’s Php 500,000 withdrawal cap, which took effect in October. 

We earlier flagged seven potential risks from the BSP’s withdrawal limit: financial gridlock that inhibits the economy; capital controls that permeate into trade; indirect rescue of the banking system at the expense of the economy; possible confidence erosion in banks—alongside CMEPA; tighter credit conditions; rising risk premiums and capital flight; and, finally, the warning of historical precedent. (see reference) 

For instance, we wrote, "these sweeping limits target an errant minority while penalizing the wider economy. Payroll financing for firms with dozens of employees, capital expenditures, and cash-intensive investments and many more aspects of commerce all depend on such flows." 

The Philstar article noted, "Several social media users, particularly small business owners, expressed frustration over the stricter requirements and said that the P500,000 daily cash limit could disrupt operations and delay payments to suppliers."

Sentiment is yet to diffuse into economic numbers, but our underlying methodological individualist deductive reasoning is on the right track. 

IX. The War on Cash Disguised as Corruption Control

One of the critical elements in the BSP withdrawal cap is its requirement that the public use ‘traceable channels.’

The “traceable channels” clause reveals the BSP’s dual intent. 

On media, it’s about anti–money laundering and transaction transparency. In practice, it forces liquidity to remain inside the banking perimeter—deposits, e-wallets, and interbank transfers that cannot exit as cash. 

Cash, the last bastion of transactional privacy and immediacy, is being sidelined. This is not a war on crime; it’s a war on cash. 

The effect is to silo money within the formal system, preventing it from circulating freely across the real economy.

Figure 6

In August, cash-to-deposit at 9.84% remained adrift near all-time lows, while the liquid-asset-to-deposit ratio at 47.72% hit 2020 pandemic lows—both trending downward since 2013. (Figure 6, topmost pane) 

X. From Cash Limits to Systemic Liquidity Locks 

What looks like a compliance reform is, in truth, a liquidity containment measure. 

By capping withdrawals at Php 500,000, the BSP traps liquidity in banks already facing balance sheet strain. This buys temporary stability, allowing institutions to meet reserve ratios and avoid visible stress, but it starves the cash economy—especially small businesses dependent on operational liquidity. 

Economic losses eventually translate to non-performing loans, erasing whatever short-term relief liquidity traps provided. When firms struggle to repay, banks hoard liquidity to protect themselves—contracting credit and deepening the slowdown. The policy cure becomes the crisis catalyst. 

XI. The Liquidity Containment Playbook and the Architecture of Control 

This is not an isolated act; it fits a broader policy playbook: 

• Easy Money Policies: Reduce the cost of borrowing in favor of the largest borrowers, often at the expense of savers and small lenders. 
• CMEPA: The Capital Market Efficiency Promotion Act, which expands regulatory reach over capital flows and market behavior, while rechanneling private savings toward state and quasi-state instruments. 
• Soft FX Peg: The USDPHP peg, designed to constrain inflation, masks currency fragility and limits monetary flexibility. 
• Price Controls: MSRP ceilings distort price signals and suppress market clearing, especially in essential goods. 
• Administrative Friction: Regulatory hurdles replace fiscal support, extracting compliance and liquidity rather than injecting relief. 

Add to that the BSP’s ongoing yield curve-shaping—suppressing long-term yields to sustain public debt rollover—and what emerges is a clear strategy of financial containment: liquidity is captured, redirected, and immobilized to defend a strained financial order. 

XII. Curve-Shaping and Fiscal Extraction 

The post–rate cut yield curve behavior in the Philippines reveals a dual narrative that’s more tactical than organic. On one hand, the market is signaling unease about inflation—particularly in the medium term—yet it stops short of pricing in a runaway scenario. This ambivalence is reflected in the belly of the curve, where yields have dropped sharply despite flat month-on-month CPI and only modest year-on-year upticks. (Figure 6, middle and lowest graphs) 

On the other hand, the BSP appears to be engineering a ‘bearish steepening’ through tactical easing, likely aimed at supporting bank margins and stimulating credit amid a backdrop of rising NPLs, slowing loan growth, and liquidity hoarding. 

The rate cut, coming on the heels of July’s CMEPA and amid regulatory tightening, suggests a deliberate attempt to offset balance sheet stress without triggering overt inflation panic. 

Each of these measures—cash caps, regulatory absorption of savings, and engineered curve shifts—forms part of a single containment architecture. What looks like fragmented policy is, in reality, coordinated liquidity triage. 

In sum, fiscal extraction, liquidity controls, and curve manipulation are now moving in tandem. Each reinforces the other, ensuring that capital cannot easily escape the system even as trust erodes. 

The war on cash, then, is not about corruption or transparency—it’s about preserving liquidity in a system that has begun to run dry.

