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Sunday, April 12, 2026

Stagflation Is Already Here—Emergency Policies Are Now Entrenching It

 

No government or central bank will admit that rising inflation in essential goods is a direct consequence of financial and fiscal repression, and economic history always shows us that their reaction to rising discontent will be more financial repression and economic intervention—Daniel Lacalle

Stagflation Is Already Here—Emergency Policies Are Now Entrenching It

I. The Narrative Lag

II. Stagflation Is Not Just an Oil Story

III. The Deeper Mechanism: Policy-Driven Stagflation

IV. The Monetary Backdrop: Inflationary Pressure Pre-dated the Shock

V. The Philippine Parallel

VI. The Structure of Production: Why Disruptions Spread

VII. What a Binding Price Ceiling Looks Like in Real Time

VIII. The Transmission Phase: Downstream Sectors Feel the Strain

IX. The February Labor “Improvement” That May Not Last

X. Policy Responses Are Expanding

XI. Energy Supply Chains: Why the Shock Is Larger Than Oil

XII. Financial Markets Are Beginning to Reflect the Stress

XIII. Geopolitical Reordering and the Return of the War Economy

XIV. The Stages of Stagflation: A Historical Pattern

XV. The Political Economy of Entrenched Stagflation

XVI. Conclusion: The Adjustment That Has Been Delayed

Stagflation Is Already Here—Emergency Policies Are Now Entrenching It 

Rising costs, suppressed prices, and supply withdrawal are spreading distortions across the Philippine economy’s production structure. 

I. The Narrative Lag 

Public discourse continues to frame stagflation as a future risk—typically linked to external shocks such as oil price spikes—or, at times, dismisses it altogether

Yet across the Philippines, emerging patterns suggest something more immediate: stagflation is not impending; it is already taking shape and diffusing across sectors

Rising fuel costs are the visible catalyst, now transmitting through transport, agriculture, fisheries, tourism, retail and so forth. However, the deeper issue is not energy prices per se. 

It lies in the interaction between supply shocks and policies that suppress the price signals necessary for adjustment—policies increasingly institutionalized under Executive Order No. 110. 

When input costs rise but output prices are constrained, markets cannot equilibrate. Instead of correcting imbalances, the system propagates and amplifies them. Apparent stability becomes artificial and temporary. 

Eventually, these suppressed pressures re-emerge. And when supply simultaneously contracts across multiple sectors, the outcome is no longer simple inflation. 

It is stagflation. 

Recent geopolitical developments further complicate this outlook. The number of armed conflicts worldwide has risen sharply over the past two decades, accompanied by increasing geopolitical tensions and a renewed expansion of defense spending across many economies. This environment increasingly resembles the early stages of past periods in which geopolitical rivalry, fiscal expansion, and supply disruptions interacted with monetary accommodation to generate sustained inflationary pressures. For economies deeply integrated into global trade, energy, and security networks, these dynamics form part of the broader backdrop against which domestic stagflationary risks must be evaluated. 

II. Stagflation Is Not Just an Oil Story 

The dominant narrative equates stagflation with energy crises. This is analytically incomplete

There are well-documented cases of stagflation occurring even in the absence of major oil shocks. As economist Frank Shostak arguesstagflation typically arises from the interaction of monetary expansion and supply disruptions, not from relative price changes alone

An increase in oil prices, by itself, reallocates spending rather than increasing it in aggregate. If the money supply remains unchanged, higher expenditure on energy necessarily reduces expenditure elsewhere. Under such conditions, relative prices shift, but generalized inflation does not automatically follow. 

Broad-based and sustained inflation requires monetary accommodation. Without it, price increases in one sector are offset by contractions in others. 

This distinction is critical. 

III. The Deeper Mechanism: Policy-Driven Stagflation 

International experience reinforces this point. Economies such as ArgentinaTurkey, and Brazil have repeatedly exhibited a common pattern: 

  • Fiscal dominance constraining monetary policy
  • Liquidity expansion creating a fiscal–monetary trap
  • Supply-side rigidities limiting output response
  • Price suppression and exchange-rate management delaying adjustment 

These mechanisms do not merely coincide with stagflation—they produce it. 

They allow inflationary pressures to build while simultaneously weakening productive capacity. Growth slows, yet prices continue to rise

IV. The Monetary Backdrop: Inflationary Pressure Pre-dated the Shock 

The current energy shock did not arrive in a monetary vacuum.


Figure 1

Even before geopolitical tensions escalated, liquidity conditions in the Philippines were already accommodative. Data from the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) indicated that domestic liquidity and credit growth remained elevated as of February, despite signs of slowing economic momentum. 

Inflation dynamics reinforce this point. Headline CPI spiraled from 2.4% in February to 4.1% in March, but the uptrend had already been in motion—prices had been increasing for three consecutive months following the November 2025 trough of 1.5%. More tellingly, broad money (M3) growth had reaccelerated from roughly 5% in May 2025 doubling to 10.3% by February 2026. The U.S. WTI crude benchmark reinforced the upward trend. (Figure 1, upper and lower graphs) 

In other words, the economy entered the energy shock with inflationary pressure already embedded in the system. 

The March CPI spike reinforces our projection that a THIRD wave of inflation is now underway. 

