The BSP’s One-Two Punch: Can RRR Cuts and PDIC Deposit Insurance Avert a Liquidity Crisis?

Historical research on bank runs indicates that the reason people run is run is not fear of people running. People typically ran when the bank was already insolvent. Healthy purpose of closing the bank before the bank lost even more money. True, the losses were unevenly distributed, depending on whether you got on the front of the line or the back of the line. In a way, that provides a useful incentive mechanism: monitor your bank and don't rely on other people to monitor it for you—Lawrence White

In this issue

The BSP’s One-Two Punch: Can RRR Cuts and PDIC Deposit Insurance Avert a Liquidity Crisis?

I. From Full Reserves to Fractional Banking: The Risks of a Zero-Bound RRR

II. Has the BSP’s "Easing Cycle"—Particularly the RRR Cut—Eased Liquidity Strains?

III. Bank Assets: A Tale of Contradictions: Booming Loans and Liquidity Pressures

IV. Bank Credit Boom Amid Contradictions: Soaring Credit Card NPLs as Real Estate NPLs Ease

V. Investments: A Key Source of Liquidity Pressures

VI. Hidden Risks in Held-to-Maturity (HTM) Securities: Government Debt

VII. Slowing Deposit Growth and the Structural Changes in the Banking System’s Asset Distribution

VIII. Liquidity Constraints Fuels Bank Borrowing Frenzy

IX. PDIC’s Doubled Deposit Insurance: A Confidence Tool or a Risk Mitigant?

X. Conclusion: Band-aid Solutions Magnify Risks

The BSP’s One-Two Punch: Can RRR Cuts and PDIC Deposit Insurance Avert a Liquidity Crisis?

Facing the risks from lower bank reserve requirements, the BSP may have pulled a confidence trick by doubling deposit insurance. But will it be enough to avert the ongoing liquidity stress?

I. From Full Reserves to Fractional Banking: The Risks of a Zero-Bound RRR 

Full reserve banking originated during the gold standard era, where banks acted as custodians of gold deposits and issued paper receipts fully backed by gold reserves. This system ensured financial stability by preventing the expansion of money beyond available reserves. However, as banks realized that depositors rarely withdrew all their funds simultaneously, they began lending out a portion of deposits, leading to the emergence of fractional reserve banking.

Over time, governments institutionalized this practice, largely due to its political convenience—enabling the financing of wars, welfare programs, and other government expenditures. This shift was epitomized by 1896 Democratic presidential candidate William Jennings Bryan's famous speech in which he declared, "You shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold!" 

Governments reinforced this transition through the creation of central banks and an expanding framework of regulations, including deposit insurance. Ultimately, these policies culminated in the abandonment of the gold standard, most notably with the Nixon Shock of August 1971. 

While fractional reserve banking has facilitated economic growth by expanding credit, it has also introduced significant risks. These include bank runs and liquidity crises, as seen during the Great Depression, the 2008 financial crisis, and the 2023 U.S. banking crisis; inflationary pressures from excessive credit creation; and moral hazard, where banks engage in riskier practices knowing they may be bailed out. 

The system’s reliance on high leverage further contributes to financial fragility. 

The risks of fractional reserve banking are amplified when the statutory reserve requirement (RRR) approaches zero. A zero-bound RRR effectively removes regulatory constraints on the proportion of deposits banks can lend, increasing liquidity risk if sudden withdrawals exceed available reserves. 

This heightens the probability of bank runs, making institutions more dependent on central bank intervention for stability. 

Additionally, a near-zero RRR expands the money multiplier effect, increasing the risks of excessive credit creation, exacerbating asset-liability mismatches, fueling asset bubbles, and intensifying inflationary pressures—ultimately turning individual failures into systemic vulnerabilities that repeatedly require central bank intervention. 

Without reserve requirements, banking stability relies entirely on the presumed effectiveness of capital adequacy regulations, liquidity buffers, and central bank oversight, increasing systemic dependence on monetary authorities—further assuming they possess both full knowledge and predictive capabilities (or some combination thereof) necessary to contain or prevent disorderly outcomes arising from the buildup of unsustainable financial and economic imbalances (The knowledge problem). 

Moreover, increased reliance on these authorities leads to greater politicization of financial institutions, fostering inefficiencies such as corruption, regulatory capture, and the revolving door between policymakers and industry players—further distorting market incentives and deepening systemic fragility. 

Consequently, while a zero-bound RRR enhances short-term credit availability, it also raises long-term risks of financial instability and contagion during crises. 

At its core, zero-bound RRR magnifies the inherent fragility of fractional reserve banking, increasing systemic risks and reliance on central bank intervention. By removing a key buffer against liquidity shocks, it transforms banking into a highly unstable system prone to crises. 

II. Has the BSP’s "Easing Cycle"—Particularly the RRR Cut—Eased Liquidity Strains?

Businessworld, March 15, 2025: THE PHILIPPINE BANKING industry’s total assets jumped by 9.3% year on year as of end-January, preliminary data from the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) showed. Banks’ combined assets rose to P27.11 trillion as of end-January from P24.81 trillion in the same period a year ago. Month on month, total assets slid by 1.2% from P27.43 trillion as of end-December. 

In the second half (2H) of 2024, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) launched its "easing cycle," implementing three interest rate cuts and reducing the reserve requirement ratio (RRR) on October 25.

A second RRR reduction is scheduled for March 28, 2025, coinciding with the Philippine Deposit Insurance Corporation (PDIC) doubling its deposit insurance coverage, effective March 15.

Yet, despite these measures, the Philippine GDP growth slowed to 5.2% in 2H 2024—a puzzling decline amid record-high public spending, unprecedented employment rates, and historic consumer-led bank borrowing. 