XIII. When Discretion Becomes Doctrine: From Institutional Venality to Kindleberger’s Signpost 

And then the BSP hopes to expand its extraction-based “reform.” This ABS-CBN article reports that the central bank plans to issue "a new policy on a possible threshold for money transfers which will cover even digital transactions." It would also empower banks to "refuse any transaction based on suspicion of corruption." 

Ironically, BSP Governor Eli Remolona cited as an example a contractor’s ‘huge’ withdrawal from the National Treasury—deposited into a private account—which he defended as "legitimate." 

The war on financials is evolving—from capital controls to behavioral nudging to arbitrary discretionary thresholds. BSP’s move to cap money transfers reframes liquidity as suspicion, and banks as moral adjudicators. 

Discretion to refuse transactions—even without proof—creates a regime where access to private property is conditional, not on law, but on institutional discomfort. 

Remolona’s defense of a bank that released a “huge amount” to a contractor despite unease confirms what we’ve recently argued: the scandal was never hidden—it was institutionally tolerated. 

Bullseye! 

Two revelations from this: 

First, it validates that this venal political-economic framework represents the tip of the iceberg—supported by deeply entrenched gaming of the system, extraction, and control born of top-heavy policies and politics. 

Two. It serves as a Kindleberger’s timeless signpost—that swindles, fraud, and defalcation are often signals of crashes and panic: 

"The propensities to swindle and be swindled run parallel to the propensity to speculate during a boom. Crash and panic, with their motto of sauve qui peut, induce still more to cheat in order to save themselves. And the signal for panic is often the revelation of some swindle, theft, embezzlement, or fraud." (Kindleberger, Bernstein)

In this sense, the BSP’s moralistic posture and arbitrary discretion may not be acts of reform, but symptoms of a system inching toward its own reckoning. The façade of prudence conceals a liquidity-starved order struggling to maintain legitimacy—where control replaces confidence, and “reform” becomes a euphemism for survival. 

All this suggests that, should implementation be rigorous, the recent earthquakes may not be confined geologically but could spill over into financial institutions and the broader economy. If these signify a “do something” parade of ningas cogon policies, then the moral decay born of the public spending spree will soon resurface. 

Either way, because of structural sunk costs, the effects of one intervention diffusing into the next guarantees the acceleration and eventual implosion of imbalances that—like a pressure valve—will find a way to ventilate. 

XIV. Conclusion: The Technocrat’s Mirage: Goldilocks Confronts the Knowledge Problem and Goodhart’s Law 

Finally, the BSP admits to either being afflicted by a knowledge problem or propagating a red herring: "We’re still refining our estimates. We had thought that our Goldilocks policy rate was closer to 5 percent, now it’s closer to 4 percent. So we have to decide where we really are between 5 percent and 4 percent." 

This confession exposes the technocratic folly of believing that economic equilibrium can be engineered by formula. It ignores the fundamental truth of human action—there are no constants—and the perennial lesson of Goodhart’s Law: when a measure becomes a target, it ceases to be a good measure. Protecting the status quo, therefore, translates to chasing short-term fixes while evading long-term consequences. 

What this reveals is not calibration but confusion—policy reduced to trial-and-error within a liquidity-starved system. The “Goldilocks” rhetoric masks a deeper instability: that each attempt to fine-tune the economy only amplifies the distortions born of past interventions. 

We close this article with a quote from our October issue: 

"The irony is stark. What can rate cuts achieve in “spurring demand” when the BSP is simultaneously probing banks and imposing withdrawal caps? 

And more: what can they do when authorities themselves admit that CMEPA triggered a “dramatic” 95-percent drop in long-term deposits, or when households are hoarding liquidity in response to new tax rules—feeding banks’ liquidity trap?" 

____

References 

Ludwig von Mises, Bureaucracy, p.119 NEW HAVEN YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1944, mises.org 

Hyman P. Minsky, The Financial Instability Hypothesis The Jerome Levy Economics Institute of Bard College, May 1992 

Charles P Kindleberger & Peter L. Bernstein, The Emergence of Swindles, Manias Panics and Crashes, Chapter 5, p.73 Springer Nature link, January 2015 

Prudent Investor Newsletter, The Philippine Flood Control Scandal: Systemic Failure and Central Bank Complicity, Substack, October 5, 2025 

Prudent Investor Newsletter, Q2–1H Debt-Fueled PSEi 30 Performance Disconnects from GDP—What Could Go Wrong, Substack, August 24, 2025 

Prudent Investor Newsletter, Minsky's Fragility Cycle Meets Wile E. Coyote: The Philippine Banking System’s Velocity Trap, Substack, September 14, 2025