Showing posts with label ratchet effect. Show all posts
Showing posts with label ratchet effect. Show all posts

Sunday, April 19, 2026

Stagflation by Design: Policy Contradictions and the Return of the Pandemic Rescue Playbook

   

It used to be that recessions were accompanied by falling prices. Because of this few people realised that though prices in general fell consumer prices rose relative to producer prices. In other words, capital goods suffered the greatest price declines. Now that central banks inflate to prevent price declines we can find ourselves in a situation where consumer prices are rising faster than producer prices even as a large pool of unemployed emerges. This is stagflation—Gerard Jackson 

In this issue:

Stagflation by Design: Policy Contradictions and the Return of the Pandemic Rescue Playbook

I. Colliding Policies in an Emerging Stagflation Environment

II. The Triangle of Intervention

III. The Return of War-Time Economics

IV. Energy Bailouts and Socialized Losses

V. BSP’s Hawkish Rhetoric, Shadow Monetary Easing

VI. Ratchet Effect: The Pandemic Rescue Framework That Never Ended

VII. Oil Shock Meets Banking System Stress Beneath the Surface

VIII. External Risks: Oil and the Strait of Hormuz

IX. A System Moving Toward Structural Stagflation

X. Conclusion: The Institutionalization of Crisis Policy 

Stagflation by Design: Policy Contradictions and the Return of the Pandemic Rescue Playbook 

How fiscal dependence on inflation, regulatory interventions, and shadow monetary easing are locking the Philippine economy into a structural stagflation regime.

I. Colliding Policies in an Emerging Stagflation Environment 

Recent policy developments across the Philippine economy reveal a system increasingly defined by conflicting interventions. 

Authorities have attempted to cushion consumers from rising costs by suspending excise taxes on Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG) and Kerosene, while refusing similar relief for gasoline and diesel. The explanation offered by policymakers was not economic but fiscal: the government argued that suspending excise taxes on gasoline and diesel would result in roughly Php 43 billion in lost revenue, compared with about Php 4.1 billion for LPG and kerosene

This framing reveals the real constraint—fiscal dependence on inflation-driven tax revenues

At the same time, authorities are pushing in the opposite direction elsewhere in the economy.

The National Food Authority has raised rice buying prices in an attempt to support farmers, while wage pressures are intensifying following minimum wage hikes in Central Luzon and renewed calls for increases in Baguio City

Authorities are also expanding a new round of credit and income support programs across multiple sectors of the economy. Emergency loan facilities have been announced for micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs), while the Department of Agriculture has introduced loan moratoriums for farmers and fisherfolk facing rising production costs. 

The Social Security System has also proposed allocating roughly Php 60 billion for expanded lending programs while accelerating pension increases, alongside discussions of targeted cash assistance for middle-income households and minimum-wage earners. 

These measures inject liquidity and sustain household demand while simultaneously raising production costs upstream. The result is a dual pressure dynamic: stronger consumption collides with weakened supply conditions, compressing producer margins, discouraging output, and increasing reliance on imports. 

Margin compression weakens domestic supply responses, forcing greater reliance on imports. For a country already structurally dependent on imported food, fuel, and intermediate goods, this dynamic worsens trade deficits and exposes the economy further to external shocks. 

Such policy contradictions lie at the core of what economists describe as stagflationary dynamics—a situation where policies designed to alleviate inflation instead weaken production and reinforce price pressures elsewhere.

II. The Triangle of Intervention 

Many of the policies now unfolding can be understood through the concept of triangular intervention—a term used by Austrian economist Murray Rothbard to describe government actions that compel or prohibit exchanges between two private parties. 

Unlike taxation or subsidies, which transfer resources directly between the state and citizens, triangular interventions reshape the conditions under which individuals and firms are allowed to transact. Price controls, regulatory mandates, credit allocation programs, and production quotas are classic examples because they force market participants to exchange under state-imposed terms—or prevent them from exchanging altogether. 

Once such interventions are introduced, additional policies often follow in order to manage the distortions they create.

In practice, the Philippine policy response increasingly resembles a triangular structure of intervention linking fiscal transfers, monetary accommodation, and regulatory relief. 

These policy actions are not isolated. They form a self-reinforcing intervention triangle. 

  • Price relief measures reduce immediate political pressure from rising costs. 
  • Subsidies and fiscal transfers sustain demand and prevent short-term economic adjustment. 
  • Inflation-driven tax revenues, particularly through value-added taxes and excise collections, provide the fiscal space to finance those subsidies. 

Each corner of the triangle reinforces the others. 

A. Price relief

reduces political pressure

allows inflation to persist elsewhere

B. Subsidies

sustain demand

delay supply adjustment

C. VAT windfalls

finance interventions

encourage further policy expansion. 

Because value-added taxes are collected as a percentage of nominal prices, inflation automatically boosts government revenue even without legislative tax increases. This dynamic effectively transforms inflation into an implicit tax mechanism that helps finance fiscal deficits 

The result is a system characterized by persistent inflation, expanding fiscal intervention, and weakening supply responses—a structure that gradually locks the economy into a stagflationary trajectory. 

This dynamic also reflects a broader pattern identified by several strands of economic theory. 

Murray Rothbard described how successive government interventions often generate distortions that then justify further intervention in a cumulative process. 

János Kornai later characterized similar systems as operating under “soft budget constraints,” where firms and institutions come to expect rescue when financial pressures emerge

In financial markets, Hyman Minsky observed that prolonged stabilization policies can encourage rising leverage and risk-taking, gradually transforming stability itself into a source of fragility. 

The Philippine policy mix increasingly exhibits elements of all three dynamics simultaneously.

III. The Return of War-Time Economics 

Many of these policies also resemble the economic management frameworks historically used during wartime mobilization or the "war economy." 

Price controls, directed credit programs, industrial coordination, and regulatory mandates were originally designed to manage supply shortages and stabilize critical sectors during periods of national emergency. 

In the Philippine case, however, similar instruments are now being deployed outside wartime conditions—reflecting an economy increasingly governed through administrative intervention rather than decentralized market coordination. 