Has the BSP’s easing cycle, particularly the RRR cuts, alleviated the liquidity strains plaguing the banking system? The evidence suggests otherwise. 

III. Bank Assets: A Tale of Contradictions: Booming Loans and Liquidity Pressures 

Philippine bank assets consist of cash, loans, investments, real and other properties acquired (ROPA), and other assets. In January 2025, cash, loans, and investments dominated, accounting for 9.8%, 54.2%, and 28.3% respectively—totaling 92.3% of assets.

Figure 1

Loan growth has been robust. The net total loan portfolio (including interbank loans IBLs and reverse repos RRPs) surged from a 10.7% year-on-year (YoY) increase in January 2024 to 13.7% in January 2025.

As a matter of fact, loans have consistently outpaced deposit growth since hitting a low in February 2022, with the loans-to-deposit ratio accelerating even before the BSP’s first rate cut in August 2024. (Figure 1, topmost graph)

Historical trends, however, reveal a nuanced picture.

Loan growth decelerated when the BSP hiked rates in 2018 and continued to slow even after the BSP started cutting rates. Weak loan demand at the time overshadowed the liquidity boost from RRR cuts. (Figure 1, middle image)

Despite the BSP reducing the RRR from 19% in March 2018 to 12% in April 2020—coinciding with the onset of the pandemic—loan growth remained weak relative to deposit expansion. 

It wasn’t until the BSP's unprecedented bank bailout package—including RRR cuts, a historic Php 2.3 trillion liquidity injection, record-low interest rates, USD/PHP cap, and various bank subsidies and relief programs—that bank lending conditions changed dramatically. 

Loan growth surged even amid rising rates, underscoring the impact of these interventions. 

Last year’s combination of RRR and interest rate cuts deepened the easy money environment, accelerating credit expansion. 

The question remains: why? 

IV. Bank Credit Boom Amid Contradictions: Soaring Credit Card NPLs as Real Estate NPLs Ease 

Authorities claim credit delinquencies remain "low and manageable" despite a January 2025 uptick. Since peaking in Q2 2021, gross and net NPLs, along with distressed assets, have declined from their highs. (Figure 1, lowest chart)

Figure 2

This stability is striking given record-high consumer credit—the banking system’s fastest-growing segment—occurring alongside slowing consumer spending.  (Figure 2, topmost window)

While credit card non-performing loans (NPLs) have surged, their relatively small weight in the system has muted their overall impact.

Real estate NPLs have paradoxically stabilized despite a deflationary spiral in property prices in Q3 2024.

Real estate GDP fell to just 3% in Q4—its lowest level since the pandemic recession—dragging its share of total GDP to an all-time low. (Figure 2, middle visual)

Record bank borrowings, a faltering GDP, and price deflation amidst stable NPLs—this represents 'benchmark-ism,' or 'putting lipstick on a statistical pig,' at its finest.

Ironically, surging loan growth and low NPLs should signal a banking industry awash in liquidity and profits.

Yet how much of unpublished NPLs have been contributing to the bank's liquidity pressures?

Still, more contradictory evidence.

V. Investments: A Key Source of Liquidity Pressures 

Bank investments, another major asset class, grew at a substantially slower pace, dropping from 10.7% YoY in December 2024 to 5.85% in January 2025.

This deceleration stemmed from a sharp slowdown in Available-for-Sale (AFS) assets (from 20.45% to 12% YoY) and Held-for-Trading (HFT) assets, which, despite a 22.17% YoY rise, slumped from December’s 117% spike. This suggests banks may have suffered losses from short-term speculative activities, potentially linked to the PSEi 30’s 11.8% YoY and 10.2% MoM plunge in January. (Figure 2, lowest chart)

Ironically, the Financial Index—comprising seven listed banks—rose 15.23% YoY and 0.72% MoM, indicating that losses in bank financial assets stemmed from non-financial equity holdings.

Figure 3

Despite easing interest rates, market losses on the banks’ fixed-income trading portfolios remained elevated, improving (33.5% YoY) only slightly from Php 42.4 billion in December to Php 38 billion in January. (Figure 3, topmost pane) 

VI. Hidden Risks in Held-to-Maturity (HTM) Securities: Government Debt 

Yet, HTM assets declined just 0.5% YoY. Given that 10-year PDS rates remain elevated, HTMs are likely to reach new record highs soon. (Figure 3, middle image)

Banks play a pivotal role in supporting the BSP’s liquidity injections by monetizing government securities. Their holdings of government debt (net claims on central government—NcoCG) reached an estimated 33% of total assets in January 2025—a record high.  (Figure 3, lowest graph)

Figure 4

Public debt hit a fresh record of Php 16.3 trillion last January 2025. (Figure 4, topmost diagram)

Valued at amortized cost, HTM securities mask unrealized losses, potentially straining liquidity. Overexposure to long-duration HTMs amplifies these risks, while rising government debt holdings heighten banks’ sensitivity to sovereign risk.

With NCoCG at a record high, this tells us that banks' HTMs are about to carve out another fresh milestone in the near future.

In short, losses from market placements and ballooning HTMs have offset the liquidity surge from a lending boom, undermining the BSP’s easing efforts.

VII. Slowing Deposit Growth and the Structural Changes in the Banking System’s Asset Distribution

Deposit growth should ideally mirror credit expansion, as newly issued money eventually finds its way into deposit accounts.

Sure, the informal economy remains a considerable segment. However, unless a huge amount of savings is stored in jars or piggy banks, it’s unlikely to keep a leash on the money multiplier.