At the same time, financial conditions reflected a policy environment leaning more on liquidity support than on productive expansion. Credit growth persisted, but its distribution remained uneven—tilted toward consumption, real estate, and sovereign-linked financing rather than broad-based investment in productive sectors. 

Under such conditions, supply disruptions do not result in simple relative price adjustments. Instead, they interact with existing liquidity and fiscal support, amplifying imbalances

The result is the classic stagflationary configuration: rising costs alongside weakening supply response. 

The war did not create these pressures. 

It exposed and accelerated them. 

V. The Philippine Parallel 

The Philippines is beginning to exhibit early signs of a similar dynamic. 

Fuel subsidies and price interventions may cushion short-term volatility, but they also dampen the transmission of price signals, delaying necessary adjustments in both consumption and production. In a system already characterized by elevated liquidity, such interventions do not merely stabilize—they compound existing distortions. 

When cost pressures are absorbed administratively while liquidity conditions remain accommodative, the adjustment process is deferred rather than resolved. 

The trajectory that follows is familiar:

  • Distortions accumulate beneath the surface
  • Supply responses weaken as incentives are misaligned
  • Inflationary pressures persist, even as real activity softens 

In this context, rising fuel costs are not the root cause but the trigger—interacting with a policy environment that suppresses signals, sustains liquidity, and ultimately amplifies underlying imbalances. 

VI. The Structure of Production: Why Disruptions Spread 

To understand how these pressures propagate, it is useful to revisit the structure-of-production framework developed by Carl Menger. 

Menger emphasized that production is not a collection of isolated activities, but a layered structure of interdependent stages. He distinguished between: 

  • Higher-order goods — inputs such as fuel, logistics, machinery, and intermediate materials
  • Lower-order goods — final goods and services consumed directly, including food, transport, and tourism 

Disruptions at the level of higher-order goods do not remain contained. They cascade through the production chain, with effects transmitted gradually depending on inventory buffers, contractual rigidities, and the willingness of firms to absorb rising costs. 

That lag, however, is finite. 

When input costs rise while downstream prices are suppressed, producers face a narrowing set of options:

  • absorb sustained losses
  • scale back production
  • or exit the market altogether 

Over time, the first becomes unsustainable and the second insufficient. The third becomes increasingly rational. 

What follows is not an immediate price spike, but a progressive weakening of supply capacity—a contraction that eventually surfaces as both rising prices and reduced output. 

This is precisely the dynamic now beginning to emerge in the Philippines. 

VII. What a Binding Price Ceiling Looks Like in Real Time 

The clearest evidence of distortion appears where regulated prices collide with rising costs.

These are the sectors where supply withdrawal begins—not as theory, but as observable behavior. 

a. Transport 

In Region I, nearly half of public utility vehicles reportedly halted operations as fuel costs surged while fares remained constrained. When operating costs exceed regulated fares, continued operation implies sustained losses. The predictable outcome is reduced service availability, alongside higher logistics costs that transmit directly into the price of goods and basic services. 

b. Fishing 

Fuel costs have similarly forced about half of the fishers across Luzon to suspend voyages. Comparable dynamics have been observed in other economies, including Thailand and Mumbai India, where fuel shocks—when not accompanied by price adjustment—have temporarily reduced or halted fishing activity. 

c. Agriculture

In several regions, farmers are beginning to scale back or abandon harvests as fertilizer, fuel, and transport costs rise faster than farm-gate prices. When input costs outpace realizable output prices, production becomes economically unviable. 

This does not only translate into higher food prices. It signals the early formation of a food stress dynamic, where supply contraction and forced consumption substitution reinforce each other across staple goodsraising the risk of an emerging food crisis

These developments are not isolated disruptions.


Figure 2

They represent the real-time manifestation of a binding price ceiling interacting with supply shocks. (Figure 2, upper window) 

Entrenchment begins not when prices rise, but when producers cease to respond to them. 

VIII. The Transmission Phase: Downstream Sectors Feel the Strain 

Once upstream production weakens, downstream sectors inevitably absorb the impact. 

Tourism—highly sensitive to both transport costs and discretionary income—is already being materially affected in key destinations such as Baguio (-50%), Boracay (-31%), Eastern Visayas (-15%), and Hundred Islands National Park (-24%). These declines reflect both rising travel costs and tightening household budgets under persistent price pressure. 

Baguio just declared a state of calamity. (Figure 2, lower image) 

Rising transport and input costs are compressing demand even as operating expenses continue to increase, producing simultaneous pressure on both revenue and margins. 

Cracks in the retail market are becoming increasingly pronounced. Chains such as Marks & Spencer and No Brand have begun scaling back/closing operations in the country. While these decisions predate the current shock, they remain indicative of underlying demand fragility and structural margin compression already present in the system.


Figure 3

This fragility is rooted in developing macroeconomic conditions: slowing real GDP growth, declining per capita income momentum, and an investment structure shaped by prolonged low interest rates and sustained credit expansion. Capital formation has been unevenly directed—toward consumption, real estate, and yield-seeking activities—rather than productivity-enhancing sectors. (Figure 3, topmost and middle visuals) 

The crowding-out effects from pandemic-era deficit spending further reinforced these distortions. Sovereign borrowing absorbed a significant portion of available financial resources, reducing the space for private sector investment. This did not only displace capital allocation but also raised the relative cost of funding for productive enterprises, shifting incentives away from long-gestation, productivity-enhancing investment toward short-term consumption and asset-based positioning. 