IV. Energy Bailouts and Socialized Losses 

Recent developments in the power sector illustrate how these dynamics operate in practice. 

Regulators recently approved a mechanism allowing Meralco to recover more than Php 4 billion from consumers through tariff adjustments tied to disruptions in gas supply from an affiliate-linked generation facility, effective September. 

This episode demonstrates how upstream contractual disruptions are transformed into regulated cost pass-throughs, effectively socializing losses across captive electricity consumers. 

Such arrangements stabilize corporate balance sheets while transferring the burden of adjustment to households and businesses. 

Additionally, this confirms our November 2025 analysis of the SMC–MER–AEV deal—an implicit bailout that magnifies the fragility loop. 

V. BSP’s Hawkish Rhetoric, Shadow Monetary Easing 

Against this backdrop, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) has sought to maintain a public posture of policy discipline, signaling that it has room to raise interest rates. 

However, the measures being deployed tell a different story. 

Recent announcements include

  • loan grace periods for affected borrowers
  • discretion for banks in restructuring distressed loans
  • regulatory relief affecting nonperforming loan classification.

While presented as targeted assistance, these policies function as shadow monetary easing. They support bank balance sheets and credit expansion while allowing the central bank to maintain the appearance of a cautious monetary stance. 

Crucially, these actions coincide with successive interest rate cuts, aggressive reductions in reserve requirement ratios and the doubling of deposit insurance coverage, both of which expand liquidity within the financial system. 

Persistent liquidity expansion also increases pressure on the exchange rate, forcing the central bank to balance domestic financial stabilization against currency defense

The BSP’s demonstrated preference—judging by its policy actions—points clearly to an easing bias. 

Yet, not all bank rescues appear directly in fiscal budgets. 

During the 2023 United States banking crisis, for instance, large-scale stabilization measures were implemented primarily through central bank liquidity facilities rather than explicit fiscal bailouts. 

The Philippine approach appears to be moving along a similar path.

VI. Ratchet Effect: The Pandemic Rescue Framework That Never Ended 

Authorities deployed this stabilization framework during the pandemic recession as an emergency response. 

More than five years later, however, that emergency architecture has not been unwound. Instead of normalization, deficit spending has become structurally embedded in the system.


Figure 1

Public debt continues to reach new highs. Universal and commercial bank lending relative to GDP is at record levels, while public debt-to-GDP has climbed back to levels last seen in 2005.  (Figure 1, upper and lower graphs)


Figure 2

At the same time, both banking system net claims on the national/central government (NCoCG) and central bank exposures have expanded significantly, drifting near or exceeding historical peaks. (Figure 2, upper window) 

Fiscal outcomes reinforce this pattern. The 2025 deficit ranks among the largest in the country’s history, while combined public and formal financial sector leverage has risen to approximately 113 percent of GDP. 

Liquidity conditions tell the same story. Although M2 broad money has declined from its pandemic peak of roughly 76 percent of GDP in 2021, it remained near 70 percent in 2025—well above historical norms. (Figure 2, lower diagram) 

All told, these trends suggest that pandemic-era interventions did not merely stabilize the economy temporarily; they fundamentally reshaped its structure. 

The system now operates with a deepening reliance on elevated leverage, abundant liquidity, and recurring policy support. 

This dynamic closely reflects the Robert Higgs concept of the "ratchet effect," where government expansion during crises is rarely reversed. Instead, emergency measures leave behind institutional and political legacies that permanently raise the baseline of state intervention, making each subsequent intervention easier to justify and more difficult to unwind. 

VII. Oil Shock Meets Banking System Stress Beneath the Surface 

Pre-Iran war banking data indicates that pressures may already be building beneath the surface.


Figure 3

The ratio of cash to deposits fell in February 2026 to its lowest level in at least a decade. (Figure 3, upper pane) 

Meanwhile, liquid assets relative to deposits, although rebounding slightly in February, remain near levels last seen during the early months of the pandemic in 2020. 

At the same time, banks have been rapidly increasing their holdings of available-for-sale (AFS) securities, which surged over the past three months to one of the highest nominal levels on record. This expansion may be temporarily boosting reported liquidity metrics. (Figure 3, lower image) 

Credit quality indicators show similar dynamics.


Figure 4

Allowances for credit losses have reached record levels, reflecting suppressed loan provisions as total loan portfolios continued expanding. Gross nonperforming loans also jumped in February to a new high. (Figure 4, upper and lower charts) 

For much of the past year, rapid credit growth masked a deterioration in loan quality. The recent surge suggests that this buffer may now be fading—which may help explain the latest regulatory relief measures affecting NPL classification.


Figure 5

Interbank lending has also reached record levels, while repos with other banks remain near historic highs. (Figure 5, upper visual) 

Meanwhile, banks increasingly rely on bond and bill borrowings as funding sources rather than traditional deposit growth. (Figure 5, lower image) 

Conjointly, these trends resemble a classic “Wile E. Coyote” dynamic from the denominator effect—where balance sheet stresses remain temporarily suspended by rapid credit expansion until underlying conditions eventually reassert themselves. 

An oil shock may ultimately expose the fragilities embedded in this dynamic.

VIII. External Risks: Oil and the Strait of Hormuz 

These domestic vulnerabilities are unfolding at a time when external risks are rising. 

Despite earlier statements about reopening the Strait of Hormuz, Iranian officials appear to have reversed course and announced its continued suspension, raising the risk of disruptions to global shipping along one of the world’s most critical oil transit routes. 

For energy-importing economies such as the Philippines, any disruption in Gulf oil flows would amplify domestic inflation pressures and widen trade deficits—further complicating monetary policy decisions.

IX. A System Moving Toward Structural Stagflation 

All told, these developments reveal an economy increasingly shaped by persistent and deepening intervention, expanding leverage, and fragile financial balances

Fiscal authorities attempt to suppress consumer price pressures while raising upstream costs. The central bank maintains hawkish rhetoric while quietly deploying liquidity support measures. Banks rely increasingly on credit expansion and market funding to sustain balance sheets. 