The BSP’s Financial Inclusion data shows that more than half of the population has some form of debt outside the banking system. This tells us that credit delinquencies are substantially understated—even from the perspective of the informal economy

Yet, bank deposit liabilities grew from 7.05% YoY in December 2024 to 6.8% in January 2025, led by peso deposits (7% YoY), while FX deposits slowed from 7.14% to 6.14%. Peso deposits comprised 82.8% of total liabilities. (Figure 4, middle image)

Since 2018, deposit growth has been on a structural downtrend, with RRR cuts failing to reverse this trend. (Figure 4, lowest visual)

Figure 5

The gap between the total loan portfolio (excluding RRPs and IBLs) and savings widened, with TLP growth rising from 12.7% to 13.54% YoY, while savings growth doubled from 3.3% to 6.8%. (Figure 5, topmost graph)

How did these affect the bank’s cash reserves?

Despite the October 2024 RRR cut, cash reserves contracted 1.44% YoY in January 2025. In peso terms, cash levels rebounded slightly from an October 2024 interim low—mirroring 2019 troughs—but this bounce appears to be stalling. (Figure 5, middle chart)

The ongoing liquidity drain has effectively erased the BSP’s historic cash injections.

The bank's cash and due-to-bank deposits ratio has hardly bounced despite the RRR cuts from 2018 to the present! (Figure 5, lowest pane)

Figure 6

Liquidity constraints are further evident in the declining liquid-to-deposit assets ratio. (Figure 6, topmost pane)

In perspective, the structural changes in operations have led to a pivotal shift in the distribution of the bank's assets. (Figure 6, middle graph)

Cash’s share of bank assets has shrunk from 23.1% in October 2013 to 9.8% in January 2025.

While the share of loans grew from 45.3% in November 2010 to a peak of 58.98% in May, it dropped to a low of 51.6% in March 2024 before partially recovering.

Meanwhile, investments, rebounding from a 21.42% trough in June 2020, have plateaued since the BSP’s 2022 rescue package.

Still, the Philippine banking system continues to amass significant economic and political clout, effectively monopolizing the industry, as its share of total financial resources reached 83.64% in 2024. How does this mounting concentration risk translate to stability? (Figure 6, lowest chart)

VIII. Liquidity Constraints Fuels Bank Borrowing Frenzy 

In addition to the 'easy money' effect of fractional banking's money multiplier, banks still require financing for their lending operations.

Figure 7

Evidence of growing liquidity constraints, exacerbated by insufficient deposit growth, is seen in banks' aggressive borrowing from capital markets. 

Bank borrowing, comprising bills and bonds payable, reached a new record of PHP 1.78 trillion in January, marking a 47.02% year-over-year increase and a 6.5% month-over-month rise! (Figure 7, topmost diagram) 

Notably, bills payable experienced a 67% growth surge, while bonds payable increased by 17.5%.  The strong performance of bank borrowing has resulted in an increase in their share of overall bank liabilities, with bills payable now accounting for 5.1% and bonds payable for 2.43% in January. (Figure 7, middle pane) 

In essence, banks are competing fiercely among themselves, with non-bank clients, and the government to secure funding from the public's strained savings. 

Moreover, although general reverse repo usage has decreased, largely due to BSP actions, interbank reverse repos have surged to their second-highest level since September 2024. (Figure 7, lowest chart) 

The increasing scale of bank borrowings, supported by BSP liquidity data, reinforces our view that banks are struggling to maintain system stability. 

IX. PDIC’s Doubled Deposit Insurance: A Confidence Tool or a Risk Mitigant? 

The doubling of the Philippine Deposit Insurance Corporation's (PDIC) deposit insurance coverage took effect on March 15th. 

The public is largely unaware that this measure is linked to the second phase of the reserve requirement ratio (RRR) cut scheduled for March 28th. 

In essence, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP), through its attached agency the PDIC, is utilizing the enhanced deposit insurance as a confidence-building measure to reinforce stability within the banking system. 

Inquirer.net, March 15, 2025: The Philippine Deposit Insurance Corp. (PDIC)—which is mandated to safeguard money kept in bank accounts —finally implemented the new maximum deposit insurance coverage (MDIC) of P1 million per depositor per bank, which was double the previous coverage of P500,000. The expanded MDIC is projected to fully insure over 147 million accounts in 2025, or 98.6 percent of the total deposit accounts in the local banking system. In terms of amount, depositor funds amounting to P5.3 trillion will be safeguarded by the PDIC, accounting for 24.1 percent of the total deposits held by the banking sector. To compare, the ratio of insured accounts under the old MDIC was at 97.6 percent as of December 2024. In terms of amount, the share of insured funds to total deposits was at 18.4 percent before. It was the amendments to the PDIC charter back in 2022 that allowed the state insurer to adjust the MDIC based on inflation and other relevant economic indicators without the need for a new law. (bold added)

ABS-CBN News, March 14: PDIC President Roberto Tan also assured the public that PDIC has enough funds to cover all depositors even with a higher MDIC. The Deposit Insurance Fund (DIF) is around P237 billion as of December 2024. The ration of DIF to the estimated insured deposits (EID) is 5% this 2025, which Tan said remains adequate to meet potential insurance risks. (bold added) 

Our Key Takeaways: 

1) An Increase in Compensation rather than Coverage Ratio, Yet Systemic Coverage Remains Low

-The total insured deposit amount is capped at PHP 1 million per depositor.

98.6% of accounts are fully insured, up from 97.6% previously.

-The insured deposit amount increased to PHP 5.3 trillion (24.1% of total deposits) from PHP 3.56 trillion (18.4%) prior to the MDIC.

2) Systemic Risk and Vulnerabilities

-Most of the increase in insured deposits stems from small accounts.