Pandemic-era deficits also contributed to a more centralized allocation of economic resources, increasing the degree of political discretion over investment direction and effectively shifting capital allocation decisions away from decentralized market signals toward administrative and fiscal channels. (Figure 3, lowest chart) 

All of these reflect not merely contemporary crowding-out and low-rate-driven misallocation, but a record savings–investment gap/imbalance that has been decades in the making. 

The recent corruption scandal highlights how such misallocation, diversion, and capital consumption processes have become structurally embedded 

In brief, these concurrent developments magnify the repercussions of existing imbalances

The result is an economy with limited buffer to cost shocks. 

What matters is not any single development in isolation, but their synchronization under a common pressure: rising input costs moving through a system already constrained by policy distortions, uneven capital allocation, and weakened supply responsiveness. 

In this phase, the effects of earlier imbalances are no longer latent. 

They become visible—simultaneously—in output, prices, and market participation. 

IX. The February Labor “Improvement” That May Not Last 

These sectoral weaknesses are now beginning to transmit into labor market conditions, albeit with a lag. 

At first glance, the February labor report appeared reassuring. Headline employment “improved” and the unemployment rate edged lower (jobless rates eased from 5.8% in January to 5.1% in March.  On the surface, the data suggested that the labor market remained resilient despite (pre-war) rising cost pressures.


Figure 4 

But a closer look raises questions about whether this improvement represents a durable trend—or merely a statistical pause before broader economic strains surface. 

In stagflationary environments, firms initially attempt to absorb rising costs through reduced margins, shorter operating hours, and productivity adjustments in order to preserve employment levels. However, as cost pressures persist alongside weakening demand conditions, adjustment inevitably shifts into the labor market: hiring slows, job quality deteriorates, and informalization increases. Losses spur retrenchment. 

Retail and tourism fragility reinforce this transmission channel.  

Forthcoming increases in minimum wages should also serve as hindrance to the labor market growth. 

External labor dynamics add another layer of vulnerability. Reports of rising overseas worker repatriation suggest that global labor demand conditions may also be softening. For an economy such as the Philippines, which is heavily reliant on overseas employment and remittance inflows, even marginal shifts in external labor absorption can propagate quickly into domestic consumption, liquidity conditions, and household financial stability. 

Taken together, these developments indicate that February’s earlier employment “improvement” may represent a temporary statistical noise rather than a structural recovery

In such environments, labor markets typically lag real economic deterioration: employment initially appears stable even as underlying business conditions weaken beneath the surface. Over time, however, this lag resolves through reduced hiring, declining hours, and weakening job security. 

The result is a familiar stagflationary configuration: rising living costs alongside weakening labor conditions and employment quality. 

X. Policy Responses Are Expanding 

Rather than addressing underlying supply constraints, policy responses have increasingly focused on suppressing visible price adjustments. 

Recent measures illustrate this pattern

The Department of Trade and Industry reached an agreement with meat producers to delay price increases until the end of April

The Department of Health likewise reached arrangements with pharmaceutical firms to avoid medicine price increases—functioning effectively as negotiated price restraint mechanisms rather than pure market outcomes. 

Energy authorities, meanwhile, have warned oil firms against alleged “anti-competitive behavior,” at times framing price movements through cartel narratives. However, such cartel interpretations are better understood as policy-conditioned outcomes rather than purely market-generated coordination, particularly given the limited number of players in the industry and the regulatory structure governing pass-through pricing. 

More broadly, the policy stance has shifted in sequence rather than consistency. Authorities initially denied the presence of a systemic crisis, but subsequently imposed a ‘state of emergency’ once pressures became more visible. 

In parallel, emergency measures have been floated in public discourse—including fuel rationing and even temporary energy lockdown-type measures—despite public denials of such scenarios. 

As Bismarck’s oft-cited dictum suggests, policy signals are sometimes inferred more from what is denied publicly than what is formally declared. In this sense, the sequencing may reflect a form of preparatory signaling or conditioning toward prospective policy tools in the event that conditions deteriorate further. 

Fiscal responses have also expanded significantly. Free-lunch populism has prompted the government to allocate approximately Php 238 billion in subsidies and related support measures to cushion households and affected sectors. Within this framework, fuel subsidies for public utility vehicles have recently been extended. 

At the same time, structural intervention in the transport sector has intensified through the jeepney servicing and consolidation program, under which operators and drivers are mandated to continue providing services while receiving subsidized compensation. 

The state is increasingly assuming coordinating functions in route allocation, dispatch systems, and operational restructuring of jeepney services, effectively centralizing what was previously a decentralized operator-driven system—officially framed as temporary, but carrying the risk of extending state coordination capacity over time, and potentially creating a policy window through which long-desired transport modernization programs could be advanced. 

The temporary suspension of WESM operations also raises the possibility of broader shifts in market structure, including partial re-nationalization dynamics in parts of the energy and transport-linked system. 

Such episodes align with what economic historians describe as a ‘ratchet effect,’ as theorized by Robert Higgstemporary expansions of state control and intervention during periods of perceived crisis often persist in modified form even after the shock subsides, gradually shifting baseline institutional arrangements

While these measures aim to contain visible inflation, price suppression mechanisms rarely eliminate underlying inflationary pressure. Instead, they displace it toward producers, inventories, and fiscal balance sheets, transforming visible price adjustment into structural inflation accumulation across the production system. 