The policy framework introduced during the pandemic—once described as temporary emergency stabilization—now appears to have become the operating regime

Current developments are unfolding broadly in line with the expectations we articulated in June 2025 regarding the government’s response to rising economic pressures. 

Without a doubt, the BSP will likely rescue the banks and the government, perhaps using the pandemic template of forcing down rates, implementing reserve requirement ratio (RRR) cuts, massive injections (directly and through bank credit expansion), and expanding relief measures—though likely with limits this time.  

If the central bank ultimately resorts to a full revival of its pandemic rescue playbook—aggressive rate cuts, further reserve requirement reductions, and large-scale liquidity injections—the consequences are unlikely to resemble the temporary stabilization achieved in 2020. 

Instead, the outcome could be a familiar combination:

  • a weakening currency or the Philippine peso,
  • renewed inflation pressures,
  • rising risk of unemployment,
  • slowing economic growth, and
  • rising interest rates.

In other words, the economy may be drifting toward the very outcome policymakers are attempting to avoid—a structurally entrenched stagflationary cycle. 

X. Conclusion: The Institutionalization of Crisis Policy 

What is emerging in the Philippines is not merely a temporary economic slowdown triggered by external shocks. Instead, it reflects the gradual institutionalization of a policy framework built around continuous crisis management. 

Emergency transfers, directed credit programs, regulatory relief, and fiscal expansion have become the populist default responses to economic stress. While each intervention may appear justified in isolation, their cumulative effect is to embed an economic system increasingly dependent on state support. 

Over time, such policies weaken market discipline, distort investment decisions, and transfer growing economic risks onto public balance sheets. 

As economists Hyman Minsky and János Kornai observed in different contexts, systems sustained by repeated stabilization measures often appear stable until underlying imbalances become too large to contain. 

The danger is not simply that stagnation and inflation coexist. 

The deeper risk is that a policy regime designed to manage crises may itself become the mechanism through which crisis dynamics intensify.


Monday, March 23, 2026

Philippine Oil Shock Politics Meets Systemic Fragility: Crisis Without a Crisis and a Deepening Web of Interventions

 

The picture of the free market is necessarily one of harmony and mutual benefit; the picture of State intervention is one of caste conflict, coercion, and exploitation—Murray N. Rothbard

 In this issue:

Philippine Oil Shock Politics Meets Systemic Fragility: Crisis Without a Crisis and a Deepening Web of Interventions

I. Crisis Without a Crisis

II. Oil Shock Politics and Organized Interests

III. The Ratchet Effect of Crisis Policy

IV. The Oil Shock Is Already Affecting the Real Economy

V. When Price Signals Are Suppressed

VI. Interventions Beget Interventions

VII. Markets Are Already Responding

VIII. Conclusion: Deepening Interventions Intensify Systemic Fragility 

Philippine Oil Shock Politics Meets Systemic Fragility: Crisis Without a Crisis and a Deepening Web of Interventions 

“Crisis Without a Crisis”: As officials urge calm, subsidies, price caps, and emergency policies spread across the economy. 

I. Crisis Without a Crisis 

The Marcos administration is urging the public not to panic: "Everything is normal. No need to hoard." 

Officials have repeatedly warned consumers against hoarding while insisting that the Philippine economy remains stable despite the surge in global oil prices. 

Yet the government’s own policy actions suggest a very different reality

Within days of the oil shock, authorities introduced a rapidly expanding set of interventions across multiple sectors of the economy: 

At the same time, the political debate is widening. 

Senator Tito Sotto has filed legislation to repeal the Oil Deregulation Law, while economist Winnie Monsod has proposed a wealth tax to finance expanding subsidies. 

Taken together, these measures resemble a broad attempt to suppress the transmission of rising energy costs throughout the economy. 

But the deeper story may lie in the political incentives behind such policies. 

II. Oil Shock Politics and Organized Interests 

The response to the oil shock reflects dynamics long described by political economist Mancur Olson. 

In Olson’s theory of collective action, small, well-organized interest groups often exert disproportionate influence over economic policy. Because their benefits are concentrated while the costs are widely dispersed, these groups are able to secure subsidies, protections, or regulatory advantages from government. 

Energy shocks tend to accelerate this process. Some examples: 

  • Transport operators seek subsidies to offset fuel costs.
  • Food producers lobby for relief from input price pressures.
  • Agricultural sectors push for price supports.
  • Infrastructure operators also seek regulatory relief when shocks threaten profitability. 

For instance, the Energy Regulatory Commission (ERC) is considering power rate adjustments in April that would allow utilities to recover rising generation costs and financial losses. Similar pressures have already appeared in earlier policy discussions—from real property tax (RPT) relief for power producers to increased GEA-All subsidies benefiting renewable producers, as well as negotiated asset transfers in the SMC–Meralco–AEV energy deal—illustrating how fragile sectors increasingly rely on regulatory protection when market conditions deteriorate. 

Each group frames its demands as necessary for stability, employment, or consumer protection. 

The result is an expanding patchwork of sector-specific interventions. 

Individually, each measure may appear justified. Collectively, however, they create a growing system of economic management in which prices and incentives are increasingly shaped by political decisions rather than market signals. The result is an expanding patchwork of sector-specific interventions. Intensifying competition for public resources drives rising demands for government spending, crowding out the productive economy and accelerating the centralization of the economy. 

III. The Ratchet Effect of Crisis Policy 

Economic historian Robert Higgs described a recurring pattern in government responses to crises: what he called the "ratchet effect." 

During emergencies—wars, financial crises, pandemics, or commodity shocks—governments introduce extraordinary interventions to stabilize politically sensitive sectors of the economy. These measures are typically framed as temporary responses to exceptional circumstances. 

Yet once the crisis subsides, the state rarely returns fully to its previous size or scope

Instead, some interventions remain in place, while others leave behind new fiscal commitments, regulatory authorities, or political expectations of continued support. Each crisis therefore pushes the boundary of government involvement forward in a stepwise fashion—much like a mechanical ratchet that moves only in one direction. 

The Philippines’ pandemic episode illustrates this dynamic clearly.