-Large corporate and high-net-worth individual deposits remain largely uninsured, maintaining systemic vulnerability.

3) PDIC’s Coverage Limitations

-The PDIC only covers BSP-ordered closures, excluding losses due to fraud.

-If bank failures are triggered by fraud (e.g., misreported loan books, hidden losses), depositor panic may escalate before the PDIC intervenes.

-Runs on solvent banks could still occur if system trust weakens.

Figure/Table 8 

4) Mathematical Constraints on PDIC's Deposit Insurance Fund (DIF) and Assets

-The PDIC's 2023 total assets of PHP 339.6 billion account for only 1.74% of total deposits. (Figure/Table 8)

-The Deposit Insurance Fund (DIF) of PHP 237 billion represents a mere 6.7% of insured deposits.

-PDIC assets and DIF account for 3.46% and 2.42% of the deposit base of the four PSEi 30 banks.

-In the event of a mid-to-large bank failure, the DIF would be insufficient, necessitating government or BSP intervention.

5) The Systemic Policy Blind Spot

-Such policy assumes an "orderly" distribution of bank failures—small banks failing, not large ones. In reality, tail risks (big bank failures) drive financial crises, not small-bank failures.

6) Impact of RRR Cuts on Risk-Taking Behavior

-The second leg of the RRR cut in March 2025 injects liquidity, potentially encouraging higher risk-taking by banks.

-Once again, the increase in deposit insurance likely serves as a confidence tool rather than a genuine risk mitigant.

7) Rising risk due to moral hazard: The increased insurance may encourage riskier behavior by both depositors and banks.

8) Consequences of Significant Bank Failures

-If funds are insufficient, the Bureau of Treasury might cover the DIF gap. Such a bailout would expand the fiscal deficit, with the BSP likely to monetize debt.

-A more likely scenario is that the BSP intervenes directly, as the PDIC is an agency of the BSP, by rescuing depositors through liquidity injections or monetary expansion.

In both scenarios, this would amplify inflation risks and the devaluation of the Philippine peso, likely exacerbated by increased capital flight and a higher risk premium on peso assets. 

X. Conclusion: Band-aid Solutions Magnify Risks 

The BSP’s easing cycle has fueled a lending boom, masked NPL risks, and propped up government debt holdings, yet liquidity remains elusive. Cash reserves are shrinking, deposit growth is faltering, and banks are borrowing heavily to stay afloat. 

The PDIC’s insurance hike offers little systemic protection, leaving the banking system vulnerable to tail risks. A mid-to-large bank failure would likely burden the government or BSP, triggering further unintended consequences. 

As contradictions mount, a critical question persists: can this stealth loose financial environment sustain itself, or is it a prelude to a deeper crisis?

 

Philippine Treasury Markets vs. the Government’s February 2.1% Inflation Narrative: Who’s Right?

 

Inflation is a tax. Money for the government. A tax that people don’t see as a tax. That’s the best kind, for politicians—Lionel Shriver 

In this issue

Philippine Treasury Markets vs. the Government’s February 2.1% Inflation Narrative: Who’s Right?

I. February Inflation: A "Positive Surprise" or Statistical Mirage?

II. Demand Paradox: Near Full-Employment and Record Credit Highs in the face of Falling CPI and GDP?

III. The Financial Black Hole: Where Is Bank Credit Expansion Flowing?

IV. The USDPHP Cap: A Hidden CPI Subsidy

V. Markets versus Government Statistics: Philippine Treasury Markets Diverge from the CPI Data 

Philippine Treasury Markets vs. the Government’s February 2.1% Inflation Narrative: Who’s Right? 

With price controls driving February CPI down to 2.1%, the BSP’s easing narrative gains traction—yet treasury markets remain deeply skeptical

I. February Inflation: A "Positive Surprise" or Statistical Mirage?

ABS-CBN News, March 5: Inflation eased to 2.1 percent in February because of slower price increases in food and non-alcoholic beverages, among others, the Philippine Statistics Authority said Wednesday. In a press briefing, the PSA said food inflation slowed to 2.6 percent in February from 3.8 percent in January. The state statistics bureau noted that rice inflation further slowed to -4.9 percent from -2.3 percent in January…But the PSA noted that pork prices jumped by 12.1 percent in February, while the price of chicken meat leapt by 10.8 percent.  The cost of passenger transport by sea also soared to 56.2 percent in February.  Del Prado said the African swine fever problem continue to hurt pork prices in the Philippines. She said, however, that the Department of Agriculture’s plan to impose a maximum suggested retail price on pork may help ease price hikes. 

The Philippine government recently announced that inflation unexpectedly dropped to 2.1% in February 2025. One official media outlet hailed it a "positive surprise" in its headline. 

But is this optimism warranted? 

While the Philippine Stock Exchange (PSE)—via the "national team"—welcomed this news, interpreting it as a sign that the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) could continue its loose monetary policy—essentially providing a pretext for rate cuts—the more critical Philippine treasury markets, which serve as indicators of interest rate trends, appeared to hold a starkly different view. 

As an aside, the BSP’s reserve requirement ratio (RRR) cut takes effect this March 28th, adding fuel to the easing narrative. 

The odd thing is that a critical detail has been conspicuously absent from most media coverage: on February 3, 2025, authorities implemented the "Food Emergency Security" (FES) measure. 

This policy, centered on price controls—specifically Maximum Suggested Retail Prices (MSRP)—was supported by the release of government reserves. 

Consequently, February’s Consumer Price Index (CPI) reflects political intervention rather than organic market dynamics.