XI. Energy Supply Chains: Why the Shock Is Larger Than Oil 

Even if geopolitical tensions ease, the structural vulnerability remains. 

First, recent diplomatic developments in the Middle East may prove temporary. Historical precedent suggests that ceasefire arrangements in the region have often been fragile, particularly when major powers remain indirectly engaged in the conflict environment. The United States and Israel struck Iran at the end of February, even while negotiations were ongoing. 

Second, as former U.S. budget director David Stockman has argued, modern energy systems are not defined solely by crude oil prices but by interconnected refining, logistics, and distribution networks. Liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) and petrochemical supply chains, in particular, rely on tightly coupled processing infrastructure. 

Disruptions in these networks propagate far beyond fuel markets, affecting agriculture (fertilizer production), logistics (transport cost structures), manufacturing (input pricing), and services (operating costs). 

Energy shocks, therefore, do not remain confined to headline fuel prices.
They transmit through the entire structure of production, amplifying cost pressures across the economy—even in sectors not directly linked to energy consumption. 

XII. Financial Markets Are Beginning to Reflect the Stress 

Financial indicators are now starting to mirror these real-economy strains. 

The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas recently reported a decline in gross international reserves (GIR) last March amid lower gold prices, foreign investment outflows and pressure on the peso. 

Figure 5

Although the BSP’s headline reserve buffer still appears comfortable, a closer look at composition tells a different story. Non-gold reserves—essentially the liquid foreign-currency assets used to stabilize the peso and finance imports—have declined markedly since late 2024. Rising gold valuations have helped cushion the headline GIR figure, but valuation gains are not equivalent to fresh external inflows. This compositional shift suggests that reserve resilience may be weaker than the aggregate figure implies. (Figure 5, topmost diagram) 

Meanwhile, S&P Global Ratings lowered the Philippines’ outlook from positive to stable, citing risks to fiscal and external positions linked to persistent energy-related pressures. 

Credit ratings rarely lead markets; more often, they echo or confirm stresses already developing beneath the surface. While not explicitly stated, recent movements in Philippine credit default swaps (CDS), along with a bearish flattening of the yield curve and rising yields across maturities, may have contributed to the revised outlook, reflecting increasing market sensitivity to external and fiscal pressures. (Figure 5, middle and lowest charts) 

This evolving bond market dynamic suggests investors are recalibrating their expectations—demanding higher risk premia while simultaneously pricing in weaker forward growth. 

Historically, such curve behavior often reflects a policy environment in which monetary conditions remain accommodative while structural growth prospects deteriorate. In this sense, the yield curve may be signaling the same tension visible in the real economy: rising inflation pressures interacting with slowing productive momentum. 

XIII. Geopolitical Reordering and the Return of the War Economy 

In examining the broader stagflationary risks facing the global economy, it is difficult to ignore a parallel structural shift: the gradual return of what economists historically describe as a war economy. 

The stagflationary episode of the 1970s did not arise solely from the oil embargo. It emerged from a broader combination of fiscal expansion, geopolitical conflict, and monetary transformation following the collapse of the Bretton Woods system. The suspension of dollar convertibility during the Nixon Shock effectively loosened the monetary constraints that had previously anchored the international financial system. This shift coincided with large-scale fiscal expenditures associated with the Vietnam War and domestic “guns and butter” policies in the United States. 

The subsequent 1973 Oil Crisis then transmitted these underlying monetary and fiscal pressures into global energy markets, transforming what might otherwise have been a relative price shock into a generalized inflationary episode.


Figure 6 

Recent developments suggest that elements of this broader geopolitical environment may be re-emerging. Data compiled by the International Monetary Fund indicate that the number of armed conflicts worldwide has risen sharply since the mid-2000s, reaching levels not observed in decades. (Figure 6) 

Measures of geopolitical risk have increased in tandem, while the share of countries allocating more than 2 percent of GDP to military spending has begun to climb again after declining during the post–Cold War period. 

Such developments do not automatically produce stagflation. However, they signal a structural shift in the global policy environment. Rising defense expenditures, strategic supply chain realignments, and heightened geopolitical rivalry all tend to increase fiscal demands while simultaneously disrupting trade, energy, and commodity flows

For economies integrated into global security networks, these pressures can have direct domestic implications. The Philippines, as a longstanding client state of the United States and host to several defense cooperation facilities, is not insulated from these dynamics. 

Increased defense commitments, strategic realignments in trade and energy flows, and the potential weaponization of financial and technological networks could all influence fiscal policy, investment allocation, and external financial conditions. 

While these developments alone do not determine the trajectory of Philippine inflation or growth, they form part of the broader global environment within which domestic stagflationary pressures may evolve. 

XIV. The Stages of Stagflation: A Historical Pattern 

Stagflation rarely emerges as a fully formed crisis overnight. Historical episodes—from the 1970s United States to more recent cases in Latin America and emerging markets—suggest that the process tends to unfold in stages. 

In the initial phaseinflation begins to rise while economic growth slows, typically following a combination of monetary accommodation and supply disruptions. Policymakers often interpret this period as temporary, responding with targeted subsidies, negotiated price restraint, or administrative coordination designed to cushion consumers from visible price increases. 