Figure 1

During the COVID crisis, fiscal deficits widened to record levels, justified as emergency stimulus designed to cushion the economic collapse. (Figure 1, upper window) 

Yet much of that spending expansion became structurally embedded in the fiscal framework. Political pressures for continued subsidies and transfers, created under the purview of social democratic free-lunch politics, have made these programs difficult to unwind even after the emergency has passed. 

As a result, the country’s savings–investment gap widened to unprecedented levels, financed by historically high public borrowing and still-elevated liquidity conditions, as reflected in measures such as the M2-to-GDP ratio. These dynamics have increased the economy’s sensitivity to inflation while intensifying crowding-out pressures already evident in domestic output, consumption, and credit markets. 

Energy shocks historically amplify this ratchet dynamic. 

Subsidies introduced to stabilize transport costs become permanent programs. Temporary price controls evolve into long-term regulatory oversight. Emergency fiscal transfers create new political expectations that governments will shield key sectors from market fluctuations.

The Philippine response to the current oil shock risks reinforcing this pattern. Policies such as fare subsidies, price caps, toll suspensions, and regulatory enforcement may begin as short-term measures to contain inflation and social unrest. 

But once introduced, they often prove politically difficult to reverse. 

Over time, repeated crisis interventions accumulate into a broader system of economic management—expanding the role of the state while leaving the underlying structural vulnerabilities unresolved. 

IV. The Oil Shock Is Already Affecting the Real Economy 

Signs of strain were emerging. 

Automobile sales had already begun to decline, even before the latest surge in oil prices, suggesting that rising fuel costs have yet to add to the erosion of discretionary consumption. (Figure 1, lower chart) 

Transport activity is now reflecting the same pressures. 

Reports indicate that the MMDA expects vehicle traffic in Metro Manila to decrease by around 30,000 units. Meanwhile, bus trips at the Parañaque Integrated Terminal Exchange (PITX) have dropped significantly, as operators scale back services and commuters reduce their travel. 

Air travel is also absorbing the shock. Airlines have begun imposing higher jet fuel surcharges, raising the cost of domestic and international flights. 

The shock is also beginning to affect overseas labor flows. Filipino workers continue to be repatriated from conflict areas in the Middle East, with roughly 2,000 overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) already returning to the country. While still modest in scale, such movements highlight another channel through which geopolitical shocks can affect the Philippine economy. Remittances from OFWs have long served as a stabilizing source of foreign exchange for the peso. Disruptions to overseas employment—particularly in energy-sensitive regions—therefore risk amplifying pressures already visible in labor, currency and financial markets. 

These adjustments illustrate the normal transmission mechanism of an energy shock: rising fuel prices ripple through transport, logistics, and consumer spending. 

Instead of allowing those adjustments to occur through price changes, the government is intervening across multiple points in the transmission chain. 

V. When Price Signals Are Suppressed 

Economists such as Friedrich von Hayek emphasized that prices function as a decentralized information system: "the knowledge of the particular circumstances of time and place." 

Prices communicate knowledge about scarcity, costs, and consumer preferences across millions of economic actors. 

When governments suppress those signals—through fare freezes, price caps, subsidies, or regulatory pressure—the information embedded in prices becomes distorted

Consumers may continue to demand goods whose true costs are rising. 

Producers may reduce supply when prices no longer cover costs. 

Adjustments that would normally occur through prices instead emerge as reduced service, shortages, declines in quantity or quality, and even fiscal transfers. 

In this sense, partial price controls recreate elements of the problem identified by Ludwig von Mises in his critique of socialist planning: when prices are manipulated, rational economic calculation becomes increasingly difficult. As the great Mises explained

Without calculation, economic activity is impossible. 

VI. Interventions Beget Interventions 

Once price controls begin to distort economic signals, additional interventions often follow. 

This dynamic was emphasized by Murray Rothbard, who argued that government interventions frequently generate secondary effects that policymakers then attempt to correct with further interventions. 

  • Fare caps create losses for transport operators, prompting subsidies.
  • Price freezes create supply pressures, prompting enforcement actions.
  • Rising fiscal costs generate calls for new taxes or regulatory changes. 

Each policy attempts to fix the unintended consequences of the previous one. 

Over time, what begins as a limited intervention can evolve into a broad regime of economic management, representing a gradual transition toward centralization. As the dean of Austrian economics, the great Murray Rothbard wrote,

Whenever government intervenes in the market, it aggravates rather than settles the problems it has set out to solve. This is a general economic law of government intervention. 

VII. Markets Are Already Responding 

While policymakers attempt to stabilize prices and shield consumers from the oil shock, financial markets appear to be reacting to the broader macroeconomic implications.


Figure 2

The PSEi 30, the primary equity benchmark of the Philippine Stock Exchange, has declined, although the drop has been relatively muted—likely reflecting institutional support and collateral management dynamics. (Figure 2, topmost graph) 

Other markets are sending a more cautionary signal. The peso has weakened significantly, with the USD/PHP exchange rate reaching a record high of 60.1 this week, making it one of the worst-performing currencies in Asia. 

At the same time, the government bond market has undergone a structural shift. 

Philippine Treasury yields have moved from bearish flattening to bearish steepening, with long-term yields rising faster than shorter maturities over the past week. Such shifts often reflect growing concerns about inflation persistence, fiscal sustainability, or sovereign risk. (Figure 2, lower chart)


Figure 3

As of March 19, Philippine 10-year Treasuries ranked as the worst-performing bond market segment in Asia (Figure 3, upper table) 

Although the current spike in T-bill yields may not yet prompt a response from the BSP, it is important to note that its policies are shaped more by market developments than by its own actions. The directional movement of one-month T-bill yields has historically preceded BSP policy shifts, including rate cuts in 2018 and 2023–2024, and rate hikes in 2022. (Figure 3, lower image) 

Thus, if the upward trajectory of T-bill rates persists, rate hikes are likely to come onto the BSP’s radar.


Figure 4

These concerns are not unfounded. The Philippines already faces record debt-service burdens amid persistent fiscal deficits. (Figure 4, topmost pane) 

Expanding subsidies and price controls risk adding further pressure on the government’s balance sheet. 