Figure 1

Even more telling is an overlooked trend: the year-on-year (YoY) change in the national average weighted price of rice had been declining since its peak in April 2024—well before the FES was enacted. (Figure 1, topmost graph) 

In a nutshell, the FES merely reinforced the ongoing downtrend in rice prices, serving more as an election-year tactic to demonstrate government action "we are doing something about rice prices," rather than an actual cause of the decline. 

Nevertheless, it won’t be long before officials pat themselves on the back and proclaim the policy a triumph. Incredible. 

But what about its future implications? 

Unlike rice, where government reserves were available to support price controls, the impending implementation of MSRP for pork products next week lacks similar supply-side support. This suggests that any price stabilization achieved will be short-lived. (Figure 1, middle chart) 

As noted in February,  

However, as history shows, the insidious effects of distortive policies surface over time. Intervention begets more intervention, as authorities scramble to manage the unintended consequences of their previous actions. Consequently, food CPI remains under pressure. (Prudent Investor, 2025)  

Nevertheless, manipulating statistics serves a political function—justifying policies through "benchmark-ism."  

Beyond food prices, which dragged down the headline CPI, core CPI also eased from 2.6% in January to 2.4% in February. 

Despite this pullback, the underlying inflation cycle appears intact. (Figure 1, lowest image) 

Government narratives consistently frame inflation as a ‘supply-side’ issue or blame it on "greedflation," yet much of their approach remains focused on demand-side management through BSP’s inflation-targeting policies. 

II. Demand Paradox: Near Full-Employment and Record Credit Highs in the face of Falling CPI and GDP? 

Authorities claim that employment rates have recently declined but remain near all-time highs. 

But how true is this?

Figure 2

The employment rate slipped from an all-time high of 96.9% in December 2024 to 95.7% in January 2025—a level previously hit in December 2023 and June 2024. (Figure 2, topmost image) 

Remarkably, despite near-full employment, the CPI continues to slide. 

Officials might argue this reflects productivity gains.  But that claim is misleading.

Consumer credit growth—driven by credit cards and supported by salary loans—has been on a record-breaking tear, rising 24.4% YoY in January 2025, marking its 28th consecutive month above 20%. (Figure 2, middle window) 

Yet, unlike the 2021-2022 period, headline CPI has weakened. 

Could this signal diminishing returns—mainly from refinancing? 

Beyond CPI, total Universal-Commercial (UC) bank loans have surged since Q1 2021—unfazed by official interest rate levels. (Figure 2, lowest diagram)

Figure 3

The slowing growth in salary loans seems to mirror the CPI’s decline. (Figure 3, upper pane) 

And it’s not just inflation. 

Despite an ongoing surge in Universal-Commercial (UC) bank loans since Q1 2021—regardless of official interest rate levels—weak consumption continues to weigh on GDP growth. The second half of 2024 saw GDP growth slow to just 5.2%. (Figure 3, lower chart) 

This boom coincides with record real estate vacancies, near unprecedented hunger rates, and almost milestone highs in self-reported poverty. 

So, where has demand gone? 

In January 2025, UC bank loans (both production and consumer) increased by 13.27% year-on-year. 

Are the government’s employment figures an accurate reflection of labor market conditions? Or, like CPI data, are they another exercise in "benchmark-ism" designed to persuade voters and depositors that the political economy remains stable? 

III. The Financial Black Hole: Where Is Bank Credit Expansion Flowing?

Figure 4 

Ironically, bank financing of the government, as reflected in Net Claims on the Central Government (NCoCG), continues to soar—up 7.4% year-on-year to PHP 5.41 trillion in January 2025, though slightly down from December 2024’s historic PHP 5.54 trillion. 

Meanwhile, since bottoming at 1.5% in April 2023, BSP currency issuance has trended upward, accelerating from May 2024 to January 2025, when it hit 11% YoY. (Figure 4, topmost graph) 

Despite this massive liquidity injection—via bank lending and government borrowing—deflationary forces persist in the CPI. 

Where is this money flowing? What "financial black hole" is absorbing the injected liquidity? 

IV. The USDPHP Cap: A Hidden CPI Subsidy 

The recent weakness of the US dollar—primarily due to a strong euro rally following U.S. President Trump’s pressure on Europe to increase NATO contributions—has driven up the region’s stock markets, particularly defense sector stocks. This, in turn, has triggered a global bond selloff.

The euro’s strength has also bolstered ASEAN currencies, including the Philippine peso. 

As predicted, the BSP’s cap on the USD-PHP exchange rate— a de facto subsidy—has fueled an increase in imports. In January, the nation’s trade deficit widened by 17% to USD 5.1 billion due to a 10.8% jump in imports. (Figure 4, middle window) 

Further, to defend this cap, the BSP sold significant foreign exchange (FX) in January, only to replenish its Gross International Reserves (GIR) in February via a USD 3.3 billion bond issuance. The BSP attributes the GIR increase to "(1) national government’s (NG) net foreign currency deposits with the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP), which include proceeds from its issuance of ROP Global Bonds, (2) upward valuation adjustments in the BSP’s gold holdings due to the increase in the price of gold in the international market, and (3) net income from the BSP’s investments abroad." (Figure 5, lowest visual) 

This disclosure confirms the valuable role of gold in the BSP’s reserves. 

In short, the USD-PHP cap has not only subsidized imports but has also artificially suppressed the official CPI figures. 

From 2015 to 2022, the ebbs and flows in the USD-PHP exchange rate were strongly correlated with CPI trends.  