In the second phasepressures begin to propagate more visibly through the production structure. Producers facing sustained input cost increases and constrained output prices start adjusting operations. Margins compress, inventories decline, and investment slows. Supply responses weaken as firms scale back production or exit markets entirely. Labor markets frequently appear stable during this stage, but job quality deteriorates, hiring slows, and working hours are reduced as businesses attempt to manage rising costs without immediate layoffs. 

Only in the later phase does the full stagflationary configuration emerge: persistent inflation combined with visibly weakening economic activity, deteriorating labor conditions, and widening fiscal intervention as governments attempt to stabilize prices and incomes simultaneously. 

The developments now visible in the Philippines—sectoral supply withdrawals in transport, fisheries, and agriculture, increasing reliance on subsidies and administrative coordination, and early financial stress signals—suggest that the economy may already be moving through the earlier stages of this historical pattern. 

XV. The Political Economy of Entrenched Stagflation 

Economic distortions rarely persist because policymakers misunderstand them. More often, they persist because they become politically useful. 

Once subsidies, price controls, and administrative coordination mechanisms are introduced, they generate new constituencies whose interests become tied to their continuation. Temporary interventions gradually evolve into institutional arrangements that are difficult to reverse. 

As political economist Mancur Olson argued, concentrated interest groups tend to organize effectively to protect benefits, while the broader public—bearing the dispersed costs—faces weaker incentives to mobilize. Policies that begin as crisis responses therefore often survive long after the original shock has passed. 

Fiscal incentives reinforce this tendency. Governments facing rising costs and slowing growth frequently prefer policies that postpone adjustment rather than those that impose immediate economic pain. As James Buchanan observed, democratic fiscal systems possess a structural bias toward deficit spending and monetary accommodation, particularly when the costs of such policies are distributed through inflation rather than explicit taxation. 

Under such conditions, stagflation can become not merely a cyclical outcome but an institutional equilibrium. Policies intended to suppress inflation in the short run—subsidies, administrative pricing agreements, and coordinated market interventions—gradually weaken the supply responses necessary to stabilize the economy. 

The result is a policy environment in which inflation persists, growth weakens, and intervention expands—reinforcing the very dynamics policymakers initially sought to prevent.

XVI. Conclusion: The Adjustment That Has Been Delayed 

While the developments described above do not yet constitute a full stagflationary crisis, they reveal the early stages of a process that historically unfolds in recognizable sequence. 

Inflationary pressures typically emerge first under conditions of monetary accommodation and fiscal expansion. When supply disruptions occur in such an environment, rising input costs begin to propagate through the production structure. If policy responses attempt to suppress the resulting price signals—through subsidies, negotiated price restraint, or administrative coordination—the adjustment process does not disappear. It simply shifts location. 

Instead of being resolved through market pricing, the pressure accumulates within the production system. Producers absorb losses, inventories are drawn down, and investment slows. Over time, supply responsiveness weakens as firms scale back operations or exit markets altogether. 

The resulting configuration reflects the interaction of liquidity expansion, fiscal subsidies, and supply disruptions within a system where price signals are increasingly constrained. Demand is sustained through transfers and credit support even as rising costs erode productive capacity. Under such conditions, inflationary pressure does not dissipate; it is displaced—reappearing later through shortages, reduced output, or both. 

Many of the mechanisms that historically generate stagflation are therefore already visible in the Philippine economy: rising input costs, sustained liquidity expansion, widening fiscal intervention, weakening supply responses, and increasing reliance on administrative price management. 

What appears today as temporary stability may instead represent the delayed adjustment of an economic system whose imbalances are already surfacing. 

This adjustment may also unfold within a broader global environment that increasingly resembles earlier stagflationary eras. Rising geopolitical tensions, expanding defense expenditures, and the gradual re-emergence of war-economy dynamics suggest that inflationary pressures may not be purely cyclical

Rather, they may reflect deeper structural shifts in the international system—shifts that interact with domestic policy distortions and amplify the economic stresses already visible across sectors.

 


 


Sunday, March 15, 2026

Oil Shock Meets Systemic Fragility: How War, Inflation, and Liquidity Strains Are Converging on Philippine Banks

 

People always look for political solutions to economic problems. Economic solutions are individually based; they amount to producing more and consuming less. Political solutions are collectively based; they amount to some people deciding how much wealth to take from some other people. The question is, how do political solutions manifest themselves?—Doug Casey 

In this issue

Oil Shock Meets Systemic Fragility: How War, Inflation, and Liquidity Strains Are Converging on Philippine Banks 

I. War, Oil, and Markets: The Shock Transmission Spreads

II. Stagflation Ahoy! Employment Weakens as Inflation Surges

III. The Financial Plumbing: Liquidity Is Tightening Beneath the Surface

IIIA. Bank Liquidity Buffers Are Thinning

IIIB. The Depository Corporations Survey: Credit Transmission Is Stalling

IIIB.1 Liquidity Detaches From Credit

IIIB.2 External Liquidity Replaces Domestic Credit

IIIB.3 Fiscal Absorption in Bank Balance Sheets 

IIIC. The Monetary Authority Survey (MAS): Liquidity Without Transmission

IIID. A Financial System Becoming Balance-Sheet Driven

IV. The Yield Curve’s Hidden Message

V. Oil Shock as the Catalyst for a Banking System Test

VI. The Policy Dilemma Ahead

VII. Conclusion: The Oil Shock Exposes Pre-Existing Fragility  

Oil Shock Meets Systemic Fragility: How War, Inflation, and Liquidity Strains Are Converging on Philippine Banks

The oil shock from the Middle East war exposes underlying financial strains in the Philippine economy, evident in the weakening peso, tightening bank balance sheets, and a shifting yield curve.