According to ADB data, the Philippines has recorded the largest increase in credit default swap (CDS) spreads since the outbreak of the Middle East conflict—indicating that markets are pricing in higher default risk for Philippine debt. (Figure 4, middle and lower charts)

VIII. Conclusion: Deepening Interventions Intensify Systemic Fragility 

What is unfolding may not simply be a temporary response to a spike in global oil prices. 

Rather, the episode illustrates how modern interventionist economies evolve when confronted with external shocks. 

As Mancur Olson observed, mature political systems tend to accumulate powerful distributional coalitions—organized groups capable of securing targeted protections, subsidies, and regulatory advantages from the state. Energy shocks often accelerate this process as sectors facing sudden cost increases mobilize to shift those costs elsewhere. 

The result is a widening network of state interventions designed to stabilize politically sensitive sectors. 

But crisis interventions rarely remain temporary. Economic historian Robert Higgs described this dynamic as the ratchet effect: during periods of emergency, governments expand their role in managing the economy, and once the crisis passes, those powers rarely return fully to their previous limits. 

Each shock therefore leaves behind a larger structure of fiscal commitments, regulatory authority, and political expectations of continued support. 

Once prices begin to be suppressed in this way, the informational role of markets deteriorates—a problem emphasized by Friedrich Hayek. Prices no longer convey reliable signals about scarcity and cost, making economic coordination increasingly difficult. 

This is where the broader critique developed by Ludwig von Mises becomes relevant. When governments repeatedly intervene to correct the unintended consequences of earlier policies, economic management gradually expands across more sectors of the economy. Mises described this process as the dynamic of interventionism—a cycle in which policy distortions generate new problems that invite further intervention. 

The Philippine response to the oil shock increasingly reflects this pattern. 

  • Fare caps require subsidies.
  • Price freezes invite enforcement.
  • Rising fiscal costs trigger proposals for new taxes or regulatory changes. 

Each populist band-aid policy attempts to stabilize the distortions created by the previous one. 

What emerges is not a single intervention but an expanding system of economic management—one reinforced by the ratchet effect of successive crises. 

And when such systems face external shocks—particularly commodity shocks that simultaneously affect inflation, trade balances, and fiscal accounts—the pressures tend to migrate toward the weakest macroeconomic points: the government’s fiscal position, the sovereign debt market, and the currency. 

The oil shock may therefore be revealing something deeper about the Philippine economy. 

Rather than simply confronting higher energy prices, policymakers appear to be navigating the accumulated tensions of an interventionist regime already stretched across multiple sectors—and increasingly across the economy as a whole. 

Suppressing the immediate price effects of the shock may buy time—but it also risks amplifying underlying maladjustments. 

Importantly, it cannot eliminate the adjustment the economy must eventually make. At best it postpones that process, increasing the risk that the eventual correction will be larger and more disorderly. 

And markets—especially currency and sovereign bond markets—tend to recognize that reality long before policymakers do.

 


Sunday, January 05, 2025

Q3 2024: Philippine Real Estate Enters Deflationary Spiral Post-Pandemic Recession!

 

The total wealth of a country is the total value of goods and services it produces. When real estate prices rise much faster than this value, there has effectively been a large wealth transfer from those who don't own real estate to those who do—Michael Pettis 

In this issue: 

Q3 2024: Philippine Real Estate Enters Deflationary Spiral Post-Pandemic Recession!

I. Q3 2024: Philippine Real Estate Sees First Deflationary Spiral Since the Pandemic Recession! 

II. A Brief Insight into the Differences Between Pandemic-Recession Real Estate Deflation and Today’s Economic Landscape 

III. Despite Declines in New Housing Loans, Total Real Estate Consumer and Supply-Side Loans Surge, Unaffected by High Cap Rates 

IV. Real Estate’s Falling GDP Contribution and Increased Bank Lending Share Point to Heightened Concentration Risks 

V. Q3 2024 Real Estate Deflation Means Lower Sectoral and National GDP; Slower Retail Sales Amidst Greater Supply Side Expansion Translates to More Vacancies 

VI. Real Estate Deflation Amidst Near Full-Employment? What Happens When Unemployment Soars? 

VII. Property Sector Woes: From Price Deflation to Income Losses and Increased Debt Loads 

VIII. Property Sector Woes: From Liquidity Strains to Soaring Bank NPLs? 

IX. Will the BSP Launch QE 2.0 Soon? 

X. Conclusion: Two Ways to Bankruptcy: Gradually, then Suddenly

Q3 2024: Philippine Real Estate Enters Deflationary Spiral Post-Pandemic Recession! 

Philippine real estate prices experienced their first deflationary spiral in Q3 2024 since the pandemic recession, highlighting worsening imbalances in the sector. We explore the potential economic implications and possible policy responses. 

I. Q3 2024: Philippine Real Estate Sees First Deflationary Spiral Since the Pandemic Recession!

The Philippine consumer economy is hurting—and hurting badly. 

This pain is being reflected across several fronts, including the country’s most popular investment: real estate. 

Businessworld, December 30: HOUSING PRICES nationwide declined in the third quarter, the first contraction in over three years, data from the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) showed. The Residential Real Estate Price Index (RREPI) fell by 2.3% year on year in the July-to-September period. This was a reversal of the 2.7% growth in the second quarter and 12.9% expansion in the same period a year ago. This was also the first time the RREPI posted a decline since the 9.4% drop recorded in the second quarter of 2021. (bold added)

And more news excerpts (all bold mine)

GMANews.com December 12, 2024: The oversupply of condominium units has shot up to an equivalent of 34 months as of November amid the sudden increase in availability of units, according to data released by Leechiu Property Consultants (LPC)… There were 4,971 new units launched in October and November, versus the 4,375 units sold during the period. Year-to-date, condominium take up was recorded at 25,565 units, equivalent to 63% of that recorded in the comparable period of 2023 while project launches stood at 13,226 or half of the previous year. Golez earlier also noted that the oversupply was due to a mix of high interest rates and external concerns, as well as a shift in preference to single-detached homes and properties in nearby provinces. 