Figure 5

However, since 2022, when the exchange rate cap was strictly enforced, this relationship has broken down, increasing pressure on the credit-financed trade deficit and necessitating further borrowing to sustain both the cap and the Gross International Reserves (GIR). (Figure 5, topmost image) 

V. Markets versus Government Statistics: Philippine Treasury Markets Diverge from the CPI Data 

First, while global bond yields have risen amid the European selloff, this has not been the case for most ASEAN markets—except for the Philippines. This suggests that domestic factors have been the primary driver of movements in the ASEAN treasury markets, including the Philippines. (Figure 5, middle and lowest graphs)

Figure 6

Second, it is important to note that institutional traders dominate the Philippine treasury markets. This dynamic creates a distinction between the public statements of their respective "experts" and the actual trading behavior of market participants—"demonstrated preferences." 

The apparent divergence between the CPI and Philippine 10-year bond yields—despite their previous seven-year correlation—reveals disruptions caused by other influencing factors. (Figure 6, upper chart) 

Or, while analysts often serve as institutional cheerleaders for the traditional market response to an easing cycle, traders seem to be reacting differently.

Finally, further cementing this case for decoupling, the Philippine yield curve steepened (bearish steeper) during the week of the CPI announcement—suggesting that treasury markets are pricing in future inflation risks or tighter policy, potentially discounting the recent CPI decline as temporary. (Figure 6, lowest graph) 

All in all, while the government and the BSP claim to have successfully contained inflation, treasury markets remain highly skeptical—whether about the integrity of the data, the sustainability of current policies, or both. 

Our bet is on the latter.

___

References  

Prudent Investor, January 2025 2.9% CPI: Food Security Emergency andthe Vicious Cycle of Interventionism February 10, 2025

 

2024’s Savings-Investment Gap Reaches Second-Widest Level as Fiscal Deficit Shrinks on Non-Tax Windfalls

 

Deficits add up. Debt needs to be refinanced. And the larger the cost of servicing past spending, the less is available for the present. This is inherently and obviously a crackpot way to run a nation. It guarantees chaos, inflation, defaults and poverty—Bill Bonner 

In this issue

2024’s Savings-Investment Gap Reaches Second-Widest Level as Fiscal Deficit Shrinks on Non-Tax Windfalls 

In 2024, the Philippines' Savings-Investment Gap continued to widen to a near record, driven primarily by fiscal deficit spending—its effects and potential consequences discussed in two connected articles.

A. The Widening Savings-Investment Gap: A Growing Threat to Long-Term Stability

I. The Philippines as a Poster Child of Keynesian Economic Development

II. The Persistent Decline in Savings and the Investment Boom

III. Sectoral Investment Allocation and Bank Lending Trends

IV. Bank Lending Patterns and the Role of Real Estate

V. The SI Gap and the ’Twin Deficits’

VI. Conclusion: Deepening SI Gap a Risk to Long-Term Stability

B. 2024 Fiscal Performance: Narrower Deficit Fueled by Non-Tax Windfalls, Masking Structural Risks

I. 2024 Deficit Reduction: A Superficial Improvement? Revenue Growth: The Role of Non-Tax Windfalls

II. Government Spending Trends: A Recurring Pattern; Symptoms of Centralization

III. 2024 Public Debt and Debt Servicing Costs Soared to Record Highs!

IV. Public "Investments:" Unintended Market and Economic Distortions

V. Conclusion: Current Fiscal Trajectory a Growing Risk to Financial and Economic Stability 

A. The Widening Savings-Investment Gap: A Growing Threat to Long-Term Stability

I. The Philippines as a Poster Child of Keynesian Economic Development

 Figure 1

Businessworld, February 28, 2025: In 2024, the country’s savings rate — defined as gross domestic savings as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP) — grew to 9.3%, reaching P2.47 trillion. Meanwhile, the investment rate was 23.7% of GDP, or P6.27 trillion, resulting in a P3.8-trillion gap. The savings-investment gap (S-I) gap — the difference between gross domestic savings and gross capital formation — shows a country’s ability to finance its overall investment needs. An S-I deficit occurs when a country’s investment expenditures exceed its savings, forcing borrowing to fund the gap. (Figure 1, topmost chart)

The Philippines may be considered one of the poster children of Keynesian economic development.

Given that aggregate demand serves as the foundation of the economy, national economic policies have been designed to stimulate and manage a spending-driven growth model, particularly through investment and consumption.

From a Keynesian perspective, the government is expected to compensate for any spending shortfall from the private sector by increasing its own expenditures.

The Savings-Investment Gap (SIG) serves as a key metric for tracking the evolution of aggregate demand management over time.

However, this ratio may be understated due to potential discrepancies in macroeconomic data—GDP figures may be overstated, while inflation (CPI) may be understated. Or, in my humble view, the actual savings rate may be even lower than indicated.

II. The Persistent Decline in Savings and the Investment Boom

The Philippines’ gross domestic savings rate has been in a downtrend since 1985, but it plummeted after 2018, coinciding with an acceleration in government spending. This trend worsened in 2020, when the pandemic triggered a surge in public expenditures. (Figure 1, middle image) 

From 1985 onward, the persistent decline in savings suggests a rise in household consumption, a "trickle-down effect," supported by accommodative monetary policy and moderate fiscal expansion.

Meanwhile, the investment rate surged between 2016 and 2019, driven by government-led initiatives, particularly the ‘Build, Build, Build’ program.

However, the 2020 collapse—where both savings and investment rates fell sharply—highlighted the government’s aggressive "automatic stabilization" response to the pandemic recession, which relied on RECORD deficit spending and monetary stimulus.

The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) introduced unprecedented measures, including ₱2.3 trillion in liquidity injections, historic reductions in reserve requirements and policy rates, a managed USDPHP cap, and various financial relief programs.

III. Sectoral Investment Allocation and Bank Lending Trends 

The distribution of investments can be inferred from sectoral GDP contributions and bank lending trends. 