I. War, Oil, and Markets: The Shock Transmission Spreads 


Figure 1

Since the latest outbreak of the Middle East conflict involving US, Israel on Iran, global oil markets have repriced sharply. The US WTI and Brent Oil benchmarks have traded slightly below and above the $100/barrel. (Figure 1, topmost chart) 

For an import-dependent economy like the Philippines, the transmission mechanism was immediate. 

Three domestic market reactions stand out. The ‘oil shock’ aggravates the structural pressure from persistent external deficits from the deepening savings-investment gap imbalances 

First, the peso plunged to a record low against the dollar, with the USD/PHP exchange rate surging to 59.735, the highest level on record. (Figure 1 middle graph) 

The move reinforced the breach of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas’ (BSP) 59-level “Maginot Line,” a ceiling the central bank had defended from 2022 through late 2025. 

The March 13 breakout was accompanied by interbank trading volume jumping 16% to roughly $2.23 billion, marking the fifth-largest turnover since 2025 amid the pair’s sharp upward spiral this March. 

Notably, earlier breakouts were rarely accompanied by comparable surges in trading volume, likely reflecting BSP interventions in the market. (Figure 1, lowest image) 

In contrast, the current episode appears to signal strong underlying demand for the US dollar, suggesting that momentum could soon put the 60 level to an immediate test. 

The oil shock further aggravates these pressures, compounding the peso’s weakness alongside persistent external deficits stemming from a widening savings–investment gap. 

Second, domestic equities began to unravel

The PSEi erased most of its early-year gains (+0.1% YTD as of March 13), as the prospect of higher energy costs—on top of rising inflation, weaker GDP growth, currency volatility, tighter financial conditions, and continued foreign selling—dampened sentiment and offset earlier orchestrated pumps of the index.


Figure 2 

Third, the domestic bond market began adjusting to mounting inflation risks. Philippine government securities sold off across the curve, while the yield curve reshaped itself through a bearish flattening—a configuration that typically signals rising financial stress rather than healthy growth expectations. (Figure 2, top and middle visuals) 

In short, markets quickly priced the oil shock not as a temporary disturbance, but as a binding macroeconomic constraint.

II. Stagflation Ahoy! Employment Weakens as Inflation Surges 

The ‘oil shock’ arrives precisely as the domestic economy is already emitting stagflationary signals. 

Inflation accelerated again in February. Philippine CPI rose to 2.4%, marking the fourth consecutive monthly increase and a 13-month high.


Figure 3

More alarming was the surge in food inflation for vulnerable households. Food CPI for the bottom 30% income group spiked from 0.6% in January to 2.2% in February, suggesting rising hunger and worsening self-rated poverty among a substantial share of families—despite the rollout of Php 20 rice programs and government-mandated maximum suggested retail prices (MSRPs). (Figure 3, topmost window) 

Crucially, these developments occurred before the oil shock. Yet the first wave of its impact is already visible:

A further inflation risk lies in agricultural inputs. The Philippines remains heavily dependent on imported urea fertilizer, much of it sourced from the Gulf region. (Figure 3, middle diagram) 

Any disruption to supply chains or price spikes linked to Middle East tensions could raise production costs for domestic agriculture, creating second-round pressures on food prices in the months ahead. 

And more drastic adjustments are likely to follow. The snowballing effects and feedback loops from higher energy costs could feed into what may become the third wave of Philippine CPI cycle.


Figure 4

At the same time, as the GDP wobbles, labor market conditions are deteriorating. Unemployment rose to 2.96 million in January 2026—a pandemic era high, while underemployment also increased. Employment rate fell to 94.2%, lowest since June 2022 (Figure 4, topmost image) 

More concerning are the sectoral shifts beneath the headline numbers:

  • agricultural employment contracted (Figure 4, middle chart)
  • trade employment declined sharply
  • labor force participation fell, suggesting that official unemployment figures may understate actual labor slack (Figure 4, lowest image)
  • displaced workers increasingly moved into lower-productivity informal sectors 

Rising fertilizer costs also threaten agricultural employment and output, compounding the deterioration already visible in rural labor markets. 

These shifts are critical because they indicate weakening household income capacity precisely as prices for essential goods—fuel, electricity, and water—are rising. 

Moreover, with conflict in the Middle East ongoing, more overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) are being repatriated. This is not merely a humanitarian issue—it also carries macroeconomic consequences. 

As repatriations increase, returning workers expand the domestic labor pool, potentially pushing unemployment or underemployment higher. 

At the same time, fewer workers abroad could mean weaker remittance inflows, widening the Philippines’ balance-of-payments (BoP) deficit—a consequence of its savings-investment gap—and intensifying pressure on the peso.

Remittances are a key pillar of household consumption and savings formation, so disruptions could dampen domestic demand. 