Inquirer.net November 16, 2024: Vacancies in Metro Manila’s prime and grade A office market hit a 20-year high as of the end of the third quarter this year, with rental rates declining for the fourth straight quarter. A report from global commercial real estate services firm Cushman and Wakefield puts the average office vacancy rate at 18.2 percent, the highest since the second quarter of 2004. “The Metro Manila office market is exhibiting a slower-than-expected recovery in Q3 2024,” Cushman & Wakefield director and head of tenant advisory group Tetet Castro said in a statement.

Businessworld, November 12, 2024: DEMAND for office space outside Metro Manila has been “less robust” as office occupiers now have smaller space requirements, real estate services firm JLL Philippines said. “After the pandemic, I think the demand has weakened in general because for the key cities outside Metro Manila like Cebu and Iloilo, we’re still seeing a bit of takeup, but for the other peripheral areas, it’s not as robust anymore,” JLL Philippines Head of Research and Strategic Consulting Jan-Loven C. de los Reyes said at a briefing last week…

Businessworld, October 30, 2024: THE OFFICE VACANCY rate in Metro Manila is projected to reach 20.5% by the end of the year, driven by the influx of new office space and the departure of Philippine offshore gaming operators (POGOs), according to property consultancy firm Colliers Philippines…As of the end of the third quarter, Colliers data showed that office space vacancy rose to 18.6% from 18.3% the previous quarter due to space resulting from POGO lease terminations and non-renewal of pre-pandemic leases.

My Initial Insights: 

1. Polls indicate that the challenges faced in Q3 are likely to extend throughout the rest of 2024 and beyond. 

2. Mounting mismatches between weakening demand and rising supply have led to either increasing vacancies or a glut

3. Even the most bullish industry advisors have been forced to admit or confront the harsh reality facing the sector. However, they often put on a cosmetic face or a polished façade, promoting hope of recovery with little explanation beyond reliance on GDP growth. 

4. While real estate prices may seem "sticky," they are actually sensitive to liquidity and interest rates. Consequently, price declines reflect intensifying liquidity strains. In other words, vacancies have drained liquidity from many leveraged landlords and real estate owners, forcing them to sell properties at lower prices

5. The inflationary boom has morphed into a deflationary bust, where fear has replaced greed. 

6. Mainstream thinking has consistently overlooked the root of the issue: trickle-down policies that foster a "build-and-they-will-come" ideology, relying on the assumption of perpetual credit-driven demand fueled by low inflation and interest rates-or an everlasting regime of easy money.

Although we have been addressing this topic for some time, I will be quoting extensively from my May 2023 article: (bold and italics original)

There has been little realization that the industry has invested primarily in the foundation of the so-called "integrated community structure," anchored on urbanization and its extension of "satellite communities." 

Espousing the contortion of Say's Law, "supply creates its own demand," through "build and they will come," the race to build became the industry’s bedrock. 

Yet, the dynamic preference of consumers became one of the challenges of this model. 

And so, influenced by digitalization and pandemic policies, the transformation to hybrid/remote work has rendered a massive "sunk cost" or capital decumulationsignified by oversupply.  

… 

The thing is, though office spaces are the concern here, all other segments of the property sector constitute part of such "integrated communities," which therefore extrapolates to interconnection.  

By extension, it also means that the paradigm of "integrated community" is codependent not only on the vibrancy of the office properties but also residential, shopping malls, hotels, logistics and commercial hubs, and other related structures.   

Indeed, the dilemma of the office segment, the weakest link of the commercial real estate sector (CRE), should spread to other areas. 

Aside from the misallocation of capital, financing these imbalances through debt signifies a double whammy or the acceleration of capital consumption. 

The point having been made, these clusters of entrepreneurial errors are products of the distortion of money via the BSP's easy money regime. 

II. A Brief Insight into the Differences Between Pandemic-Recession Real Estate Deflation and Today’s Economic Landscape

Here’s a deeper dive into this developing seismic event.

The first article noted: "This was also the first time the RREPI posted a decline since the 9.4% drop recorded in the second quarter of 2021."

Figure 1

The last time deflation plagued the BSP’s Real Estate Price Index was in Q3 2020 (-0.4%), Q1 2021 (-4.2%), and Q2 2021 (-9.4%).  (Figure 1, upper window)

However, the difference between then and now is that policymakers responded to the pandemic-induced economic shutdown that led to five consecutive quarters of GDP contraction—a full-blown recession with aggressive measures.

Authorities reacted to this unprecedented disruption with a record fiscal deficit. Simultaneously, the BSP flooded the banking system with a historic Php 2.3 trillion of liquidity, aggressively cut interest rates to historic lows (2% from November 2020 to April 2022), significantly reduced the banking system’s Reserve Requirement Ratio (RRR) from 14% to 12%, implemented unprecedented capital, operational, and regulatory relief measures and subsidies, and placed a cap on the US dollar-Philippine peso exchange rate. The Finance Chief even ordered the SSS and GSIS to buy stocks and support the PSEi 30

All these collective actions were taken to prevent credit deflation and support collateral values—which back bank-issued loans—by reflating the bank-dominated financial system.

Fast forward to today, there has been no recession yet. Despite elevated interest rates, bank credit flows have been oozing.

III. Despite Declines in New Housing Loans, Total Real Estate Consumer and Supply-Side Loans Surge, Unaffected by High Cap Rates

Still, the RREPI fell into deflationary territory, led by properties in Metro Manila, which posted a 14.6% contraction—the second-largest decline since the 18.3% shrinkage in Q2 2021. (Figure 1, lower chart)

Areas outside the National Capital Region (AONCR) have experienced a sharp slowdown but remain on a growth path. 

Importantly, AONCR was barely affected by deflation during the pandemic era. Given the recent dynamics, it might not be exempt this time.

Figure 2

The BSP tacitly attributed this turn of events to the shrinking demand for new housing loans. (Figure 2, topmost table)  

In Q3 2024, the number of residential real estate loans (RRELs) granted for all types of new housing units in the Philippines contracted by 15.7 percent y-o-y. Specifically, loans granted in the NCR and AONCR decreased by 20.3 percent and 13.0 percent, respectively. Notably, the double-digit y-o-y contraction in RRELs in the Philippines, NCR, and AONCR in Q3 2024 was significant, yet not as severe as the decline in housing loan availment observed during the pandemic, which began in Q2 2020. (BSP, 2025) [bold added] 

However, a mere lack of demand for new loans is insufficient to cause a contraction. 