As of 2024, the five largest contributors to GDP were:

-Trade (18.6%)

-Manufacturing (17.6%)

-Finance (10.6%)

-Agriculture (8%)

-Construction (7.5%) (Figure 1, lowest graph) 

However, both manufacturing and agriculture have been in decline since 2000, suggesting that investments have largely flowed into trade, finance, and construction (including government-related projects).

Real estate, once a growing sector, peaked in 2015 and has since been in decline. Nevertheless, it remained the seventh-largest sector in 2024. It trailed professional and business services—which encompasses head office activities, architectural and engineering services, management consultancy, accounting, advertising, and legal services.

The top five GDP contributors accounted for 62.25% of total output, down from 66.06% in 2020, primarily due to the contraction in manufacturing and agriculture. 

IV. Bank Lending Patterns and the Role of Real Estate

Figure 2

While the real estate sector's share of real GDP declined, its share of bank lending expanded significantly. (Figure 2, topmost window) 

From 2014, real estate-related borrowing rose sharply, peaking in 2021, before moderating below 2022 levels. Nevertheless, real estate remained the largest client of the banking system in 2024, accounting for 19.6% of total loans. (Figure 2, middle diagram) 

That is—assuming banks have reported accurate data to the BSP. The reality is that banks often lack transparency regarding loan distribution and utilization (where the money is actually spent). 

Given that many retail investors (mom-and-pop borrowers) are very active in real estate, it is likely that actual exposure is understated, as banks may structure their reporting to circumvent BSP lending caps on the sector—it extended the price cap during the pandemic. 

In the meantime, the share of consumer lending has seen the most significant growth, surging after 2014 and becoming the dominant growth segment of bank credit. 

Meanwhile, the share of loans to the trade industry declined marginally, and manufacturing loans saw a steep drop—reflecting its GDP performance. 

Lending to the financial sector peaked in 2022 but has since declined, whereas credit to the utilities sector increased from 2014 to 2020 and has remained stable since. 

V. The SI Gap and the ’Twin Deficits’ 

The sharp decline in manufacturing underscores the structural imbalances reflected in the SI Gap, which in turn has contributed to the record "twin deficits" (fiscal and external trade). (Figure 2, lowest chart) 

As both consumers and the government spent beyond domestic productive capacity, the economy became increasingly reliant on imports to satisfy aggregate demand. 

Although the deficits have slightly narrowed from their pandemic peaks, they remain at ‘emergency stimulus levels’, posing risks to long-term stability. (see discussion on fiscal health below) 

These deficits have been—and will continue to be—financed through both domestic (household) and foreign (external debt) borrowing.

Figure 3 

The widening SIG has coincided with a decline in M2 savings growth, while the M2-to-GDP ratio surged, reflecting both credit expansion and monetary stimulus (including BSP’s money printing operations). (Figure 3, upper pane) 

External debt has also reached an all-time high in 2024, adding another layer of vulnerability. 

VI. Conclusion: Deepening SI Gap a Risk to Long-Term Stability 

The Philippines' growing S-I gap and declining savings rate reflect deep-seated structural imbalances that raise concerns about long-term economic stability. 

A shrinking domestic savings pool limits capital accumulation, increase dependence on external financing, and expose the economy to risks such as debt distress and currency fluctuations. 

B. 2024 Fiscal Performance: Narrower Deficit Fueled by Non-Tax Windfalls, Masking Structural Risks 

I. 2024 Deficit Reduction: A Superficial Improvement? Revenue Growth: The Role of Non-Tax Windfalls 

Inquirer.net, February 28: "The Marcos administration posted a smaller budget shortfall in 2024, but it was not enough to contain the deficit within the government’s limit as unexpected expenses pushed up total state spending. Latest data from the Bureau of the Treasury (BTr) showed that the budget gap had dipped by 0.38 percent to around P1.51 trillion last year. As a share of gross domestic product (GDP), the deficit improved to 5.7 percent last year, from 6.22 percent in 2023. But it still indicated that the government had spent beyond its means, requiring more borrowings that pushed the state’s outstanding debt load to P16.05 trillion by the end of 2024." (bold added)

Now, let us examine the performance of the so-called "public investment" in 2024.

Officials hailed the alleged improvement in the fiscal balance. One remarked, "This is the lowest since 2020 and shows the good work of the administration's economic team."

Another noted that "the drop in the deficit was ‘better than expected,’" implying that "the government no longer needs to borrow as much if the budget deficit is shrinking."

From my perspective, manipulating popular benchmarks—whether through statistical adjustments or market prices—as a form of political signaling to sway depositors and voters—is what I call "benchmark-ism."

While both spending and revenues hit their respective milestones, the 2024 fiscal deficit only decreased marginally from Php 1.512 trillion to Php 1.51 trillion. (Figure 3, lower image)

The so-called "improvement" mainly resulted from a decline in the deficit-to-GDP ratio, which fell from 6.22% in 2023 to 5.7% in 2024—a reduction driven largely by nominal GDP growth rather than actual fiscal restraint.

Authorities credit this "improvement" primarily to revenue growth.

While it's true that fiscal stimulus led to a broad-based increase in revenues, officials either deliberately downplayed or diverted attention from the underlying reality.