This combination—rising costs colliding with weakening income growth—is the textbook definition of stagflationary pressure. 

For a banking system heavily exposed to consumer lending, mortgages, and corporate leverage, such an environment gradually erodes balance-sheet quality. 

III. The Financial Plumbing: Liquidity Is Tightening Beneath the Surface 

The real story, however, lies beneath the macro headlines—in the financial plumbing of the banking system. 

Recent balance-sheet data from the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas reveal a system quietly tightening. 

IIIA. Bank Liquidity Buffers Are Thinning 

Key indicators already show signs of intensifying pressure.


Figure 5

Both cash-to-deposit and liquid-assets-to-deposit ratios have been trending downward, indicating that banks are operating with thinner liquidity buffers relative to their funding base. (Figure 5, topmost pane) 

At the same time, although the non-performing loan (NPL) ratio ticked higher in January from its May 2025 lows, the percentage metric masks a deeper Wile E. Coyote velocity dynamic

While the NPL ratio appears relatively contained, gross NPLs measured in pesos have actually climbed to fresh record highs in January. The expansion of bank credit—through the denominator effect—suppresses the ratio even as the absolute level of distressed loans continues to rise. (Figure 5, middle graph) 

To recall, aside from this denominator effect, the suppression of the NPL ratio can also arise from a combination of factors:

  • loan restructurings
  • charge-offs
  • regulatory relief measures
  • reclassification effects
  • inaccurate reporting 

Viewed from the peso lens, NPLs reveal mounting distress within the system. Viewed from the ratio perspective, the deterioration appears modest. Yet the direction of travel remains critical. Historically, NPL ratios lag economic stress rather than lead it. 

If GDP weakens further while employment softens and energy prices help erode the purchasing power of the peso, this deterioration could accelerate

The dynamic resembles what Hyman Minsky described as the transition from hedge finance toward speculative finance. During periods of easy liquidity, borrowers accumulate obligations under the assumption that refinancing will remain available. But when shocks—such as an oil spike, fiscal strain, or currency depreciation—raise costs while eroding incomes, balance sheets that once appeared stable can quickly become fragile. 

IIIB. The Depository Corporations Survey: Credit Transmission Is Stalling 

The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas Depository Corporations Survey (DCS) provides a system-wide view of balance sheets across the banking sector. Recent data suggest that the traditional transmission mechanism between liquidity and credit creation is beginning to weaken. 

IIIB.1 Liquidity Detaches From Credit 

Historically, money supply growth in the Philippines has closely tracked bank lending. In a bank-dominated financial system, loans create deposits, and deposit expansion feeds directly into the growth of broad money. 

Recent data, however, show that this relationship has broken down. 

Universal and commercial bank loan growth has been rolling over since mid-2025 even as broad money (M3) continues to expand. The divergence suggests that liquidity creation is increasingly being driven by balance-sheet channels other than private credit expansion. (Figure 5, lowest visual) 

In other words, liquidity is still growing—but the mechanism generating that liquidity is shifting.

IIIB.2 External Liquidity Replaces Domestic Credit 

The shift becomes clearer when examining the external side of the banking system’s balance sheet.


Figure 6

Even as domestic lending slows (claims on Private sector), net foreign assets within the financial system have expanded. Higher gold prices, reserve valuation effects, and external borrowing have all contributed to rising foreign asset positions. Net foreign assets were up 5.9% and 10.2% in the first two months of 2026, while claims on the private sector posted hefty gains of 10.7% and 10.6% respectively. (Figure 6, topmost window) 

These external balance-sheet gains inject liquidity into the domestic financial system despite slowing private credit growth. 

The implication is that a growing share of monetary expansion is being supported by external balance-sheet dynamics rather than internal credit creation. 

IIIB.3 Fiscal Absorption in Bank Balance Sheets 

Another structural shift appears in the composition of bank assets. 

As lending to the private sector slows, banks’ claims on the national government (NCoCG) continue to expand. This suggests that sovereign borrowing is increasingly absorbing liquidity within the financial system. (Figure 6 middle chart) 

When government borrowing begins to dominate balance-sheet expansion, it crucially reflects a crowding-out mechanism, in which the state becomes the primary absorber of financial resources while private credit growth weakens. 

This dynamic creates a paradoxical condition: liquidity remains abundant within the monetary system, yet the flow of credit into productive economic activity begins to substantially slow

From the perspective of Austrian capital theory, this shift reflects the kind of structural distortion that prolonged liquidity accommodation can generate. As the late Austrian economist Roger W. Garrison argued, credit expansions can redirect financial resources toward sectors or activities that appear viable only under persistently easy financial conditions. When lending momentum slows or funding conditions tighten, the underlying structure of investment begins to reveal its fragilities. 

IIIC. The Monetary Authority Survey (MAS): Liquidity Without Transmission 

If the Depository Corporations Survey reveals the evolving structure of bank balance sheets, the Monetary Authority Survey (MAS) shows how the central bank’s own balance sheet is shaping liquidity conditions. 

Recent MAS data point to a subtle but important change in the character of monetary expansion. 

One revealing indicator is the divergence between currency in circulation and broad money growth. 

Currency issuance has slowed even as M3 continues to expand. Normally, expanding deposits eventually translate into greater currency usage as money circulates through the broader economy. 