Nevertheless, theoretically, since real estate prices are duration-sensitive and influenced by changes in long-term interest rates, these shifts also impact capitalization rates (cap rates), which in turn affect property values.

Rising interest rates typically lead to higher cap rates, as investors demand a higher return to compensate for the increased cost of borrowing and the higher risk associated with interest rate changes. 

Consequently, higher cap rates generally lead to lower property values, as expected returns must adjust to match the new rates. Therefore, the adverse impact of higher cap rates on property values translates to diminished demand from investors. 

Notwithstanding the contraction in new property consumer loans, aggregate real estate consumer loans hit a record high of Php 1.061 trillion in Q3, although its growth rate fell from 13.5% in Q2 2024 to 8.07%. (Figure 2, middle graph) 

On the supply side, real estate bank loans reached a record Php 2.686 trillion in Q3 2024, with quarterly YoY growth accelerating from 3.86% in Q2 2023 to 13.9% in Q3 2024. 

In aggregate, total bank loans (net of interbank lending) rose to a record Php 13.24 trillion, with quarterly YoY growth also accelerating over the past five quarters. 

Thus, higher cap rates were hardly a factor; instead, the vibrant growth in supply-side bank lending likely contributed to more "build-and-they-will-come" supply. 

IV. Real Estate’s Falling GDP Contribution and Increased Bank Lending Share Point to Heightened Concentration Risks 

Furthermore, reports like this can be misleading: "Banks’ real estate exposure ratio dropped to 19.55% at end-September from 19.92% at end-June and from 20.55% at the end of September 2023—the lowest real estate exposure ratio recorded in five years, or since the 19.5% level as of September 2019." 

This is because the data on Real Estate Loans (REL) as a share of the Total Loan Portfolio (TLP) can signify many things. In this instance, the decline in REL/TLP is not primarily due to banks lending less to the sector or becoming more judicious or cautious. Rather, banks have been lending more aggressively to other sectors, particularly consumer credit cards and salary loans. 

In the realm of consumer loans, the share of real estate loans fell from a record high of 45.06% in Q4 2021 to 36.4% in Q3 2024, despite record peso real estate consumer loans. The 8.6% gap was filled by credit cards, which increased their share from 22.3% in Q4 2021 to 29% in Q3 2024. (Figure 2, lowest diagram) 

Meanwhile, the share of salary loans jumped from 8.3% to 13.22% over the same time frame. 

In statistics, there are many ways to "skin a cat." 

Unless funds are designated through escrow accounts, banks have virtually no control over how loan proceeds are spent. Some of the credit card and salary loans—or even loans declared for production purposes—could have been diverted to real estate mortgage payments, property purchases, or even stock investments. 

The fact that real estate credit growth remains buoyant suggests that most of the borrowed money may have been used for refinancing, with modest amounts allocated to acquiring second-hand properties (for consumer loans) and for property development expansion (supply-side loans). 

This also tells us that while new buyers played a smaller role in borrowings, more experienced buyers and property developers significantly contributed to the sector’s bank borrowings

On this note, despite lackluster growth, the real estate sector’s relative strength—compared to the overall weaker performance of other sectors—prompted a surge in its share of GDP in Q3 2024. 

The value-added contribution of the sector, which posted a 5.4% real GDP growth, amounted to 5.9% of national GDP. 

In the meantime, the real estate sector’s share of Universal-Commercial bank portfolios amounted to 20.46% in Q3.

Figure 3

Thus, a sector contributing 5.9% of GDP holds a 20.5% share of UC bank portfolios—representing significant concentration risks. (Figure 3, topmost chart)

Notably, this is based on the official definition of the banks’ real estate portfolios, whose actual exposure may already be understated. 

V. Q3 2024 Real Estate Deflation Means Lower Sectoral and National GDP; Slower Retail Sales Amidst Greater Supply Side Expansion Translates to More Vacancies

Of course, we’d also argue that the price deflation in Q3’s RREPI, which indicates slower spending across the industry, means less than the advertised GDP. Again, the sector reported 8.8% nominal GDP and 5.4% real GDP. (Figure 3, middle image) 

A lower real estate GDP should shave off a few more percentage points from Q3’s GDP of 5.2%. 

But here’s another potential discrepancy: According to the BSP, buyers of new properties have been less influential in driving demand for real estate. 

In particular, condominium prices plummeted by 9.4% in Q3 2024—the third largest of the five quarterly contractions from 2020 to the present. 

However, as a proxy, the performance of the top five listed developers (SM Prime, Ayala Land, Megaworld, Robinsons Land, and Vista Land) tells a different story. Their Q3 2024 real estate sales surged by 19.76% YoY, suggesting no signs of retrenchment in new property sales

This raises a critical question: Were the BSP numbers inaccurate, or have property developers been overstating their real estate sales? (Figure 3 lowest graph) 

As a side note, the property sales of the top five developers are not limited to residential condos; however, the comparison provided is for estimation purposes only.

Figure 4

But there’s more. 

The slowing rental income growth of the top four developers (SM Prime, Megaworld, Robinsons Land, and Vista Land) appears to align with the moderating revenue growth of the top six non-construction retail chains (SM Retail, Puregold, Robinsons Retail, Metro Retail, SSI Group, and Philippine Seven).  (Figure 4, topmost diagram)

In Q3, rental income for developers increased by 7.12%, while retail chains saw 6% growth. Both figures peaked in 2022 (Q2 and Q3, respectively) and have been on a downtrend since. 

This slowdown also reflects the growing mismatch between sales growth rates and the expansion of selling areas for retail chains and shopping malls, which has resulted in increasing vacancies

VI. Real Estate Deflation Amidst Near Full-Employment? What Happens When Unemployment Soars?

Intriguingly, despite unprecedented consumer bank borrowing rates and levels, the data signals intensifying signs of strained consumers—despite the supposedly near-full employment rate. (Figure 4, middle window) 

This also suggests that either the government’s labor data has been significantly stretched, or that consumers are increasingly burdened by the sustained loss of purchasing power in their wages and incomes, or by escalating balance sheet leverage

Worst of all, it could be both. 