Figure 4

Despite record bank credit expansion in 2024, tax revenue only increased 10.8%, driven by the Bureau of Internal Revenue’s (BIR) modest 13.3% growth and the Bureau of Customs’ (BoC) paltry 3.8% rise. Instead, the real driver of revenue growth was an extraordinary 56.9% surge in NON-tax revenues, which pushed total public revenues up 15.56%. (Figure 4, middle image) 

As a result, the share of non-tax revenues spiked from 10.3% in 2023 to 14% in 2024—its highest level since 2007’s 17.9%! (Figure 4, topmost diagram) 

The details or the nitty gritty tell an even more revealing story. According to the Bureau of Treasury (February 27): "Total revenue from other offices (other non-tax, including privatization proceeds, fees and charges, grants, and fund balance transfers) doubled to PHP 335.0 billion from PHP 167.2 billion a year ago and exceeded the P262.6 billion revised program by 27.56% (PHP 72.4 billion) primarily due to one-off remittances." (bold added)

To emphasize: ONE-OFF remittances!

Revenues from "Other Offices" doubled in 2024, with its share jumping from 4.4% to 7.6%.

If this one-time windfall hadn’t occurred, the fiscal deficit would have exploded to a new record of Php 1.84 trillion! 

Despite the minor deficit reduction, public debt still surged. 

Public debt rose by 9.82% YoY (Php 1.435 trillion) in 2024—higher than 8.92% (Php 1.2 trillion) in 2023. (Figure 4, lowest graph) 

Was the increased borrowing in 2024 a response to cosmetically reducing the fiscal deficit? 

And that’s not all.

II. Government Spending Trends: A Recurring Pattern; Symptoms of Centralization

Figure 5

For the sixth consecutive year, the government exceeded the ‘enacted budget’ passed by Congress. The Php 157 billion overrun in 2024 was the largest since the post-pandemic recession in 2021, when the government implemented its most aggressive fiscal-monetary stimulus package. (Figure 5, topmost chart)

More importantly, this repeated breach of the "enacted budget" signals a growing shift of fiscal power from Congress to the executive branch.

Looking ahead, 2025’s enacted budget of Php 6.326 trillion represents a 9.7% increase from 2024’s Php 5.768 trillion.

The seemingly perpetual spending growth has been justified on the assumption of delivering projected GDP growth. 

While some "experts" claim the Philippines is becoming more ’business-friendly,’ the growing expenditure-to-GDP ratio tells a different story:

-The government is increasingly centralizing control over economic resources.

-This trend began in 2014, accelerated in 2016, and peaked in 2021 at 24.1%—the first breach of the enacted budget. After marginally declining to 21.94% in 2023, it rebounded to 22.4% in 2024. (Figure 5, middle image)

However, these figures only account for public spending. When factoring in private sector funds allocated to government projects, the true extent of government influence could easily exceed 30% of economic activity.

Of course, this doesn’t come for free. Government spending is funded through taxation, borrowing, and inflation. 

The more the government "invests," the fewer resources remain for private sector growth—the crowding out effect. 

This spending-driven economic model has distorted production and price structures, evident in: 

-The persistent "twin deficits"

-A second wave of inflation (Figure 5, lowest visual) 

III. 2024 Public Debt and Debt Servicing Costs Soared to Record Highs!

Figure 6

And surging public debt is just one of the consequences of crowding out the private sector. 

Public debt-to-GDP rose from 60.1% in 2023 to 60.7% in 2024—matching 2005 levels. (Figure 6, topmost diagram) 

More strikingly, debt service (interest + amortization) as a share of GDP surged from 6.6% in 2023 to 7.6% in 2024—its highest since 2011.

In fact, both debt-to-GDP and debt service-to-GDP in 2024 exceeded pre-Asian Crisis levels (1996-1997). 

Rising debt service costs imply that: 

1 Government spending will increasingly be diverted toward debt payments or rising debt service costs constrain fiscal flexibility, leaving fewer resources for essential public investments

2 Revenues will suffer diminishing returns as debt servicing costs spiral (Figure 6 middle window)

3 Growing risks of inflation (financial repression or the inflation tax)—as government responds with printing money

4 Mounting pressures for taxes to increase 

The principal enabler of this debt buildup has been the BSP’s prolonged easy money regime. (Figure 6, lowest chart)

Figure 7

The banking system has benefited from extraordinary BSP political support, including: Official rate and RRR cuts, liquidity injections, USDPHP cap and various subsidies and relief measures 

The industry has also functioned as a primary financier of government debt via net claims on central government or NCoCG), with banks acquiring government debt—reaching an all-time high in 2024. (Figure 7, topmost window)

IV. Public "Investments:" Unintended Market and Economic Distortions

This policy stance of propping up the banking system comes with unintended consequences. 

Bank liquidity has steadily declined—the cash-to-deposit ratio has weakened since 2013, mirroring the rising deficit-to-GDP ratio. (Figure 7, middle graph) 

Market distortions are also evident in declining stock market transactions and the PSEi 30’s prolonged bear market—despite interventions by the so-called "National Team." (Figure 7, lowest chart)

V. Conclusion: Current Fiscal Trajectory a Growing Risk to Financial and Economic Stability 

So, what’s the bottom line? 

Government "investment" is, in reality, consumption. 

It has fueled economic distortions, malinvestment, and ballooning public debt—ultimately crowding out private sector investment and jeopardizing fiscal sustainability. 

Political "free lunches" remain popular, not only among the public but also within the “intelligentsia” class or the intellectual cheerleaders of the government.

As we warned last December: 

"Any steep economic slowdown or recession would likely compel the government to increase spending, potentially driving the deficit to record levels or beyond. 

Unless deliberate efforts are made to curb spending growth, the government’s ongoing centralization of the economy will continue to escalate the risk of a fiscal blowout. 

Despite the mainstream's Pollyannaish narrative, the current trajectory presents significant challenges to long-term fiscal stability." (Prudent Investor 2024)

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References: 

Prudent Investor, Debt-Financed Stimulus Forever? The Philippine Government’s Relentless Pursuit of "Upper Middle-Income" Status December 1, 2025