When currency growth decelerates while deposits continue rising, it suggests that liquidity is remaining within the bank dominated financial system rather than circulating through real economic activity. 

This pattern suggests a financial environment in which monetary liquidity expands while bank balance-sheet liquidity tightens

Sovereign borrowing increasingly absorbs bank asset capacity while external balance-sheet dynamics inflate monetary aggregates. 

The result is a divergence: liquidity appears abundant in the monetary statistics even as credit transmission to the private economy weakens. 

IIID. A Financial System Becoming Balance-Sheet Driven 

Taken together, the signals from the DCS and MAS point to a financial system undergoing a structural transition. 

Bank lending growth is slowing. Domestic credit expansion is weakening. Currency circulation is decelerating. 

Yet monetary liquidity continues to expand—supported by external asset accumulation, sovereign borrowing, and balance-sheet adjustments within the financial system. 

In other words, system liquidity is still growing, but it is increasingly detached from private credit creation and real economic activity. 

Importantly, these shifts were already visible in the data before the oil shock emerged. The system entered the current energy shock with underlying financial imbalances already developing beneath the surface. 

The oil shock therefore did not create the stress now appearing across markets. It merely accelerated and exposed the structural strains that had already begun to form within the country’s financial architecture. 

IV. The Yield Curve’s Hidden Message 

Finally, the government bond market is beginning to reflect these tensions. 


Figure 7 

Since the outbreak of the Middle East conflict, the Philippine yield curve has shifted toward a bearish flattening, led by a selloff in the belly of the curve—particularly the 5- to 10-year segment. (Figure 7, upper chart) 

Even the front end, which typically reflects expectations about future monetary policy, has begun to rise. (Figure 7, lower graph) 

The increase in short-term Treasury bill yields suggests that markets are beginning to reassess expectations for monetary easing, reflecting growing concern that inflationary pressures and fiscal risks may constrain policy flexibility. 

Yet, such movements in the yield curve often emerge when markets begin pricing a combination of risks:

  • inflation pressures
  • weakening economic growth
  • rising fiscal borrowing needs
  • duration risk

Recent policy responses reinforce these concerns. Authorities have begun rolling out subsidies for tricycle and jeepney drivers, and the fisherfolks, including a proposed Php 3.5-billion program to subsidize commuters and partially finance the fuel costs of public utility vehicles (PUVs). 

In the world of “free-lunch politics,” such subsidies risk widening fiscal deficits. The Treasury curve increasingly appears to be pricing the possibility that oil-shock relief measures could translate into larger borrowing requirements and once again inflationary pressures. 

In other words, the curve is not signaling healthy economic expansion. 

Instead, it points toward tightening financial conditions and rising interest-rate pressures. Most importantly, it reflects financial stress emerging under inflation constraints. 

For banks, this shift in the yield curve is not merely a market signal. It directly affects funding costs, asset valuations, and the profitability of maturity transformation—the core business model of the banking system. 

V. Oil Shock as the Catalyst for a Banking System Test 

Taken individually, each of these developments might appear manageable. 

Taken together, however, they form a reinforcing loop

Higher oil prices worsen the trade deficit and weaken the peso—an outcome that organically reflects the widening savings-investment gap in the domestic economy. 

A weaker peso raises the cost of imports and intensifies inflationary pressures. 

Rising prices compress real household incomes, while employment weakens as economic growth slows. 

The deterioration of household balance sheets eventually translates into rising loan stress within the banking system. 

As risks increase, banks respond by tightening lending standards and slowing credit growth. The resulting credit contraction then further dampens economic activity, reinforcing the cycle. 

This is the mechanism through which macroeconomic shocks propagate through financial systems. 

VI. The Policy Dilemma Ahead 

The challenge for policymakers is that the traditional policy response may no longer be readily available. 

If inflation remains elevated due to oil prices and currency pressures, the central bank cannot easily deploy aggressive monetary easing. 

Yet if economic growth slows and credit conditions tighten, the usual policy reflex is to rely on easy-money support from the banking system.

If recession risks become imminent, the increasingly crowded fiscal space not only limits the scope for government intervention but may itself amplify financial fragility

This is the classic emerging-market policy trap: inflation constrains monetary easing just as financial fragility begins to demand it. 

The dilemma is not purely economic but also institutional. Public choice economists such as James M. Buchanan emphasized that policymakers face incentives to favor short-term stabilization over long-term adjustment. 

Over time, as Mancur Olson observed, institutional arrangements tend to accumulate rigidities that make meaningful reform increasingly difficult.

VII. Conclusion: The Oil Shock Exposes Pre-Existing Fragility 

The current oil shock is not creating the Philippines’ financial vulnerabilities. It is revealing them. 

Years of debt expansion, fiscal deficits, and reliance on liquidity support have already stretched balance sheets across households, corporations, banks, and even the government itself. 

The war-driven surge in oil prices simply adds another layer of stress to an already fragile system. 

If energy prices remain elevated and the peso continues weakening, the Philippine banking sector may soon face a test not seen since the pandemic period—this time under far less accommodating global financial conditions. 

The coming months will determine whether the financial system can absorb the shock. 

Or whether the oil spike ultimately becomes the catalyst that exposes deeper structural strains within the country’s financial architecture. 

Caveat Emptor.