What happens when the employment rate falls? 

Even more important, what happens when consumer credit slows or even retreats?

VII. Property Sector Woes: From Price Deflation to Income Losses and Increased Debt Loads 

Of course, deflation in the industry translates to weakened demand.

While property firms may attempt to mask this through possible overstatements of sales, internal pressures—such as diminishing liquidity, rising debt burdens, and increasing servicing costs—are likely to result in the eventual emergence of losses

When deflation gripped the industry in 2020–2021, the top five developers recorded net income losses over four quarters.(Figure 4, lowest chart) 

Currently, while net incomes are at all-time highs, their growth rate has been eroding.

Figure 5

Furthermore, debt levels continue to climb to record highs, accompanied by rising interest rate expenses. On the other hand, cash reserves have recently dropped and stagnated. (Figure 5, topmost and middle graphs) 

Coming down the pike, the likelihood of income deficits combined with a drain in business liquidity may result in even greater reliance on debt financing to sustain operations—even as collateral values deteriorate. 

If these developments have already impacted the top five developers, what more for marginal industry players—the mom-and-pop operators? 

VIII. Property Sector Woes: From Liquidity Strains to Soaring Bank NPLs?

Considering that banks hold significant exposure to real estate, the next phase will likely result in a surge in non-performing loans (NPLs). 

When deflation engulfed the sector in 2020-2021, real estate consumer NPLs surged and continued to rise even when the RREPI index peaked at 14.1% in Q2 2023. (Figure 5, lowest chart) 

NPLs hit a record Php 21.7 billion in Q2 2024 but slightly declined to Php 21.28 billion in Q3 2024. 

Due to credit expansion outpacing NPL growth, these numbers have been obscured as a function of ratios. They will likely become more prominent once credit expansion materially slows. 

Or what is likely to follow, after mounting losses and the depletion of liquidity, is a rise in NPLs—starting with smaller players and gradually affecting larger industry participants, in a "periphery-to-core" dynamic

IX. Will the BSP Launch QE 2.0 Soon?

In addition to surging public debt, the RREPI Q3 2024 deflation provides context for the BSP’s recent actions, which mirror a shadow of the pandemic recession playbook. These include the reduction of the Reserve Requirement Ratio (RRR) from 9.5% to 7%, effective October 2024, and the ongoing easing cycle, marked by the second and third interest rate cuts in the ONRRP in Q4 2024.

Furthermore, it explains the record-high 11-month public expenditures, reflecting the "Marcos-nomics" fiscal stimulus aimed at offsetting the decline in private sector demand.

Figure 6 

These policies have combined to momentarily bolster liquidity, which had been eroding from 2021 to 2023, as reflected in the YoY changes in M1. (Figure 6, topmost visual) 

Lastly, the Php 2.3 trillion injections by the BSP were partly channeled through its net claims on the central government (NCoCG). 

Interestingly, despite the supposed economic normalization, the BSP’s NCoCG remains elevated, prompting the IMF to request that the BSP become more transparent about its "balance sheet strategy." 

For instance, notes Inquirer.net, "the IMF said the BSP may want to publish more information about the size of its portfolio of government securities (GS), which remains 'substantial' despite declining since the central bank’s large purchases of state bonds during the COVID-19 pandemic." 

The BSP’s NCoCG stood at Php 650 billion as of November 2024, which is vastly above its 2002-2019 monthly average of Php 32.7 billion. (Figure 6, middle chart)

The BSP also holds Php 1.178 trillion worth of domestic securities (as of September 2024), accounting for 14.6% of its total portfolio. (Figure 6, lowest graph) 

The essence here is that by partly maintaining its quantitative easing (QE), the BSP remains heavily involved in controlling liquidity conditions in the banking system, where the real estate industry represents a significant counterparty.

This signifies the 'ratchet effect theory' in action, where temporary solutions to address specific problems become a permanent part of the legal landscape. (Matulef, 2023)

The Php 64 trillion question is: should current developments in the real estate sector deteriorate, would the BSP launch QE 2.0?

X. Conclusion: Two Ways to Bankruptcy: Gradually, then Suddenly

All told, despite the profusion of liquidity and the embrace of easy money policies, deflation in the Philippine real estate industry has emerged and could worsen.

This highlights the widening mismatch between vigorous debt-financed supply-side growth and weakening consumer demand—primarily driven by the erosion of the peso's purchasing power and the extended balance sheet leverage resulting from trickle-down policies, including the crowding-out effect. 

Although the challenge for policymakers would be to allow market forces to take command—cleansing household, corporate, and government balance sheets while rebuilding savings through productive undertakings—this would translate to a vastly diminished GDP and, more importantly, reduced political boondoggles. As such, this route is unlikely to occur. 

Nonetheless, authorities are likely to "fight the last war" by pursuing path-dependent, free-money policies aimed at boosting aggregate demand and GDP, while ignoring all other factors

Lastly, because the consensus believes these trends represent a temporary phenomenon, isolated from the pandemic's events and previous easy money policies, the "build-and-they-will-come" mentality is likely to prevail, driving an even greater debt-financed "race-to-build supply"—thereby exacerbating existing imbalances. 

As American novelist Ernest Hemingway wrote in The Sun Also Rises:

"How did you go bankrupt? Two ways. Gradually, then suddenly."

___

References: 

Prudent Investor, Philippine Real Estate:Mainstream Expert Worried Over Increasing Demand-Supply Gap; Q1 2023 Data ofTop 5 Listed RE Firms and the Property Index, May 28, 2023  

Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, Residential Real Estate Prices Decline in Q3 2024, December 27, 2024, bsp.gov.ph  

Michael Matulef, Beyond Crisis: The Ratchet Effect and the Erosion of Liberty August 18, 2023, Mises.org  

Ernest Hemingway, The Sun also Rises Chapter 13, 1926 Project Gutenberg Canada